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JOURNAL

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY

GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND,

otjrteent

CONTENTS OF YOU XIV.

[NEW SERIES.]

ORIGINAL COMMUNICATIONS. %

PAGE

Art. I. — The Apology of A1 Kincly. An Essay on its Age
and Authorship. By Sir William Mtjir, K.C.S.I.,

Art. II. — The Poet Pampa. By Lewis Rice , 19

Art. III. — On a Coin of Shams ud Lunya wa ud Lin Mahmud
Shab By Charles J. Rodgers, M.R.A.S., for-
mal College, Christian Vernacular Education
Society for India, Amritsar 24

Art. IV. — A Sculptured Tope on an old Stone at Lras, Ladak.

By William Simpson, P.R.Gr.S 28

Art. V. — Eote on PL xxviii. fig. 1 , of Mr. Eergusson’s “ Tree
and Serpent Worship,” 2nd Edition. By S. Beal,
Professor of Chinese, London University .a.... 39

Art. VI. — On the Present State of Mongolian Researches. .

By Prof. B. Julgl In a Letter to Robert K
Gust, Esq., Hon. Sec. B.A.S. . . . v ........... 42

Art. VII. — Sanskrit Ode addressed fo the Pifth International

Congress of Orientalists assembled at Berlin, . ,
September, 1881. By the Lady Pandit Rama-baI,
of Silehar, Ivachar, Assam. With a Translation
by Professor Monier Williams, C.I.E. ........ 66

, y j ' CONTENTS.

Art. VIII. — The Intercourse of China with Eastern Turkestan
and the Adjacent Countries in the Second Century

33 . c. By Thos. W. Kjngsmill 74

Art. IX. — Suggestions on the Formation of the Semitic
Tenses. A Comparative and Critical Study. By

G. Bertie, M.E.A.S. /. 103

Art. X. — On a Lolo MS. Written on Satin. By M. TuiutrEN

be La Coitperie, M.E.A.S. 1 19

Art. XI.— On Tartar and Turk. By S. W. Kojbllk, Ph.D.,
Corresponding* Member of the Royal Academy of
Science in Berlin, and Missionary of the Church
Missionary Society 12 o

Art. XII. — Notice of the Scholars who have. Contributed to
the Extension of our Knowledge of the Languages
of Africa. By E. N. Cust, Honorary Secretary

E.A.S. , Uio

Art. XIII. — Grammatical Sketch of the Mausa. Language.

By the Eev. J. F. Schox, F.E.G.S. ; of the Church
Missionary Society, and Chaplain of Melville
Hospital, Chatham . . . , 1 7(;

Art. XIV. — Buddhist Saint Worship. By Annum Lillie,

M.E.A.S. 2 lb

Art. XV. — Gleanings from the Arabic. By H. W. Free-

laud, M.A., M.E.A.S. 227 **

Art. XVI.— AI Kahirah and its Gatos. By H. C. Kay, Esq.,

M.A., M.E.A.S. 229

Art. XVII. — How tlie MahalMnita Begins. By Erwin
Arnold, C.S.I., M.lt.A.S., Officer of the White
Elephant of Siam 240

CONTENTS. v ij

">"■ PAGE

Art, XYIII. — Arab Metrology. IY. Ed-Dahaby. By M.

H. Sattvaire . . 264

Art. XIX. — Tlie Yaishnava Beligion, with special reference
to the S'iksha-patrl of the Modern Sect called
Svami-Xarayana. By Mooter Williams, C.I.E.,
D.C.L., Boden Professor of Sanskrit, and Bellow
of Balliol College, Oxford 289

Art. XX. — Further Xote on the Apology of Al-Kindy. By

Sir W. Muir, KC.S.L, D.C.L., LL.D 317

Art. XXI. — The Buddhist Caves of Afghanistan. By

William SrMPsox 319

Art. XXI*. — The Identification of the Sculptured Tope at

Sanchi. By William Simpsox 332

Art. XXII. — On the Genealogy of Modern Xumerals. By

Sir E. Cliye Bayley, KC.S.L, C.I.E 33 5

Art. XXIII. — The Cuneiform Inscriptions of Yan, De-
ciphered and Translated. By A. H. Sayce .... 377

Art. XXIY. — Sanskrit Text of the S'iksha-Patri of the
Svami-Xarayana Sect. Edited and translated
by Professor Mooter Williams, C.I.E., D.C.L. . , 733

Art. XXY. — The Successors of the Seljuks in Asia Minor.

By Stanley Lane-Poole 773

Art. XX’ YI. — The Oldest Book of the Chinese (the Yh~

King) and its Authors. By Terrien de La
Couperie, M.B.A.S. ... .................... . 781

Index. . * . • 817

JOURNAL

THE BOYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

Art. I . — The Apology of Al Kindy. An Essay on its Ago and
Authorship . By Sir William Muir, K.C.S.L, LL.D.

Al Biruni, in bis Vestiges of Ancient Nations, written
a.d. 1000 (a.h. 390), while describing the customs of the
Sabeans, cites the authority of Ibn Ishdc al Kindy , the
Christian , in these words:

“ Likewise Abd al Masih ibn Ishac al Kindy, the Christian, in his
reply to the Epistle of Abdallah ibn Ismail al Hashimy, relates of
them (the Sabeans) that they are notorious for Human sacrifice,
but that at present they are not able to practise openly the same.” 1

A work answering the above description has recently been
published by the Turkish Mission Aid Society, in Arabic,
under the following title : The Epistle of Abdallah ibn Ismail
al Hdshimy to Abd al Masih ibn Ishdc al Kindy , inviting him
to embrace Islam ; and the Reply of Abd al Masih, refuting
the same, and inviting the Kdshimite to embrace the Christian
Faith. • ■

The book, we learn from a Note at the end, was printed
from two MSS. obtained, one In Egypt, the other in Constan-
tinople. Neither has the name of the copyist, nor the year of
transcription. They are both said in this note, to be full

1 Chronology of jLncient Nations yip. 187, by Dr. Sachan, London, 1879.

aLH &+£ si (auLsSI jjf!)

THE APOLOGY OF AL KINDY.

of errors and discrepancies. But tlie book lias been edited
;i; with care and intelligence, and as a whole may be regarded

as a correct reproduction of the original. The editor certainly
deserves great credit for the way in which the task is
' executed. I proceed to give a brief account of the work.

■ ' The letters, themselves anonymous, are preceded by a

short preface :

(t In the Name of & on, the One, the Eternal.

u It is related that in the time of Abdallah al Mam to, there
lived a man of Hashimite descent, and of Abbas side lineage, nearly
related to the Caliph. The same was famed, among high and low,
for devotion to Islam, and the careful observance of all its
ordinances. This person had a friend, learned and virtuous,
endowed with the gifts of culture and science, of pure and noble
descent from the Beni Kind a, and distinguished for his attachment
to the Christian faith. The same was in the service of the Caliph,
and nigh unto him in honour and dignity. Now these two men had
a mutual love, and an implicit trust in the friendship of each other.
Al Mam to, Commander of the Faithful, moreover, and his whole
Court, were aware of it. But we are averse from mentioning theii
names, lest it should do harm. The Hashimite wrote to the
Christian a letter, of which this is a copy.” 1

1 I subjoin the Arabic text : ^

Jo-

J=rj 431 -V 5 k?*) 4

cL*4b ALlsh ajIjaII SriS

r UaJg jLiSl S&Jej

eLoAl ^ JSjJu# 4 ‘UU'j <ubs3\ Aifi uASL jyy~*

JXy LAj-aJl Oib^db JOA kS^ }•*

^bbsru , blO blC* <*w« Ujp, o

Xclwr, wr .LJl jx, 4 uo^bj W**

jOjJ ^1 cAJL U s's <u <L‘b=*A

Cki ,^0^41 , 1 JL4' ^ ZU

I**-

ITS AGE AND AUTHORSHIP.

THE APOLOGY OP AL KINDT.

It is otherwise with the short Preface, which is the s
in both MSS., and probably formed the Introduction to
Discussion as it at first appeared. Excepting, however
it gives the name of the Caliph, the preface adds nothin
what we gather from the Epistles themselves of the pi

^ > y *

i ^v=r ^ ^ €■* ^

the passage quoted by him as noticed at the beginning o
this paper. Our Apologist there writes : .

« We know from the Book of Genesis that Abraham lived with
his people four-score years and ten, in the land of Harran worship-
ping none other than A1 Ozaa, an idol famous in that land and
adored by the men of Harran under the name of the Moon, which
same cultom prevails among thorn to the present day They
conceal no part of their ancestral practices, save only the sacnfico
human beings. They cannot now offer up human sacrifices open y ,
but they practise tlie same in secret.’’ 1

In the brief Preface, it will have been observed that the
correspondence is said to have taken place at the Court of Al
MAmun (198-218 a.h.). At the close of the Egyptian MS.
is the following Note :

« It is related that the subject of these two Epistles readied Abe
ears of Al Mamun; whereupon he sent for them, and at ^
both read to him without stopping, from beginning to enl. ^ -
then declared that he had no ground for interference, nor . ™
against the Christian apologist. There are (added the Calii 1 two
religions — one for this world, the Maoia*, following the prec vp of
Zoroaster; the other for the world to come-the Christian, tol l-
ing the precepts of the Messiah. But the true religion is -
the ta taught by our Master. That verily is the religion which
servetli both for this life and the next.”— p-

This note is wanting in the Constantinople MS. It is no

doubt an addition to the Treatise as originally put forth ,
of w hat antiquity and authority there is no ground lor

ITS AGE AND AUTHORSHIP.

ality of the disputants, namely, that both lived at the Court
of the Caliph ; that the Mahometan was the cousin of the
Caliph, a Hashimite of Abbasside lineage ; and that the
Christian was a learned man at the same Court, of distin-
guished descent from the tribe of the Beni Kinda, and held
in honour and regard by A1 Mamun and his nobles. But the
names and further identification of the disputants are with-
held, from motives of prudence, — “in case it might do harm.”

From the passage in Al Biruni, however, it is evident that
in his time (390 a.h.) the Discussion was currently received
under the title, “The Reply of Abd al Masih Ibn Ishdc al
Kindy, to the Epistle of Abdallah ibn Ismail al Hashimy.”
The epithets Abdallah and Abd al Masih are of course nonis
de plume . It is possible that the other names (in italics) are
so also ; — Isaac and Ishmael symbolizing the Christian and
Moslem antagonists.

Whether this be so or no, the name of Ibn Ishdc al Kindy
has occasioned the surmise in some quarters that our
Apologist was the same as the famous “Philosopher of
Islam,” Abu Yusuf ibn Ishac al Kindy, who also flourished
at the Court of Mamun and his Successor. There can, how-
ever, be little or no doubt that the famous Al Kindy was a
Mahometan by profession. As a Failsuf, or philosopher, he
was, it may be, not a very orthodox professor ; but, at any
rate, there is no reason to suppose that he had any leaning
towards Christianity : on the contrary (as we shall see
below), he wrote a treatise to refute the doctrine of the
Trinity. His father, or grandfather, was governor of Kufa,
a post that could be held by none other than a Mahometan ;
and Al Ash 4th, the renowned chief of the Beni Kinda, who
was converted in the time of Mahomet, and married Abu
Bekr’s sister, is said to have been his ancestor ; whereas our
Apologist glories in his Christian ancestry.

On the philosopher Al Kindy, de Sacy gives us an inter-
esting note. After showing that D’Herbelot was mistaken
in calling him a Jew, 1 and citing the authority of Abul
Faraj and Ibn AW Oseiba for regarding him as a Mussul-
i On this, see notes an Slane’s Ibn Ehallican, vol. i. pp. xxvii and 355.

THE APOLOGY OE AL KINDY.

man, lie mentions three considerations which might he urged
against this view. First: In the catalogue of his writings
there is none relating to the Coran or to Islam. Second .
A1 Kindy was one of the translators of Aristotle, familiar
with Greek and Syriac ; and men of that stamp were mostly
Christians. Third : In the Bibliotheque Imperiale there is
a MS. (257) entitled A Defence of the Christian .Religion
(apparently identical with our Apology), written in Syriac
characters, but in the Arabic language, the author of which
is named Ydcub KindL

u Of these objections (continues de Saey) the last alone merits atten-
tion ; but it may he met by these counter-considerations. In the
Preface the author is not named. The work is only said to have
been written by a person attached to the court of A1 Mamini, a
Christian of Xindian descent. It is called ( I he Treat ise oi A1
Kendy, the Jacobite. 1 1 It is most likely by a misunderstanding,
or with the ’view of increasing thereby the value of the work, that
it has been ascribed to the authorship of Yaeub Kindy. Ibis
suspicion acquires greater force, as in the catalogue of Syrian
writers, written by Ebed Jesu, we find a certain Ivendi named as
the author of a religious treatise ; and the Ken&i in question (the
same without doubt as the writer of our Syrian MS. (257), or at
least whose name has been assumed as such) lived, according to an
historian cited by Assemanus, about 890 a.d. (280 a.h.), a date to
which it is little likely that Yacub Kendi survived, . . . For the rest
we may suppose that Kendi, in pursuit of his philosophical studies,
had embraced opinions opposed to Mahometan orthodoxy, and that
this led to his faith being suspected— a thing which has occurred to
many Christian philosophers, and among the Jews happened to the
famous MaimonidesA 3

But this Kendi of Ebed Jesu, whoever he was, could not
possibly have been our Apologist, for he flourished towards
the end of the third century of the Hegira, whereas the
Apology (as I hope to establish below) was certainly written
during the reign of A1 Mamftn, near the beginning of that
century. The passage from Assemanus, referred to by de

i . This, of course, is a mistake, as our Apoh ,i! s d

was astaunch Nestorum. There may have been some other Kandy a Jacobite ;
m rather the epithet Urn TdcM has hem ho misunderstood and misapplied,

8 jtalation m L* Egypt© par Abd Allatif, M. do Saey, Paris, 1810, p. 487.

ITS AGE AND ATTTHORSHIP,

Sacy, consists of a note on chapter cxlii. of Ebed Jesu’s
Catalogue (in Syriac verse) of Christian authors. The verse
and note are as follows :

[Yekse.] — “ Caxdius fecit ingens volumen Disputationis et Fidei .

[Note.] — “Candius, 1 6 ^ , Ebn Cauda, hoc est Candiae films;

who flourished under the Nestorian Patriarch Joannes IY., a.d. 893.
Others refer the authorship to Abu Yusuf Yacub ibn Ishac al Kindi;
but he, according to Pocock and Abul Earaj, was a Mahometan . . .
But the Candius whom Ebed Jesu mentions was a Nestorian, not a
Mahometan, and wrote in the Syrian language, not in Arabic.” 1

If any doubts were entertained of the religious principles
of Abu Yusuf ibn Ishac, they must be set at rest by the fact
that he wrote a treatise to disprove the doctrine of the
Trinity. It was answered by Yahya ibn Adi, a Jacobite
writer, whose pamphlet appears as Mo. 108 in Steinschneider’s
list. 2 The same is in the Yatican Library (Codex, 127,
f. 88), and was kindly copied out for me by Prof. Ign.
Gruidi. In this tract, the attack of Ibn Ish&c is quoted and
replied to passage by passage ; and the tenor of the writing
leaves no doubt of the antagonism of the writer to Christianity.

On all these grounds, we must clearly look for the author
of our Apology elsewhere. 3 But before doing so, it may be
expedient to notice the conjecture of de Sacy, that the Apology
may have been ascribed to Abu Yusuf ibn IsMc al Kindy,
either by a misunderstanding, or as a pious fraud with the
view of gaining for it greater celebrity and weight.

As to the supposed misunderstanding, it seems doubtful
whether, in reality, the Apology ever was so ascribed, except-

1 Bibliotheca Orientalis, Assemani, a.d. 1725, vol. iii. p. 213. The assumption
that he wrote in Syriac is unfounded. But the treatise was probably translated into
that language, as well as transliterated from the original into Syriac writing.

2 Pol. und Apolog. Literatur in Arab. Sprache, Leipzig, 1877, p. 126 *

3 Those who care to prosecute the inquiry further, will find an elaborate

article on Al Kindi der Philosoph der Araber, Em Vorbild seiner Zeit nnd seiner
Volkes, by Dr. G. Eliigel, Leipzig, 1857. The paper is founded mainly on the
authority of Ibn Abi Oseiba and Ibn Kufti, ana is learned and exhaustive. A
curious astrological treatise by the same Al Kindy is given by Dr. Otto Loth,
p. 261, Morgen Idndische Porschungen , Leipzig, 1875. The cycles of Arabian
history are there ascribed to astronomical conjunctions, and the essay closes with
a prophecy of the eventual ascendancy of Islam over all other faiths. ,

There is also a short article with an exhaustive list of Ibn Ishac s wotk&, aj
Ibn Joljol, the Spanish writer, in the Bibliotheca Escurialensis, Casm, JMatriti,
1760 a.u. vol. L p. 357.

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SM: 3m
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Ir-^s

g ' THE APOLOGY OF AL KINDT.

in ff as a mere conjecture in modern times. The misunder-
standing, whatever it may have been, has arisen apparen y
from the similarity of name and tribe, as given m the

quotation by A1 Birhni. , . . ,

1 The notion that, with the view of gaming greater weig ,
a paper purporting to be in refutation of Islam and estab-
lishment of Christianity, should have been ascribed _ to a
Mahometan philosopher, will hardly, I think, be seriously
held. What possible advantage could have been expec ,e
from an attempt to palm off a polemical work of the kind on
an enemy of the Christian faith, who had himself attacked
one of its cardinal doctrines ? There is, moreover, no trace m
the Apology itself of any design to rest upon the authority oi a
great name. The writer’s identity, as we have seen, « care-
fully suppressed. The only thing common to the Philo-
sopher” and the Author, which appears throughout the woik,
is that the Author was learned, and went by the tribal title ol
Al Kindy; but that tribe was surely numerous and dis-
tinguished enough to embrace other men of letters and no do
birth at the Court of Al Manmn. Leaving now the _ Ik
sopher ” we may proceed, therefore, to consider the internal
evidence furnished by the book itself of its age and authorship.

I have said that the name of Al Mamijn, though gnen
in the Preface, occurs nowhere in the Epistles themse ves.

ut the manner in which the Caliph is throughout referred
to, accords entirely with the assumption that they were
written at his Court. He is spoken of as the pateinal
cousin of the Moslem writer; his just and tolerant sway
repeatedly acknowledged by Al Kindy; the descent
of the Dynasty from the family of Mahomet is over and
again referred to, and our Author prop that the Empuo
may long be perpetuated in his Patrons lme All thw is
perfectly natural, and in entire consistency with the ascrip-
tion of the work to a courtier m the reign of Al Manum.

Not less remarkable are the propriety and accuracy ot all
historical notices. For example, when tracing the lute of
four Exemplars of the Coran deposited by Othm&n in

- - i.b. .. ltd /vnr* A nAlnffisf, tolls U8 that itl0

ITS AGE AM) AUTHOBSHIP.

copy at Medina disappeared in “ the reign of terror, that is,
in the days of Yezid ibn Muavia ” ; and that the manuscript
at Mecca was lost or burnt in the sack of that city by
Abu Saraya, “the last attack made upon the Kaaba.” 1
This is exactly what a person writing some fifteen years
after the event, and in the reign of A1 Mamun, would say ;
for the siege of Mecca was then, in point of fact, the last
which had taken place, under the insurgent Abu Saraya, in
the year 200 a.h. Had the Apology been written later on, say
in the fourth century, the “ latest attack ” on Mecca would
not have been that of Abu Saraya, but of Soleiman Abu Tahir
in 817 a.h. So also, in illustrating the rapine and plunder
of the early Moslem campaigns, A1 Kindy mentions, as of
a similar predatory and ravaging character, the insurrection
of Babek Ivhurramy, and the danger and anxiety it occa-
sioned thereby “ to our lord and master the Commander of the
Faithful.” This rebellious leader, as we know, had raised the
standard of revolt in Persia and Armenia some years before,
routed an army of the Caliph, and long maintained himself
in opposition to the Imperial forces ; and the notice, as one
of an impending danger then occupying men’s minds, is
precisely of a kind which would be natural and apposite
at the assumed time, and at no other. 2 Once more, in
challenging his friend to produce a single prophecy which
had been fulfilled since the era of Mahomet, he specifies
the time that had elapsed as “a little over 200 years,”
and uses the exact expression to denote the period, which
would fall from the pen of a person writing about the era,
215 a.h., when we assume the work to have been written. 3
While the incidental references to dates and historical facts are
thus in exact and happy keeping with the professed age of the

But there

1 P* 8I * „r. s s l «t

2 p. 47, The name is erroneously printed iZSsjU), But there

can he no doubt that Babek Khurramy C— b is the correct reading.

3 sU AJ c-AO The

words imply “ two hundred and odd years,” or a little over 200. The edict
acraiust the eternity of the Coran was issued I think about the year 211 or
212 A.H. ; and onr Discussion took place probably a year or two later, say

■in A.H*- ; - ; • ; ^ 1 • ;

;!i !

|?t| |

4 A* f ;

Nfli

■w

Bp pjfe

■Hbk

i \

THE APOLOGY OE AL KINDT.

work, there is throughout not a “"e 1 * ffater

political allusions. f Abbasside Dynasty, but of

only with the traditions ^ ^ Alyite faction,

a V^l 1 or latitudinarian sentiment.

andwhich "had just declared

t“r.f?:aiTr»- *.

1 H 1t -:r“

°“ueMi“lt«sr^ to All 1 need hardly point

Court. He carts i w V ^ P ^ strongesfc language, repro-
censures some of bx especially those relating to

hates the ordinances of If am ’ • . • dpnmie hition. It
women, and condemns Jehad tolerated

is difficult to -r? 2i°^»f “ran^d. the Apology
even at the Gou.it of t t Ko-lit or the writer

would have had .mall chance of **m T , 1U , , to
of escaping with ha head upon •*“ sl ‘ 0 “ kl °' , mv „ te n
work did (as tve know) gam currency can only

due to its appearance at to 1 * vcryip'eciul force to the, section

Those remarks apply >.th 'c, ? ^ *.

0 „ the Oman, since ,t c «. h „ JJ ^ of

Apology was written shir.y f u Moslem

M WtoSto winch denied the am

Scriptures. The composition of the 0„ an

i s« ... ltai. U*m m *• ** «*•** S ‘

-cl ■

ITS AGE AND AUTHORSHIP.

our Author in the most incisive style. First, a, Christian
Monk inspired it, and then Babbis interpolated it with
Jewish tales and puerilities. It was collected in a loose
and haphazard way. Besides the authorized edition imposed
by the tyranny of Othman (and subsequently depraved by
Hajjaj), 1 Ali, Obey ibn Kab, and Ibn Masfid, had each their
separate exemplars. Having been compiled, if not in part
composed, by different hands, and thrown unsystematically
together, the text is alleged to be in consequence full of con-
tradictions, incoherencies, and senseless passages. A great
deal of this section, though in less irreverential language,
was no doubt very similar to the kind of arguments held by
the rationalistic Motazelites of the day, and favoured by A1
Mamun. For we know that it was after a hot and prolonged
discussion that the Coran was proclaimed by A1 Mamun to be
created. It is therefore altogether in accord with the proba-
bilities of the case, that this particular phase of the argument
should have been (as we actually find it) treated by our Author
at great length and with a profusion of tradition possessing
little authority, although popular in that day,— a kind of
rank mushroom growth springing out of Abbasside faction.
The tables were soon turned on this free-thinking generation,
who in their turn suffered severe persecution; and never
before or afterwards did such an opportunity occur, as our
Apologist enjoyed, under the very shadow of a Caliph's
Court, to argue out his case with his enemy's weapons
ready to his hand.

A1 Ivindy makes a strong point of the hypocrisy of the
Jews and Bedouins who lived at the rise of Islam, their
superficial conversion, and the sordid and worldly motives
by which, when the great Apostacy followed the Prophet's
death, they were brought back to Islam, “ some by fear and
the sword, some tempted by power and wealth, others drawn
by the lusts and pleasures of this life." It was just the same,

1 The action of A! Haj jaj (who has been sufficiently misrepresented and abused
by tho Abbasside faction) appears to have been mainly confined to certain additions
in the way of diacritical marks. See Slane’s Ibn Kkallikan, vol. i. p, 359 and
note 14, p. 304. But it was natural, at an Abbasside Court, to vilify that great,
but stern, Viceroy of the Omeyyads.

wsggtto

Speech oe
Al Mamun.

12 THE APOLOGY OP AL KINDT.

he said, with the Jews and Magians of his own day. And
to make good his point he proceeds to quote a speech of the
Caliph, made in one of the assemblies which he was m the
habit of holding. The passage is so remarkable and so illus-
trative of the character of Al Mam Cm, that, at the risk of
lengthening my paper, I give it here in full .

And I doubt not but (the Lord bless thee, my Friend! ) thou
rememberest that which passed at an assembly oi
the Commander of the Faithful, to whom it had
been related in respect of one of his Courtiers that,
though outwardly a Moslem, he was at heart a reprobate Magian:
whereupon the Caliph delivered himself (as I have been informed)

in the following terms : , , ,

« By the Lord ! I well know that one and another (and here the

Caliph named a whole company of his Councillors) though 1 -

fessing Islam, are free from the same; they do it to be -
of me- while their convictions, I am well aware, aie just the
:' p rio of W ^ ^ profess. TW ‘ = »

Who embrace Islam, not from any love of this oiu idyj
but thinking thereby to gain access to my Court and sli.ue u
honour wealth, and power of the Realm; they have no inward per-
suasion of that which they outwardly profess. Truly their ease to
my mind, resembleth the too common one of the Jews, who, when
Islm was promulgated, held hy the Tourut and the Law of Moses
And, indeed, I know of one and another (hero the Caliph named
a whole band of bis Courtiers) who were Christians, and embraced
Islam unwillingly. They are neither Moslems nor but

imr>ostors. And how shall I deal with these, seeing that the an so

of God is upon them all? When they abandoned the Magim. religion

(the vilest and most abominable of all religions), it was m< um « « •
on them to hold firmly by the new religion wlueh they mu! .n eed,
instead of by that which they left only in appearance and h j pom s) ,
and so likewise, with those who abandoned the Christian kith ( he
most amenable of all religions to the effulgence o Islam and Im
truth of its creed). But herein, I have the example and , pieoedont
of the Prophet (on whom be blessing!'). l»r many ot k; •«"»-
panions, and familiars, and near of kin professed to kl Ho* him and
be his Helpers; whilst he (on whom be okssuigO knew v .. .

Author’s writing.

ITS AGE ANT) AUTHORSHIP.

enough that they were all the time hypocrites, opposed at heart
to what they outwardly professed. These ceased not to study evil,
and to plot, to seek his fall, and to assist the Idolaters against
him ; insomuch that a company of them lay in wait at a certain
pass to affright his mule, so that it might throw him, and he he
killed. But the Lord delivered and protected him from their
snares, and the evil they thought to visit him with. Notwith-
standing, he intreated them courteously to the end, even until
the Lord took his spirit unto himself. Thus he guarded himself
by kindness and courtesy against their machinations. "Where-
fore, it well becometh me that I should follow his example. Then
after his death they all apostatized, seeking both outwardly and in
their hearts, both in secret and in public, to scatter Islam and
destroy the empire ; until, at the last, the lord helped the same,
and healed the schisms ; and that he did by casting into the hearts
of certain amongst them the Inst of empire and love of the world ;
and so the government was strengthened and the divisions recon-
ciled, hy means of kindness and forbearance. Thus the Lord
fulfilled' that which he hath fulfilled for us ; and herein, no thanks
or praise to any but to the Lord alone ! Now, therefore, I will no
% more make mention of that which I have seen and heard in respect

i 0 £ these my Courtiers ; but I shall treat them with courtesy and

forbearance until the Lord decide between us, and he is the lest

1 /

f (

of all deciders”

Now, unless my lord, the Commander of the Faithful, had spoken
thus openly in the ears of the nobles at his Council (the Lord exalt
the same !), and the tidings thereof had spread, and the present
ones had told the absent ones, I had not ventured to make mention,
of it here. Thou art witness that I have not added one thing
thereto. And I only remind thee now (for no long time has
elapsed) of that which passed at this assembly, in order to bring
up clearly the subject of the great Apostasy, and to show that the
people were not reconverted therefrom unto Islam, but through
love of the world, and to build up this Empire under which they
now live. In proof thereof, if the Lord will, this answer will
suffice for all enlightened persons who may peruse my hook.
Page 66.

It may appear strange that the Caliph should have ex-
pressed himself in this outspoken way regarding many of
his Courtiers in a public assembly. But, certainly, the

liii

MItll

.v.

THE APOLOGY OF AL KINDY.

sentiments are in entire accord with what we know of the
character and principles of A1 Mamfin, and also with the
social and religious elements prevailing at Merve, where he
first assumed the Caliphate, as well as at Baghdad, where he
shortly after fixed his Court. It is difficult to believe that
any one would have ventured to fabricate such a speech ;
or, supposing it genuine, that it should have been quoted by
other than a contemporaneous writer.

I proceed to notice what evidence there is in the Epistles
that the disputants were what they profess to have been,
that is, persons of some distinction at the Court of Al
MAm On. The Apology, it is true, from its antiquity and
rhetoric, may well stand upon its own intrinsic merit ;
but, undoubtedly, the controversy is invested with fresh
life and interest when we know that the combatants were
not fictitious, but real personages.

First, as regards the H&shimite ; it is conceivable, of course,
that he is an imaginary person, set up to be aimed at as the
representative of Islam ; a mere catspaw, to draw forth the
Christian’s argument. This was the surmise of one of the
learned Ulema from Constantinople, to whom I showed the
book; but his chief reason for so thinking was that the argu-
ment for Islam was weakly stated, and that a much better case
might have been made out. 1 In opposition to this view, it may
be observed that the personality and character of the Moslem
are sustained consistently throughout both Epistles. Every
notice and allusion is in keeping with his assumed Hlsliimite
and Abbasside descent, his relationship to the Caliph, his
friendship for our Apologist, and the guarantee of freedom
and safety obtained by him for the discussion. There is
besides more than one incident of personal life. Thus we
have a curious passage on the use of the Cross, in which
Al If, indy reminds his friend that repeatedly in circumstances
of danger he had used the sign, or ejaculated an appeal to
the Cross, admitting thus the virtue of the same ; and on
one of these occasions, he specifies the place (Sub&t al Medina)

1 lie also objected to the word Qartb (p. 3) as applicable by a Mahometan to a

f • | S 1V> I *><,! >!

ITS AGE AND AUTHORSHIP.

And ono may be very certain tliat, when Orthodox views
again prevailed, every effort would be made to suppress and
exterminate an Apology, obnoxious not only for its attack
on the religion of the State, but also for the political
sentiments therein advocated as to the divine right of Ali,
the usurpation of Abu Bekr, and the manner in which
the Coran was compiled. But the work had in all likelihood
already so spread during the reign of A1 Mamun and his
immediate Successors (who shared his Motazelite views),
that its entire suppression became, no doubt on that account,
impossible. And so copies survived, although stealthily, here
and there in Mahometan countries. But why this remark-
able book was not better known and valued in Christian
countries, is very strange, indeed to my mind altogether
unaccountable.

Admitting all that has been advanced, it will still remain
a question of rare interest who this unknown “ A 1 Kindy,
the Christian,” was. In a letter from Dr. Steinschneider to
Prof. Loth, a suggestion is thrown out which might possibly
lead to the identification of our Author. The trace is there
given of a Eustathius al Kindy , mentioned among other
Christian and Jewish names by Casiri in his Bibliotheca
Arahiea, as one of the translators of Aristotle, or copyists of
Greek works. May this not have been our Apologist ? 1

Further inqury in this, or some other similar direction,
might possibly throw more certain light on the authorship.
Other MSS. of the Apology, whether in the East or in our
European Libraries, might also with advantage be compared
with the printed version to elucidate the purity of the text,
and especially of such passages as appear to be imperfect or
uncertain in the MSS. from which this edition was printed. 2

1 Dr. Stemsehneidor’s letter will be found at page 315 of tbe Zeitsehrift der
MorgenliindWiea GeseUschaft, vol. xxix. The passage referred to in Casiri is as
follows: l - * d LA {$3j c— ... U S! L-J&S .

Bibliotheca Arab. Hisp. Michaelis Casiri, Matriti, 1760 a.d., yoL i. p. 310.

* Thorn is the MS. in Paris referred to by de Sacy as No. 257 of the Biblio-

THE APOLOGT OF AL KINDT.

The inquiry is not unworthy the attention of the most
eminent of our Oriental scholars. The Apology is absolutely
unique of its kind. In antiquity, daring, rhetoric, and
power, we have nothing in the annals of the Mahometan
controversy, at all approaching it. And any research that
might thaw light upon the origin of the Argument, the
circumstances of our Author, the authenticity of the work,
and the genuineness of the text handed down to us, must
possess not only a literary interest, hut in some respects a
practical and important bearing on the same struggle which
is being waged to-day, as engaged the labours of Abdallah
the Hashimite and Abd al Masih, A1 Kindy, the Christian,
in the days of Al Mam un.

I have to express my acknowledgments to Prof. Ignatius
Guidi of Rome, to Dr. Fritz Hommel of Miinchen, and to
Dr. Steinschneider of Berlin, for their very kind assistance
in the prosecution of this inquiry. To the first, I feel
specially grateful for his goodness in copying out for me
the entire controversy in which Abu Yusuf al Kindy appears
as an opponent of the doctrine of the Trinity.

It is my purpose to publish a full analysis of the Apology,
with translation of the more important parts, which will
enable the reader of this Essay to judge more fully of the
weight of some of the foregoing arguments than he can at
present do from statements as to its contents and composi-
tion, resting simply on my own authority. 1

i An account of the Apology, with a few extracts, lias already appeared in the
Indian I'male Mvanyelist for April, 1881, but it was necessarily brief.

Art. II, — The Poet Pampa . By Lewis Bice.

In tlie works of the poet Pampa, or Hampa as he was called
in later times, we have earlier and more definite information
than has hitherto been published regarding the period from
which the Kannada or Karnataka (so-called Oanarese) lan-
guage has been used for purposes of literary composition.
From his first work, the Adi Pur ana, we learn that he was
horn in Saka 824. But his second work, called Vihramdrjuna
Vijaya or the Pampa Bhdrata , which established his fame,
tells us that both were written in the same year — Saka 863 —
and adds many particulars full of interest in regard to him-
self, and the circumstances under which he wrote.

His own genealogy is thus given. In the Bengi mandala
was a beautiful town named Yengi; connected with which
were the agraharas of Kotturu, Kidugundi and Yikrama-
pura. The last, which was the chief of these, was renowned
as the residence of M&nava (or MMhava) Somayaji, of the
Vafcsa gotra. His son was Abhim&na-chandra, whose son
was Komarayya, whose son was Abhir&ma Deva Baya. He,
believing the Jina faith to be superior to that of the Brah-
mans, became a Jaina ; and his son, distinguished as Kavita-
gunarnava, was Pampa, 1

Other poets having related the Bharata at great length,
some excelling in description and some in the narrative, all
the pandits agreed that Pampa was the one who could do
justice to it without sacrificing any of the story. On their
petition he made the attempt ; and taking his king as
Arjuna, crowned him as the hero.

The following is a summary of the account of this royal

2 The statement in the original is as follows : —

TItpala m&lfL —

Jatiyol ellarn nttamada jdtiya vipra kulange nambal e j
Mato, Jinendra dharmmame yalam dore dnarmmadol endu nambi sa j
Jjatiyan nttarottarame madi negalcbidan int ildtma vi |
luiyatiyan dtan, Utana magaih negaldam Rayitagun&rnavam ||

Pampam.

mmim.

THE POET PAMPA.

patron, omitting merely laudatory verses. In the sky of
the Chalukya vamsa, Tuddha Malla shone as its moon. And

he ruled over a 1| lakh country. 1 His son was Ari Ivesari,

who with the ministers of the Bange rishaya, penetrated
into the kingdom of Nirupama Deva, and inscribed his fame
on all the points of the compass. He had two sons, the
chief of whom was Narasimha Bhadra Deva. This Nara-
singa’s eldest son was Dugdha Malla ; whose eldest son was
Baddiga. He was skilled in forty-two modes of warfare, and
obtained the name of Solada Ganda (invincible champion).
As if seizing a crocodile, he entered into the water and
proudly seized Bhirna. To Baddiga was born Yuddha Malla,
whose son was Narasimha. His guru was Subliadra muni.
Erapa having gone over to the Lalas asking them for an
estate, this Kali Narasimha offered him a much better
mandala, and confirmed it with a strong promise. He
subdued the chiefs of the seven Malala (?) ; and plucked
from the Ghurjara Raja’s arms the goddess of victory,
whom, though desirous of keeping, ho had held too loosely.
The Mahipala fled as if struck by thunderbolts, staying
neither to eat, nor rest, nor pick himself up ; while Nara-
simha pursuing, bathed his horse at the junction of the
Ganges and established his fame. His queen was Chandra-
nane. To them was born Ari Kesari Raja. He protected
Yijayaditya, who took refuge with him, against Sakala
Ohakravartti named Gujjiga (or Gojjiga), who attacked him.
Finding that in the four matters— bounty, valour, conquest,
f ame — he excelled even Baddiga and Narasimha, Gunarnavu
made that Ari Kesari his hero, and identifying him with
Arjuna, undertook this poem.

So powerful was the effect of his poetry that by means
of it, in the war of his own king of the -Tola country, ho
enabled him to win the very crowns of the hostile chiefs. 2
And Ari Kesari, taking him as a friend, directed him to

1 Sa - p&da-kkstoa -kshitiy&m .

5 Ch&mpoka in<U&. —

Kavita nagalteyam aipM Jdlfida pa|e mjMhmutnim a-|

Havadoj urati n&vakara paftave s&rfei sanda pemtm blm-I
Bhuvaaacloi belage mikk abhmnumda m fttu kirttivam |

Yitfttfaa sandan mi kaviyo sat kaviyd Kavita^ipflrpavtuii |

THE POET PAMPA.

write this itihdsa lathe, which he finished in one year, and
the king rewarded him with the village of Dharma-uram,
situated in the Bachche S&sira (or Thousand), as a sdsana
agrahara, which he re-named Saram.

' In the pith ( tirula ) of the Kannada of Puligere, the royal
city, did he write, naturally and without effort; 1 thus his
JBhdrata and Adi Purdm put all former poems under their
feet. 2 Resolved, while doing his secular duty on the one
hand, and his Jaina religious duties on the other, that he
would essay for the good of the world to write the Bharata
and Adi Purana, he completed the one in six months, and
the other in three months. For these works, like Vy&sa, he
cot the name of Purana Kavi; and they were read by all
classes of people, by servants as well as by the greatest poets.

Such is the account full of incident that Pampa gives of
himself and of his times. It appears from this that his
patron Ari Kesari, seventh in descent from Yuddha Malla,
a Chalukya prince, was king in Saka 863 over a 1| lakh
country called Join. The following is a summary of the
pedigree and the historical references :

Yuddha Malla— moon in the sky of the Chalukya vamsa.

Ari Kesari — invaded Nirupama Deva.

Karasimha.

Dugdha Malla. . ,

lladdigl— seized Bliima.

Yuddha Malla.

Karasliiha — established Erapa in a kingdom. :

| defeated and pursued Ghurjara Baja.

Ari Kesari— defended Yijayaditya against Gojjiga:
ruling in S'aka 863.

1 KaMa “ E £ ia sm \Um pntayaha |

Saiada Puligereya tirula Kannadadol mr 1
Yvaiad esakadolu pudid o-| ^

Nd oieya balav miya kavite Pampana ka^ite (|

% Mumiina kabbamau ellam ikki mettidavu.

The only one, as far as is known, of the Western Chalukya,
kings who bore the title of Yuddha Malla was Yinayaditya,
who ruled from Saka 602 to 617. 1 Nirupama Deva, into
whose territories Ari Kesari made an incursion, must be the
Ratta or Rashtrakuta king of that name, Bhxina may be
the Chalukya who is denounced in such strong terms in the
Rudra Deva inscription. 3 Baddiga seems to have been a
popular name at about this period ; it occurs as that of the
ruler of Kanchi in Saka 726, and as that of a Ratta king.
Erapa is the name of a usurper of the Gariga kingdom, of
whom the curious Begur-stone is a memorial. Ghurjara
Raja is, of course, a king of Gujarat. Gojjiga may be the
same as the Ratta king called Khotiga or Ehodviga. Yijaya-
ditya may be the Chalukya of that name, the last of those
in whose time the Rattas were in the ascendant, and the
predecessor of Tailapa, who restored the Chalukya supremacy
in Saka 895.*

Not the least in interest among the items of information
given us by Pampa is the mention of the Jola kingdom.
It is well known that the Chinese pilgrim II wen Tsang
describes a country of that name through which he passed
on his way from Dhanakakata to Dravida, the identification
of which has exercised the ingenuity of all the scholars who
have undertaken to illustrate the geography of his travels.
There seems reason to believe that a direct testimony to the
accuracy of his statements regarding it has here for the first
time come to light. The extent of the country may be
relatively inferred from its designation as a 1| lakh country ;
and its situation from the capital being at Puligere. This
Fuligere, or Huligere of later times, seems identical with
the Pulikara-nagara of inscriptions, and the modern Laksh-

1 The only Yuddha Malla among the Eastern Chalukyas ruled about Saka 847 ;
they are, therefore, out of the question.

^ 2 The vilest of kings, a brute among men, the husband of his step-mother, who
killed an eminent brother at dinner, intent upon attempts at swallowing the skies,
etc. — Dr, Bhau Daji’s version, Bo. J. x. p. 46.

a The dominion of the Western Chalukyas is described in inscriptions as a 71-
lakh country. The same designation is applied to the Hoysala kingdom of
Mysore, Oaiigava#, the original territory of the Ganges, was a 96,006 lakh
country.

THE POET PAMPA.

mesvara in the Dharvad country, situated a little north-west
of the junction of the Yarada river with the Tungahhadra.

In concluding this notice of Pampa, it may be stated that
a poet named Mgachandra, under the assumed name of
Abhinava Pampa, wrote the Pampa Bamdyana or Bdma-
chandra Charita Purdna in Kannada, about a century later.
This Bh&rata and Bam&yana of the J ains in Kannada thus
preceded all the Brahmanical versions of those works in any
of the South-Indian languages.

Art. III . — On a Coin of Shams ud Dunya wa ml Din Mahmud
Shah. By Charles J. Eodgers, M.R.A.S., Normal
College, Christian Vernacular Education Society for
India, Amritsar.

Obverse: — ® AicS* ^UaLJi

Be verse: — via ,UaLJ\ alA d » A ^* J&uiH

This coin bears evidence of being genuine. The metal is
that mixture of silver and copper which obtained under the
Pathans of the date on the coin, 718 a.h. It is also of the
same weight, or nearly so. The dated coins of Ala ud Din
Muhammad Shah of this type average, according to Thomas,
55*7. Those of Kutub ud Din Mubarak Shah average 55 grs.
The coins of Shahab ud Din U mr are 54%5. The inscriptions,
omitting names, are exactly similar to those of Ala ud Birds
No. 135 of Thomas, Shahab ud Din’s Thomas No. 141, and
Kutub ud Din’s Thomas No. 147. 1

The coin was found in a heap in which were several of
Gyas ud Din Balban, Gyas ud Din Tugluq, Muhammad
Tuglaq, and one of N&sir ud Din Khusrau Shah, together
with a great quantity of types of Ala ud Din Muhammad
Shfth. Hence it had probably been in their company for
many years. As there were none later than Muhammad
Tuglaq, this would seem to indicate that the find was
deposited either in the reign of Muhammad Tuglaq or of
his immediate successors.

But who was Shams ud Din Mahmud Sh&h P There was

* Tills coin k no longer unique, m l possess three very lair specimens of it, alt
dated 716 - a.h. Two of these are silver and copper mixed, the third k of copier.

ON A COIN OF MAHMUD SHAH. 25

a Shams ud Din in Kashmir who, according to Prinsep,
began to reign in 715 a.h. But the coin is not of a Kashmir
type. Neither, so far as we know, did the Kashmiris ever
use the peculiar mixed metal of which this coin is composed.
Neither did the Kashmiri Kings ever use this peculiar inscrip-
tion. The inscriptions, metal, and weight seem to point out its
place of mintage as Dehli; for they are, as I have already
pointed out, similar to the coins struck by the Sultans of
Dehli before and after 718 a.h., the date on this coin.

According to the “AsfLr us Sanarlid ” of Syad Ahmad,
Kutub ud Din began to reign in Muharram, 716 a.h. That is,
he began to reign in the first month of the year. Ferishtah,
however, says the year was 717 a.h., and the day of the
month the 8th. The Tarikh i Mub&rak Shahi gives the date
as the 20th of Muharram, 716 a.h. As the coins Nos. 147-8
of Thomas are dated 716 a.h., we must allow the 716 to

stand as the date of his accession. #

The first year of Kutub ud Din’s reign was spent in the
performance of a variety of acts. He murdeied a ot o
people, set free some thousands of prisoners, raised a lot of
mean people to places of trust, and made an incursion into
Gfujrat. Personally the King remained in Dehli engaged m
drunkenness and debauchery 3 d^-0*

In the second year of his reign— we are not told the
month-but it would probably not ^ m the 1st, *.* m
Muharram, for in 717 that began on March 16th bu it
would most likely be towards the end of the year, the K g
gathered together a large army, and himself led 1 °w
Deogir in order that he might deliver that city from Harpal
Deo; the son-in-law of Mm Deo, who was engaged in he
siege of that place. He left in Dehli Gulam Bacha Shahin
as his deputy, and gave him the title of Wafa Beg.

King was successful in his expedition. It must
Mm the whole of the cold weather, for Deogir • » a ong way
from Dehli, and the King, besides relieving the town m^
arrangements for the conquest of the Malabar dl ® rl J
the way back he indulged to that extent m ^onkenness,
that Asad ud Din, cousin of Ala ud Din Muhammad Shah,

ON A COIN OF MAHMUD SHAH.

conspired against him, but being betrayed by one of his
confidential servants he was unsuccessful, and was executed
together with twenty other persons, some of whom were in
Dehli, and some of whom were journeying with the return-
ing army. The words made use of with respect to Asad ud
Din are Now this can only mean that

he laid claims to the sovereignty, and then Ferishtah adds
he conspired with some of the King’s life-guards. It is
quite possible that those executed in Dehli may have been
conspirators who were engaged in a quiet way in making
preparations for the advent of the new King by issuing
coins in his name, or at any rate by getting them ready.
It is a common thing, as we know, for kings to have had
one title before their assumption of royalty, and another
afterwards. So it need not surprise us that Asad ud Din
took the title of Shams ud Bin Mahmud Shah . Kutub ud
Din took the trouble to investigate the matter, for we get
the phrase czJjJ j] sxi . The discovery of the conspiracy

may have sobered him for a time.

From all this it will he seen that I am inclined to assign
this coin to Asad ud Din, son of the grand-uncle of Kutub
ud Din. The year would be suited, and I think the cir-
cumstances surrounding the affair are not adverse to this
assignment.

There is, however, just a possibility that Wafa Beg, the
King’s viceroy in Dehli during his absence, was the man who
caused these coins to he struck. When the King returned to
Dehli, Ferishtah says —

“ LZ-'AdO AiX* Jm n

The words Aj show that some mm had

poured into the King’s ear a stream of calumny against the
viceroy. He may have been governing well— too well for
some. He may have indulged the idea of raising himself
to the throne. He would not have been the first slave who
had seated himself on the throne of his master. The histo-
rian adds “ — -executed him without cause”

There may, therefore, have been no cause whatever but his

ON A COIN OF MAHMUD SHAH.

good rule at Dehli when viceroy. But these “ gentlemen
with intentions ” may have coined these coins themselves,
and taken them with them to show the King that Grularn
Bacha was really not simply aiming at royalty, but that he
actually had assumed it by striking coins in his own name.
We know that such things have been done in Indian history.

At any rate, the existence of this coin gives us some clue
to the wholesale executions which took place on the return
of Kutub ud Din to Dehli. He was monster great enough
for anything. If we can find a reason for his fury besides
drunkenness, we are bound to do so. I think we have done
so. The King is away from Dehli, on an expedition seven or
eight hundred miles away. He is engaged there for some
time, and makes arrangements for the conquest of other
provinces. He returns slowly to his capital. In the way
there is a conspiracy against his life. Some of the conspira-
tors live in Dehli. A coin is struck bearing the titles of
the Emperor of Dehli. This coin is most probably struck
in the capital itself. The viceroy may have been cognizant
of all this : he may have winked at it. He may have taken
an active part in it or encouraged it. Or he may have
known of it, and sent the names of some of the conspirators
to the Emperor, Some of the rest, fearing the worst on the
Emperor’s return, may have fudged up a case against the
viceroy, who was slain without any reason.

If the coin is one of a would-be usurper, it is interesting.
If it be one of the coins struck by a man’s enemies in order
to turn the King against him, it is more interesting. At any
rate, it shows us that humanity in Dehli in a.h. 718, in the
middle of the reign of one of the foulest monsters that
ever disgraced a throne, was not quite hopeless. Some one
thought himself more worthy of being king than Kutub ud
Bin Muhdrak Shdh. The title and name seem to infer this,
for the title is Shams ud Bin, and the name Mahmud Shdh.
If the drunken sodomite was the pole of religion and the
blessed king, it would not take a man of very high morals
to be the Sun of religion and the praised king .

Art. IV . — A Sculptured Tope on an old Stone at Bras, Ladak.
By William Simpson, F.R.G.S.

Bras is a village on the hanks of a stream of the same
name, about the distance of one march beyond the Bul-tul
pass, on the road from Cashmere to Leh. There arc two
sculptured stones at this place, and as Cunningham has de-
scribed them in his work on Ladak, I shall quote from him :

“ On the side of the road, between the hamlet of Styalbo and tho
village of Dras, there are two pillars of granitic mica-slate, which
the people call Chomo, or ‘The Women,’ hut which, I believe), have
no connection with Tibetan Buddhism, as the nearly obliterated
inscriptions are in Kashmiri Tdkn, and. not in Tibetan characters.
The eastern pillar has one principal figure, a four-armed female,
and two attendant females, one on each side, and each with one
leg bent. They all wear necklaces, earrings, amulets, and anklets.
On the pedestal arc several small kneeling figures with their hands
raised and joined in attitudes of prayer. This pillar is six feet
nine inches high, one foot six inches broad, and one foot thick.
The western pillar- has tho same principal figure, also a four-armed
female, with two attendant females on each side. This pillar is six
feet high, two feet nine inches broad, and one foot thick. From
to stylo of these figures, as well as from tho nature of the alpha-
betical characters, I have no hesitation in stating my opinion that
they ore Brahminical statues erected by some Kashmiriun. Hindus.
This opinion is strengthened by the fact that there is a third un-
doubted Hindu pillar standing close to them, which I believe to be
a Suti pillar. On one side is sculptured a horseman, Which is the
usual emblem, placed on the pillar of a lliyputai S(tti r to denote
that her husband was a soldier. On the hack of the pillar there is
am inscription of eight lines in Kashmirian T&kri, which 1 am
unable to translate satisfactorily.” — pp. 381-82. '

Cunningham gives drawings of both stones; these with the
above description arc evidence that ho must have devoted

pH MpP

CHORTEN,

OR BUDDHIST TOPE OF THE PRESENT DAY-Jij— XHI^L

’ : : ; : iiifisil

SCULPTURED TOPE AT DRAS, LADAK.

considerable time to them, and yet he has quite overlooked a
very important sculpture on the hack of the eastern pillar.
This is a representation of a Buddhist Tope. The style of
sculpture of the female figures, so far as I am able to judge,
is quite in keeping with Cunningham’s conclusions ; but we
can scarcely suppose that the Tope was the work of Hindus.
We are led from this to the supposition that the art on the
one side belongs to a different date from that of the other. ;
and we may also suppose that the Buddhist is the older of
the two. It would be important if we knew the exact date
of both styles of sculpture— this I cannot pretend to deter-
mine; all 'that may be said is, that we do not require to
assume a very ancient date for either.

The value belonging to this representation of a Tope
consists in its bearing on the form of the Topes of the
Peshawer Yalley, and of those at Jelalabad; and at the
same time on the Chortens or Topes of the present day in

Thibet. . /

The Topes of India, from Araravati to Manikyala, so far

as we as yet know, have all round bases. The well-known
“ Buddhist Bailing ” of the Bhilsa Tope will recall to the
mind the ground-plan of these structures. When we cross
to the right bank of the Indus, we find a marked change—
a square base appears; and from the Khyber Pass to Gunda-
muck this form seems to have been followed without any
exception. Now in the drawing, here given, of the sculp-
tured Tope at Dras, a square base is distinctly visible, showing
that the form was derived from the right bank of the Indus,
and not from the left. The Jelalabad Topes had a passage all
round the square base a few feet from the ground, thus pro-
ducing an appearance which might be described as two
stages. In the sculptured example there are some indica-
tions which suggest stages, hut I think they show that there
must have been some departure from this type. The g
Tope at Peshawer is described as having five s ages, from
which it is possible that in the Peshawer ^ alley the number

at times varied, . . h -

The Topes beyond the Khyber had another distm e u g

SCULPTURED TOPE AT DRAS, LAD AIL

feature ; that was, they had stairs leading up to the top of
the square base, where there was a platform used in some
way for the ceremonials performed at these shrines. The
small Topes had one stair, the larger had two, and the very
largest had four, one on each side of the structure. These
stairs on the more magnificent Topes must have had a very
imposing appearance. In the sculptured Tope the stair
appears prominently.

There is a small sculpture of a Tope in the Lahore Museum,
it was found in the Peshawer Valley, and on it there is re-
presented a sitting figure at the base of the circular part of
it. From my own explorations at Jelalabad I should say
that the Topes there had all figures in this position, and
facing the stairs of approach. In no case did I find the re-
mains of any of these figures, but in more than one Tope I
found what I supposed were the remains of where it had
been placed, and I assumed them to have been a part of the
design before I had noticed the sculptured Tope in the
Lahore Museum. This particular arrangement is very dis-
tinct in the Dras sculpture . 1

Thus far, I think, the remains of Topes beyond the Indus
explain the peculiar points of the one found at Dras.

In a paper read to the Royal Institute of British Archi-
tects I attempted a restoration of one of the Jelalabad
Topes . 3 From the ruined condition of the monuments, in
no case did I find the summit of one of their domes. This
left me destitute of any guidance as to tho number or size of
the surmounting umbrellas. The only hint available was
what might have been derived from the small model of a
Tope found at Manikyala, :i but as it was only a relic casket,
and belonged to the Indian, side of the Indus, it did not
seem of sufficient authority, so I made no attempt to realize
this part of the design, hut merely indicated three um-
brellas, that being a common number in the more southern

1 In describing the Great Tope at Peshawer, ITIouen Timing states: **Fhtr1n
lace mdruliouak* do i'escalier tit* pkrre du Grand Stoupu, il y line image peiuUi du
Bouddhu, qui ant haute du sake pkfds.* 1 — Vtd. I. p. 110.

# Read 12th dun. 1880, in which a copy nf the restoration h given.

3 Given in Eergussoii’s Indian and Mmtern Arehitwtmv, p. 80*

i Xliouen Tlisang, tnmsl. by M. Men, yoL L p. 108.

SCULPTURED TOPE AT DRAS, LADAK.

Topes. I had completely forgotten this sketch of the Dras
stone, which is in one of my old sketch-books ; it was only
the other day that I chanced to look it up, and its value as
bearing on the Jelalabad Topes became at once apparent;
and, on showing it to Mr. Fergusson, he recommended that it
should be published, which I have much pleasure in now
doing.

That this sculptured Tope gives an approximate idea of
the umbrellas of the Trans-Indus Topes I will now proceed
to show. By comparing it with the small model Tope found
at Manikyala, a strong resemblance in the size and form of the
umbrellas is distinctly visible. I have a photograph of a small
sculptured Tope found in the Peshawer Valley, and now in
the Lahore Museum ; it has only three or perhaps four
umbrellas, they form a solid pyramidal mass over the Tope,
and the diameter of the lower one is equal, if it does not
exceed, the diameter of the Tope beneath. This extensive
width of the lower umbrella is exactly the ease in the Dras
Tope ; where it will also be seen the larger number of umbrellas
raises the pyramidal form into that of a spire, and it will at the
same time be noticed that there is no pretence of a pole to sup-
port them, they form a solid structure, with some indication
of ornament between each umbrella. We have not only the
extended diameter of the umbrellas in this Dras Tope, and
the large number of them — thirteen — but we have their great
height, which forms quite a new feature in our knowledge of
such structures in India, That this distinctive characteristic
belonged to the Trans-Indus Topes I think can be made out
pretty clearly. Hiouen Thsang gives a rather more detailed
account of the Great Tope at Peshawer than is usual with
him. He states that : " Sur le sornmet du Grand Stoupa, il
elova encore une coupole en cuivre dor4 qui avait vingt-cinq
etages.” 1 This was by far the grandest Tope in India, and
that may explain why there were such a number of Ohattas ;
we may reasonably assume that the smaller Topes would have
fewer, and that the number was variable. That they were

SCULPTURED TOPE AT DR AS, LADAK

large in proportion to tlie Tope, and that they were arranged
in a pyramidal form, towering high above the structure
beneath, I have not the slightest doubt now in my own mind,
after seeing the Dras sculpture. Vestiges of this arrange-
ment can be pointed out in various directions. On the
Tibetan Dagobas there is a spire on the summit, with a
series of discs or rings; it will be seen that the Dras sculpture
gives us the connecting link to this form. In Fergusson’s
Indian and Eastern Architecture , 1 there is an illustration of a
monumental gateway to a Buddhist monastery in Pekin ;
over the gateway is a Tope of the Tibetan form, in which
it will be seen these rings or discs are combined into a
pyramidal mass. In the same work will be found another
illustration of the same arrangement, that is, the Temple of
S way ambunath, in Nepal. 2 This last is. In fact, a Tope or
Bagoba, and it is surmounted by a spire formed of thirteen
discs, the same number as the Dras sculpture. That these
discs were derived from umbrellas has all along been gene-
rally assumed, but up to the present we had no monumental
evidence to show its derivation. This, I think, has now been
found.

In my restoration of the Ah in Posh Tope at Jalalabad, I
had authority for all its parts, except the surmounting
umbrellas. In order to complete that restoration there
should be added, as it was a large Tope, let us say, a spire of
thirteen umbrellas, and I believe you will have a very fair
rendering of what the structure was like. There is one bit
of detail in the Dras Tope, which is too roughly represented
for us to realize its exact character. It is most probably an
external support for the umbrellas ; it starts from the dome
of the Tope, and is continued like a frame on the outside of
the umbrellas up to the pinnacle. Such a mass of umbrellas,
whether made of copper or other material, would be heavy, as
well m liable to be blown down by storms — I can speak of the
strength of the wind in the Jelalabad Valley from experience
— and means would be necessary to prevent this. As the urn-

SCULPTURED TOPE AT DBAS, LAD AIL

brellas were gilt and ornamented, we may assume that this
part of the construction would be the same, but the sculpture
gives us no indication of this. In the Tope on the gateway
at Pekin, already mentioned, there is an ornamental form
which hangs down on the side of the discs; this may perhaps
be a vestige of it. If this is not the correct explanation, the
only other suggestion which occurs is, that it was a garland
of flowers — of which we have a well-defined example among
the Bharhut Sculptures.

I come now to deal with this sculpture in relation to the
Tibetan Topes. We know the form of the tee of the
Peshawer Talley Topes from a couple of small ones in the
Lahore Museum ; they resemble the one on the Casket Tope
found at Manikyala. They all have a projecting cornice on
the upper part. On comparing them with the tee of the
Dras sculpture, I should say that the form there shown had
resulted from a continued copying of the first one in a rude
manner, till the mouldings of the cornice had been lost in
the process. The use of plaster, in thick coatings, — which
was the practice beyond the Indus, and no doubt went from
that region into Ladak, for the Chortens there at the present
day are still thickly coated, — will easily account for the change
in form which has occurred. If this should turn out to be
a fact, it gives us a very curious transformation. I have made
a rough outline of a Tibetan Tope, of which there are numbers
in almost every village at the present day, in some places
they are more numerous than the houses. Now in these
Chortens, what we would call the body of the Tope is exactly
the form of the tee of this sculptured Tope at Dras. The
spire, but in a reduced form, has been retained, hut the dome
below has in course of time disappeared from the design, and
become merely a part of the square base, and is represented
now by a few plinths, like steps.

Should this suggestion of mutation he accepted, we have
an important question to determine as to how this was
brought about. Very great changes of this sort may be
accounted for by a long period of copying and re-copying by
clumsy workmen; but, although possible, it is difficult to

VOL. XIV. — [new series.] 3

SCTTLFTUKED TOPE AT DBAS, LADAK.

believe that tbe principal part of tbe structure could have been
entirely lost. This process of undevelopment might have
taken place, but it does not prevent other suggestions from
being considered. We may take it for granted that the
Thibetans had mounds, or cairns, and even dagobas, before
the style of construction beyond the Indus had penetrated to
the Himalayas. Two centuries and a half before Christ
Buddhist missionaries went to Kashmere, and that is long
before the Indo- Classical style had been used for the Buddhist
structures in the Peshawer Yalley. Mr. Fergusson has
thrown out the idea that the tee ol the Buddhist Dagoba
was originally a tomb, or at least a simulated relic casket.
This theory I feel much inclined to adopt. The so-called tomb
of Cyrus at Pasargadae presents itself as an illustration in its
favour. Greorge Smith described to me the Zigarets oi the
Euphrates Yalley as having been placed on the tops of
mounds, and they are only small shrines reminding one of
the usually given restoration of the Tower of Babel. We
have thus a well-authenticated type from which it is quite
possible that the tee may have originated. Mr. Fergusson
mentions another illustration — the tomb of Akbar at Se-
cundra, with the simulated coffin on its summit. It is quite
possible that the Tibetans may have had some customary
form of their ancestral mounds or cairns, with rites attached,
which caused them to look on what we call the tee as the
most important part of the Dagoba, and hence the reason
that the dome was neglected.

In the paper read to the Royal Institute ol British Archi-
tects, the probability was pointed out that the Tibetan Chorten
was derived from the Indus Yalley. I need neared}’ point
out that this sculpture at Dras goes a long way to establish
the idea. The square base on which they rest, seemed to me
a strong reason for this conclusion. As the pmhiiu oi 'libet
still finds its way into India through Kashmere, it is pretty
strong evidence that that is the natural route into Northern
Thibet at least ; and the stylo of art and architecture
followed in the Peshawer Yalley, and which was celebrated
in the early centuries of the Christian era, no doubt forced

SCULPTURED TOPE AT ERAS, LADAK.

its way through this passage. The Tibetan Chorten is wide
in its resemblance to the Bhilsa Tope; compare the Chortens,
however, with the Topes of Jelalabad and those near Pesha-
wer, and the resemblance is not so distant. The absence of
the dome and the stairs shows a considerable modification,
which time has produced. For the one change I have
thrown out some hints, which further research may confirm
or demolish ; for the other nothing can be said at present in the
way of elucidation.

There is still another probability to be derived from this
sculptured stone ; and that is with reference to the Pagodas
of China. The origin of these structures has not up to the
present been quite satisfactorily accounted for. About eight
years ago, when in China, I tried to get information on the
subject. All I could learn was, that they were imitations of
buildings in India. Mr. Edkins, as well as others, assured
me that the old Chinese books distinctly stated that such was
the case. To one acquainted with the architecture of India,
the difficulty was to discover what particular form of struc-
ture had been copied. The only explanation which offered
itself was, that the Dagoba might have been the form that
was followed, hut that the umbrellas had got multiplied, and
increased in size, till they became roofs, and each with a
room under it. Place a drawing of a Pagoda from Southern
China beside the Bhilsa Tope, and I think no one would
suspect any connexion between the two ; but, however unlike
in this case, we had instances where the upper portion of
the Dagoba is more extended, and its exaggeration into tbe
Pagoda was thus a theory which might he accepted. In the
absence of almost any other theory being likely, this became
the most probable. Still it wanted something like monu-
mental evidence to give it a satisfactory confirmation, and
that has been found in this sculptured Tope under considera-
■ tion. A glance at its high tower of umbrellas will show
that its transformation into a Pagoda was easy. The pictures
of Chinese Pagodas which we generally see are those of
Southern China. Now in the North, particularly about Peking,
the style is different. I can name two examples the Tien-

SCULPTURED TOPE AT DBAS, LADAK.

Wing- Si, close to the western wall of Peking, and the Pa-Li-
Chwang Pagoda, on the north of Peking. The design of
these, although differing in the ornamental details, is essen-
tially the same. Instead of a room under each roof, the roots
are represented as constructed on each other, and there .ire
thirteen of them in each of these Pagodas, exactly the same
number us in the umbrellas in the Dras sculpture. P nder
the lower roof only are the walls of an inclosed space. A
Pagoda of this kind will be found in Fergusson s Indian and
Eastern Architecture. 1 It is at Tung-Chow, about/ fifteen miles
from Peking; it also has thirteen roofs, showing that this
was a very favourite number. The octagonal form of the
Chinese Pagoda resulted from a very mystical figure of eight
sides, called the “ Pah-Ewah,” the importance of which in
Chinese ideas will he familiar to those who have read the
Yih-King. Having accounted for this peculiarity of these
Peking Pagodas, it will he seen, if we remove the distinctive
construction as well as the ornament of the Chinese style
from them, that what is left would be almost identical with
this Tope sculptured on the pillar at Dras. I feel satisfied
that we may take it as now established that the Chinese
Pagoda wuis copied from the Topes of the Indus T alley and
Afghanistan.

Probably the date when this style of building began in
China may be found in the old books of that country. It
may be assumed that it would be about the time when the
Pilgrims were sent to India for books and statues ; we might,
be pretty certain that they would carry hack the details of
the Buddhist religious buildings, and more particularly that
of the Dtigobus. Wd have direct information from lliouen
Thsang on this point. He died in 664, awl just, previous to
his death a large stupa was erected for the preservation of
the books and statues he had brought with him. If is stated
that: “Dans sa construction, on avait imite tidelemont la
forme adoptee dans l’lnde. File avait cituj escalieis of etait
surmontie d’uue coupole; sa hauteur tot ale etait de cent

1 Tie et Voyages de Hiouen Tlisang, p. 318,

SCULPTURED TOPE AT DBAS, T.ATUtr . g j

quatre-vingts pieds ” 1 Here we have the stairs copied,
which were a marked feature of the Trans-Indus Topes, of
which no trace is left in the Pagodas now. There must he
an error either in the translation, or it may have crept into
the Chinese original, as to the number of them; it is difficult
to understand how five stairs could be arranged on a four-
sided structure, and Hiouen Thsang must have been too
familiar with this, having seen so many Topes in India,
to have made the blunder. The Peshawer Tope had five
stages, and its celebrity may have made it the model, and it
is possible the mistake may be on this point.

That it was by way of Tibet that the type of the Pagoda
went to China, we have an additional evidence in the fact
that the form of the present Tibetan Chorten has also
penetrated along the same route. We find one on the gate
of the Buddhist monastery already referred to. In Peking
there is an exact facsimile of a Chorten on some rising
ground near the marble bridge on the west of the palace ; it
is called the “ White Ming Pagoda,” and I was told that it
contained a scab from Buddha’s body. I saw another at
Ohin-Kiang, on the Yantze Kiang. It stands over a narrow
street, the passage underneath is formed by large stone
lintels, supported by perpendicular blocks, with bracket
capitals, which are unlike Chinese architecture, but would
not seem strange in India. I could get no information on
the spot as to how this very peculiar mixture of architecture
came to Ohin-Kiang, for the Hindu architecture of the
passage, combined with the Chorten, would be as curious an
anomaly if found in Tibet as on the banks of the Yantze
Kiang.

Since this paper was written I have found a passage in Mr.
Belkins’ Chinese Buddhism which is worth adding, as it not
only bears upon the dates of the Chinese Pagodas, but also
on the names given to them in China.

“ The number of pagodas in China is very great. There are
nine within thirty miles of Shanghai . . . . . At Lo-yang, in the

SCULPTURED TOPE AT DBAS, LADAK.

Tsin dynasty (a.d. 350), there were forty-two, from three to nine
stories high, richly painted, and formed after Indian models. The
word Pa (formerly Pap), now in universal use, has displaced the
older names feu-Pa (iudu) and fo-Pu (Jniddu ). The original purpose
of the edifice was to deposit relies of Buddha. These relics might
be a hair, tooth, metamorphosed piece of bone, article of dress, or
rice vessel. "When bodies of deceased Boddhisattwas and other
revered persons were burnt, the remains were placed in structures
which received the same name, Pupa or sPitpa , and it is these that
have been described by travellers, in Afghanistan and other regions
where Buddhism formerly prevailed, as topes.

“ ‘ When there is no ‘relic” [she-li ; in Sanskrit dm'ira], says
the Cyclopaedia Fa-yuen~c]m4m, 1 the building is called Ghi-ti 7 [in
Sanskrit Chatty a~], and it may be intended to commemorate the birth-
place of Buddha, the spot where he became enlightened, where he
taught, or where he entered into the Nirvana. Footsteps of Buddha,
an image of a Bodhisattwa or of a Pratyeka Buddha, are also
honoured with the erection of a CM-ti ” — Chinese Buddhism. By
the Eev. Joseph Edkins, D.D., pp. 134-5.

From this we see that the names came to China with the
models from India.

The Rev. S. Real, in his Introduction to Fah-Hiart, p. xxiv,
also mentions the forty-two pagodas at Lo-yang, as having
Been “ formed after Indian models/ 7 He also gives some 1
data which explain how the models most probably earne to
that place. A Shaman called Dharmarakcha came from the
western countries bringing a large number of Buddhist and
Rrahminicai works, which he presented to the Imperial
Court. This man took up his residence at Lo-yang, where
he. was employed with other Shamans from 265 a. m to
308 a, ix translating Buddhist books. Lo-yang is now known
as Honan, and Edkins mentions a native of India,, called
Kashiapmadanga, who came to China shortly after 01 ask
and died at Lo-yang; but there is no notice of Pagodas at
tliis early date, lienee it may be concluded that the end of
the fourth or beginning of the fifth century is the period
when Pagodas after the Indian models were first introduced*

Art. Y. — Note on PL ocxviii. fig . 1, of Mr, Per g assorts “ Tree
and Serpent Worship ” 2nd Edition . By S. Beal,
Professor of Chinese, London University.

I beg leave to call attention to a very curious result, drawn
from a comparison of the two versions, viz. that the Yaggi
or Vaggians of Yesall are the same as the Yue-chi of the
Chinese.

If my version be referred to, it will be seen that I was at
a loss how to restore the Chinese symbols used in the narra-
tive, viz. Yue-chi ; I put the word Getae in form of a query,
in the first instance, but afterwards used the expression as
I found it, viz. Yue-chi.

But from Mr. Davids’ translation it is made plain that the
Chinese symbols are here equivalent to Yaggi or Yaggians.
Seeing this, I was led to look further, and to my surprise
I found that M. Leon Feer, in his edition of the “ Sutra of
42 Articles,” p. 47, had already identified the Yue-chi of the
Chinese with the Yriggis of India. He does so, indeed, by
way of query, but, undoubtedly, his restoration is a right one.
In my version of the Sutra I had adopted the usual equivalent
“Get m” for Ta-yue-chi, and, although I do not think that
the Th-yue-chi must necessarily be the same as the Yue-chi,
yet certainly the last combination is properly restorable to
Yriggi or Yaggi

This led me to seek further, and I found from various
quarters that the Yaggi, or the Samvaggi, or combined
Yaggians, must have been Scythians.

General Cunningham, in his “Ancient Geography of
India,” p. 447, observes that “ in the time of Buddha the
Yregis or Waggis were divided into several clans, as the
Liehkavis, the Y ardehis, and the Tirabhuktis. The exact

I i ff jyp

■

40 THE SCYTIIIAHS IN THE VALLEY OF THE GANGES.

number of their clans would appear to have been eight, as
criminals were arranged before the eight clans, or a jury
composed of one member from each of the separate divisions
of the tribe.” They are called by the people of the North
the Samvaggis or “ united Yaggis.”

But, regarding the Yaggi and the Lichhavi as flic same
people, we are told by Mr. Hodgson that the Litsavi, or in
Tibetan Litsabyis, are the so-called Seytiis (“ Collected
Essays,” p. 17, Trlibner’s edition).

And M. Foucaux, “ Lalita Yistara,” p. 187, identifies the
Litsabyis with the Yaggians of Yesali.

Now one of the chief incidents in the history of the
Yaggians of Yesali, as it is narrated in the Parinibbana
Sutta, and in the Life of Buddha by Asvaghosha in (Jhine.se,
is tlie earnestness with which they contended for a portion of
the relics of Buddha’s body after its cremation, over which
they desired to erect a Stupa.

And we are also told how, when they had obtained their
share of the relics, they raised a Tehaitya, and instituted a
grand fete in honour of the occasion.

It occurred to me that the scene depicted, PL xxxviih
fig. 1, “ Tree and Serpent Worship,” referred to the feast of
this dedication. It was necessary, however, to connect' this
scene with Yesftli. I was agreeably surprised to find that
the scene immediately underneath the- Ohaitva least was one
certainly connected with Yesali. It is the scene at the
Monkey Tank in that place, where the two monkeys offered
a pot of honey to Buddha. It is related in J alien ii. 8,87, “ A
little distance,” he says, “to the west of the Monkey Tank
is a Stupa. Here the monkeys, taking Buddha’s alms dish,
el imbed a tree and filled it with honey.” The scene on the
pillar must refer to this.

But, again, taking the scene below this, we see, first of all,
that it relates to the place where Buddha nfoppnl (denoted
by the flat stone), followed by men and by Kinnarm* The
figures in the scene before us point to this.

But, again, the connected scene of the Deva standing in a
position of communication (ekamantam) with Buddha, in all

THE SCYTHIANS IN THE YALLEY OF THE GANGES,

probability represents Mara advancing towards Buddba, and
addressing to him this prayer, “ Now is the time to enter on
the bliss of Nirvana.” The story is well told, both in the
Parinibbana and by Asvaghosha. ¥e recognize Mara in
this scene by the presence of his three or four daughters,
who are always associated with him, and especially in the
temptation scene, of which this is but the complement. Now
these identifications connect the entire group here depicted
with Yesali.

The dedication of the Tope, then, we argue, is the festival
held by the Yaggi at Yesali. If so, we have in this a
satisfactory explanation of the dress and general appearance
of the actors in the scene; they were Scyths. And their
appearance fully bears this out. Mr. Fergusson was so
impressed with it, that he describes this scene as the most
interesting of all the Sanchi sculptures.

The fact of these Samvaggi, or combined Scythians, being
settled at this early time in the Ganges valley, is an impor-
tant ethnographical item in our knowledge. We see why
the shape of this tope differs from the others, and approaches
that of the Kabul type, and we can also understand how
the influence of these Northern tribes, after their conversion
to Buddhism, would cause the spread of the doctrine they
professed among their fellow-countrymen in- the Kabul
and thus account for the strong hold Buddhism took

Art. YL — On the Present State of Mongolian Researches.

By Prof. B. Jui,g. In a Letter to Robert N. Oust, Esq.,

Hon. Sec. R.A.S.

My dear Sir, — In reply to your request that I would send
a brief account of the present state of Mongolian Researches,
I have great pleasure in forwarding to you, for publication
In the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of London, the
following notes — together with a list of the literary works
available for the study of the Mongolian dialects.

Comparative Grammar, under the generic name of the
Ural-Altaic or Finno-Tataric families, comprehends a series
of languages to which, by the researches of Castren, the
language of the Samoyeds has been added, there being, there-
fore, now a fivefold division of them : — T lingoes (Manchu),
Mongols, Turko-Tatars, Finns, Samoyeds.

These languages again admit of separate stratification.
None of the groups stand in such close relation as those of
the Indo-European family. Professor Wilhelm Schott first
called attention to this relation in his Versa eh fiber die
tafarkehen Spmchen , Berlin, 1886, and TIeber das altaPscke
Oder ftnnisch-iatarische Sprmkengeschkcdtf , Berlin, 1840; and
Alexander Castren in his lectures, entitled, Ethnologmhe
vorkmngen fiber die Adtaisehen rfdker , nehsi. Smnojedisvhm
miirvhen and Tatarisehen hekkmwjen (edited by Anton
Selnefner), St. Petersburg, 1857, gave a very interesting
survey of the whole family.

After the mighty Tenmdsehin united the over-discordant
Mongolian tribes, no people on earth have ever so gravely
disturbed the nations around them. They were Insuperable,
and a terror to the whole world, while acting up to the spirit
of their proud motto : Ervin mor nigen bat\ u A numbs path
is only one,” ?>. the path, through sufferings, boldness and
valour, to eternal glory. Thus, W* Schott, in his Aeliede

PEESENT STATE OF MONGOLIAN EESEARCHES,

44 PEE SENT STATE OF MONGOLIAN RESEARCHES.

Vh Undoustcm, trad . pour la premiere foi s* sur la texte djagatai,
par A. Pavet de Courteille, 2 vols., Paris, 1871. Note, also,
W. Erskine, History of India under Baber and Ihmayun ,
2 vols., Lond. 1854. Itashid-eddin treated on the history of
the Mongols in Persia. His work was edited and translated
by M. Quatremere, Histoire des Mongols de la Perse , foL
(pp. clxxxv. and 450), Paris, 1836, and with a Russian
translation by E. Beresin, 3 vols., St. Petersburg, 1858-1805.
Another work in Prussian must also be noticed, viz. that by
W. Grigorjew, History of the Mongols from the oldest times to
Tamerlan , translated from the Persian of Chondemir (8vo.
pp. xii. and 158), Petersburg, 1834.

Copious materials are also contained in He Guignes,
Histoire generate des Huns, des Tunes , des Mongols et des
mitres Tartar es occidental^, Paris, 1756-1758, with Supplement
d V histoire des Huns , par Jos. Senkowski, St. Petersburg,
1834. It was translated into German by J. Carl Dilhnert,
Allgemeine geschichte der Hunnen, 5 vols. 4 to. Greifswald,
1768-1771. Further in Iv. I). Hiillinann, Geschichte der
Mongolen his zum jahre 1206, Svo. (pp. xvi. and 1 1 1),
Berlin, 1796. C. D’Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols, depots
TcMnguiz-Khan jusqu'd Timour Bey on Tamerlan , 4 vols.,
La Haye and Amsterdam, 1834-1835. Hammer- ihirgstall,
Geschichte der gotdenen Horde in . EipUehuk , dm id : der
Mongolen. in .Mimlmuf Pesth, 1840, and, also, by the same,
Geschichte der Ilehane das ist der Mongolen in Persian, 2 vols,,
Darmstadt, 1842-1843, EL Beresin, The in radon of Russia
hy the Mongols, 2 vols., St. Petersburg, 1852-1851 (in
Russian). Franz v. Erdmann, Tcmmlsehin , der nun'srhidtrc-
liche , nehd eincr geograph iseh-cthnograph iseheu einleituug and
den erforderliehen bemudern unmcrhungen and beiluycu, Leipzig,
1862. Leon Feer, La puissance et la civilisation Mtntynles an
treizihm made (Svo* pp. 40), Paris, 1867. O* Wolff, Geschichte
der Mongolen Oder Tat area, hesondcn Hires rordriugens nark
Earopn, some Hirer Eroherungen and einfdite in diesem lecltthcUe,
kritiseh hearheitel (Svo. pp. iv, and 426), Breslau, 1872, Mr.
Henry It. Iloworth, in his History of the Mongols from the
2th to the 1 2th century, Pari L The Mongols proper and the

PRESENT STATE OF MONGOLIAN RESEARCHES.

Kalmuks (8vo. pp. xxviii. and 743), London, 1876 ; Part II.
The so-called Tartars of Pussict and Oentrcil -Asia, Divisions
1 and 2, 2 vols. 8vo. pp. xxxiv. and 1087, 1880, has given us
a voluminous work of rare industry, putting together as it
does the immense materials at hand for the history of the
Mongols and Tatars.

Before attempting to give an account of the Mongolian
tribes and their languages, it will, I think, not he out of place
to enumerate some of the general works, which will enable
the reader to acquire some fuller knowledge of this people.
This list comprises necessarily many of the more modem
accounts of travellers. These are : P. S. Pallas, Sammlangen
histormher nachrichten uber die mongolischen wlkerschqften ,
1st vol. 4to. (pp. xiv. and 232), St. Petersburg, 1776, 2nd vol.
4 to. (pp. x. and 438), 1801, and Benjamin Bergmann’s
Noniadische Streifereien unter den Kalmuken in den jahren
1802 unci 1803, 4 parts, Eiga, 1804-1805 (I. 351 ; II. 352 ;
III. 302 ; IV. 356), each standard works. The same must
be said of Isaac Jacob Schmidt, Forschungen im gebiete der
alter en retig ibsen , politisehen und liter drischen bildimgsgeschichte
der Tolker Mittel-Asiens, vorzugtich der Mongolen und Tibeter
(8vo. pp. xiv. and 287), St. Petersburg and Leipzig, 1824.
To these may be added the works of the Archimandrite
Hyakinth Bitschurinski, compiled mostly from Chinese
sources : Zapiski o Mongotii (Description of Mongolia), 2
vols. 8vo. St. Petersburg, 1828; vol. i, pp. xii. and 230,
vol. ii. pp. vi. and 339, translated into German by
K. P. von der Borg, with the title of Denkwurdigketien
uber die Mongolei ton dem M'dnch Hyakinth, aus dem
rimischen ilbersetzt , 8vo. (pp. xiv. and 426), Berlin, 1832.
A History of the four first Khans of the house Tsekinggis ,
translated from the Chinese into Russian, 8vo., Petersburg,
1829. A Description of Sung aria and of the eastern part
of Turkestan , alike translated from the Chinese into Russian,
St. Petersburg, 1829, and a Historical Survey of the Oirat or
Kalmuks from the fifteenth century to the present time , Peters-
burg, 1834. We must, also, not omit F. von Erdmann's
VolMdndige ubersieht der dltesten Turkischen , , Tatarischen und

PBESEXT STATE OF MONGOLIA# [RESEARCHES,

Mogholischen vblkerstdrnme nach Ranch id- ud-din’ s Tor gauge,
Kasan, 1841.

Among modern travellers reference may be made to
Timkowski, Journey to China through Mongolia in the yearn
1820 and 1821, St. Petersburg, 1824 (Russian), with a
translation into German by J. A. E. Schmidt, 3 vols., Leipzig,
1825-1826, and into French by Eyries- Klaproth, 2 vols.,
Paris, 1837 ; to these may be added, Hue, Souvenirs d 9 un
voyage dans la Tartarie , le Thibet ei la Chine pendant les
annees 1844-1846, 2 vols., Paris, 1853, not omitting the
researches of N* Przewalski, Mongolia i sirmm Tmigutoic ,
Petersburg, 1875, of which an English translation lias been
published, with a preface by Colonel II. Yule, C.B.,
and a Gorman one by Albin Kohn, with the title, /A A n in
der Mangold , im gebiete der Tanguten ttiul den a: mien JSFord-
tibets in den jahren 1870-1873, am deni rmsisehm ubenetzt
mid mit anmerkimgen versehen , Jena, 1877 ; a second edition
of this book was issued in 1881. Besides these, may be
noticed, A. Pozdnjejew, TJrgimkie chuimMy . Istoritseheskij
otseherh ieh proschlmco. i wwremenmwo byta (The Clergy of
Urga. A Historical Survey of their Past and Present Life),
8 vo., Petersburg, 1879. Gowda s/eirermi Mangold (The
Towns of Northern Mongolia), 8m Petersburg, 1880, and
Obrazhy narodnoi literal ury mongokkieh piemen. Wypush
pencyi (Samples of the Popular Literature of the Mongolian
Tribes, fasciculus i), 8vo. pp. vl and 346, Petersburg, 1886.

The fatherland proper of the Mongols is the so-called
Mongolia. It stretches from Siberia in the north towards
the great wall of China in the south, from Duuria and
Manchuria in the east to the Altai, and the sources of the
Irtysh, Thian-slmn (im heaven mountains) and .East Tur-
kestan in the west. In the centre of this country is the
desert. Gobi, Chinese S7i t~wo, i.e. sand-sea. The Mongolian
population, however, extends in the south over the great
wall to the basin of the Kbkb nor (blue lake) and thence
extends due west over Tunggnd and the northern border of
Tibet. Crossing the political frontier, we find Mongols in
the Russian province Turkestan, in the territories of Smurje*

PRESENT STATE OF MONGOLIAN RESEARCHES.

tschensk (land of the seven streams), Alatau , and Semipalatimk
in the west, in the south of the province of Tomsk, with a
more populated region due north in Siberia, round the
Baikal lake. The country north of the Gobi from the Altai,
Tangnu, and the Saian mountains in the west, to Man-
churia in the east, is called Khalkha, with the chief
districts, Urga (Eure), Uliassutai, Ehobdo (Eobdo). In
a north-westerly direction from Gobi, between Thian-shan
and the Altai, is Sungaria. The sum total of the Mongol
I population under Chinese government is calculated at between

two and three millions.

Generally the whole Mongol tribe may be divided into
three branches: 1. East Mongols ; 2. West Mongols (Eal-
miiks, Oelbd), and, 3. Buriats .

These again may be subdivided into a number of hordes.
Of. I. J. Schmidt, die volksstamme dev Mongolen , als beitrag zur
geschichte dieses volkes unci seines furstenhauses from the
Memoir es de V Academic Imperials cles Sciences de St. Peters -
bourg , 6 Q serie, tome ii. 1834, pp. 409-477. W. Schott,
Bevblkening , verfassung und verwattitng der heutigen Mongolei ,
nach Jakinf Bitschurinskij : statistitscheskoje opisanie kitaiskoi
imperii (Statistical Description of the Chinese^ Empire), in
Erman’s Archiv fur toissenschaftliche kunde von Buss land,
1845, vol. iv. pp. 534-547.

1) The East Mongols . Divided into the Khalkhas in the
borders just mentioned, into Shara Mongols south of the
Gobi along the great wall north-eastward to Manchuria,
and lastly into Shiraigol or Sharaigol in Tangut and in

northern Tibet.

2) The West Mongols [Kalmnks, Oelbd , Oiracl or Dorbon
Oirad=zt\ie four Oirad, Mongol Oirad). On the signification
and employment of these different names, as well as regards
the subdivision of the tribes, there is much uncertainty.
The name Kalmuk, so generally employed among us, is, in
fact, only used by the Wblga-Ealmuks (Khalimak), but even
with them the name is not common. It is of foreign origin,
and most likely a Tataric word, which has yet to be explained.
Oirad means the ‘ near ones/ the ‘ related. The usual

PRESENT STATE OF MONGOLIAN RESEARCHES.

explanation given is that the single tribes consider them-
selves as being related to each other ; hence, Mongol Oirad,
the Mongol related tribe. This is also the favourite name
among Kalmuks. Bonbon Oirad— the four related tribes
comprise : 1) Sungars , 2) Torgod, 3) KJrnhod, 4) Dor hod.

The signification of the name Oelod, in the East Mongolian
Oegeled , now the most widely spread among the tribes living
in China, is likewise very doubtful. Some assert that * Oelod 7
is nothing but the Chinese transcription of Oirad, as the
ordinary Chinese language does not possess the sound r.
We have, however, to bear in mind that we have a Mongolian
root ogeleku, with the sense ‘ to be inimical/ ‘ to bear hatred/

* ill-will/ etc. The main population of the Kalmuks live or
rather drag their existence after the usual fashion of Nomad
tribes in Sungary, in the eastern part of the Thian-shan,
on the south border of the Gobi, on the Kokd-ndr, and in
the province of Kan-su. All these are under the Chinese
government. In consequence, however, of the extension of
the Russian Empire in Thian-shan and Alta-tau, many
hordes have come under Russian sway. According to an
approximate account we may reckon in the territory
Seinirj etschensk (Kuldja), and Semipaiafinsk, 34,000 Kal-
in uks, while in the southern part of the Government Tomsk,
on the Altai, the Kalmuk population amounted formerly to
19,000. Besides these we find a section of Kalmuk popu-
lation far in the west, on the banks of the Wolga (near
Astmchan). From their original scabs in Sungary they
turned in their migrations to the north, crossed the steppe of
the Kirgisc, and thus gradually readied the Kmha uiirl {lie
Or. Between these two rivers and the Cral the Torgod
settled in KUO; thence they crossed the Wolga, in 1 000, and
took possession of the now so-called steppe of the Kalmuks;
being followed in 1673 by the Dorhod, ami in 1070 by the
Khmhml In 1771, a considerable number returned to the
Chinese “Empire. I refer to the interesting description given
by Bergmaim* Nommlmhe sfmfcndvn, vol, I. pp. 139 *H(l
At the present time there is a not unimportant popula-
tion In the so-called steppe of the Kalmuks, which ex-

PRESENT STATE OP MONGOLIAN RESEARCHES.

tends between the Kaspian and the Wolga in the east and
the Don In the west, and from the town of Sarepta in the
north to the Kama and the Manytsch in the south. Accord-
ing to modern statistical accounts, this population amounts
to 75,630. To these we have to add 24,603 more on the
borders of the Kosacks of the Don ; and, lastly, 7,298 in the
bordering provinces of Orenburg and Saratow. The sum
total of the so-called Wolga Kalmuks is therefore 107,531.
Besides the standard work of Bergmann, reference may
advantageously be made to Zwick and Schill, Reise von
Sarepta in verschiedene Kalmucken- Harden des Astrachanischen
GouvernemenU im Jahre 1823, Leipzig, 1827.

3) Buriats . In the southern part of the Russian province
of Irkutsk, in a wide circle round the Baikal Lake, the
heirdom proper of the Buriats, which they also call the
‘Holy Sea.’ The country east of the lake is commonly
called Transbaikalia. Their country practically extends
from the Chinese frontier on the south, within almost
parallel lines to the north, to the town Eirensk on the Lena,
and from the Onon in the east to the Oka, a tributary of the
Angara, in the west, and still further west towards Nishne-
Udinsk. They are most numerous beyond the Baikal Lake,
in the valleys along the Uda, the Onon and the Selenga, and
in Nertshinsk. These Trans-Baikalian Buriats came to these
parts only towards the end of the seventeenth century from
the Khalkhas. While Mongols and Kalmuks generally con-
tinue to live after the usual fashion of Nomads, we find here
agricultural pursuits, most likely, however, due mainly to
Russian influence. Christianity is also making its way.
The sum total of the Buriats amounts at present to about
250,000. Compare also the Polish work of Agathon Griller,
Opimnie zahajkakkiej brainy w Syberyi (Description of the
Trans-Baikalian Country), 3 vols., Leipzig, 1867.

Another tribe separated from the rest of the Mongols is
the so-called Hazara (the thousand), and the four Aimak
(Le, tribes), who wander about as herdsmen in Afghanistan,
between Herat and Kabul. In external characteristics they
are Mongols, and in all probability they are the remains of a

VOL. XXV. — [NEW SEllIES.] ,• 4

lu Mongolian ami
consonant together
k in other word*} a

EEESENT STATE OF MONGOLIAN EESEAECHES.

tribe from the time of the Mongol dynasty. Their language,
which shows, of course, Persian influence, is strictly Mon-
golian, more particularly West Mongolian or Kalmuk, as has
been proved by H. C. von dor Gabelentz, in his Essay, Ueber
die sprache der Hazaras unci Aimaks in the Zeitschrilt
der deutschen morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, vol. xx. pp.
826 - 335 .

Agreeably’ with this threefold division of the Mongols we
have also a threefold division of their respective languages :
1) East Mongolian or Mongolian proper; 2) West Mongolian
or Kalmuk ; 8) Buriatic.

The dialects just mentioned are found to be in close
relation to each other, when we examine their roots, in-
flections, and grammatical structure. The difference between
them is indeed so slight, that whoever understands one of
them understands all. Phonetically a characteristic ol them
all is the “ harmony of vowels,” which are divided into two
chief classes : the hard, a o u ; and the soft, eiiu; between
which i is in the middle.

All vowels of the same word must necessarily belong to
the same class, so that the nature of the first or root-vowel
determines the nature of the other or inflection- vowels ; now
and then a sort retrogressive harmony takes place ; in this
fashion that a later vowel determines the nature of the
former. The consonants preceding the vowels are equally
under their influence. The Mongolian dialects have no pro-
positions, but only postpositions, the inflection of the noun
being formed by this method.

The Mongolian characters, which in a slightly altered
form are also in use among the Manchus, are written
perpendicularly from above downward, and the lines follow
from left to right, the alphabet having signs for seven vowels
and diphthongs derived from them, and for seventeen eon-
sonants. All these are modified in shape according to their
position, in the beginning, middle 1 , or cml of a word, and
al-o by certain orthographic rules
Manchu writing the syllable (
with the vowel) is considered i

PRESENT STATE OF MONGOLIAN RESEARCHES,

syllabarium rather than an alphabet. The existing characters
are lineal descendants of the original Ligurian forms, which
were themselves derived from the Syriac, having been
brought to the Uigurs by Nestorian missionaries. An Indian
and libetan influence may also be noticed, while the arrange -
ment of the characters in perpendicular lines is common to
the Chinese. The writing was brought into its present
shape by the learned Lamas Sa-skja Pandita, Phags-pa
Lama and Tsehoitschi Odser in the thirteenth century (cf.
H. C. von der Gabelentz, in the Zeitschrift f. d. Kunde d.
Morgenlandes, Gottingen, 1838, vol. ii. pp. 1-21, Versuch
vber erne elite Afongolische inschrift ), but is exceedingly
imperfect. Every one who has tried to read Mongolian
knows how many difficulties have to be overcome. It will
thoroughly try the patience of a student to read many
words correctly, while he has no means of feeling
absolutely sure that he is right in every instance. This
difficulty arises from the ambiguity of certain letters, or
from the fact that the same sign is to be pronounced
differently according to its position in the word. Thus
there are no means for distinguishing the o and u, 6 and ii,
the consonants g and k, t and d, j and s (els). A and e, o (u)
and b (ii), a (e) and n, g and eh, t (d) and on are liable to
be mistaken for each other. Other changes will be noticed
and avoided by advanced students. It is a great defect that
such common words as ada (a fury) and ende (here), ende
(here) and nada (me), aldan (fathom) and altan (gold), amidu
(in life) and amitn (alive), iredschu (coming) and iradschu
(cutting), ordu (court-residence) and will (long), onochu (to
seize) and unue/iu (to ride), hal (honey) and bel (middle of
the body), fere (this) and dere (pillow), gebe (said) and kebe
(made), gem (evil) and kern (measure), ger (house) and her
(how), naran (sun) and nere (name), jagon (what) and dsagon
(hundred), should be written exactly alike. This list might
be largely increased. Such circumstances do not encourage
the study of the Mongolian languages, as it takes a long
time before the beginner is able to avoid ambiguities which
are indcod troublesome to the most advanced scholar. These

52 PRESENT STATE OP MONGOLIAN RESEARCHES.

defects apply equally to the Mongolian and Bunatio
alphabets.

In 1648, tbe Saja Pandita composed a new alphabet (the
Kalmuk), in which these ambiguities are avoided, though
the graphic differences between the two alphabets are
only slight. The Kalmuk alphabet avoids the angular
and clumsy shapes of the Mongolian, and has, on the
contrary, a rounded and pleasing shape. The Kalmuk
alphabet has also this great advantage, that every sound has
its distinct graphic character; a mistake between two
characters can scarcely occur. The Kahnuk woids once
mastered, they can be easily recognized in their Mongolian
shape. The dialectical differences are also very slight.

/ consider, therefore, the Kalmuk to he the he;/ of the
Mongolian, and that it should form the groundwork of Mongolian
studies, and I advise every one who wishes seriously to study
the Mongolian languages, to commence his labours with the
Kalmuk° The Kalmuk and East Mongolian dialects do not
differ much, at least in the spoken language ; but, the Kalmuks
write according to their pronunciation, while the Mongolian
orthography exhibits much the same spectacle as I icnth and
English, where the actual pronunciation is strangely at
variance with the orthography.

Son (dson) ‘hundred,’ is pronounced alike by the Kalmuks
and the East Mongolians ; but while the former follow this
pronunciation also in writing, according to Mongolian
orthography the word appears in the form dswjm. The
dialectic difference between the two languages very fre-
quently lies only in a different pronunciation of Homo letters.
Thus East Mongolian ds is in Kalmuk soft «> etc. Tim chief
difference between the two dialects lies in the fact that in
Kalmuk the soft guttural <J between two vowels is omitted,
while through the joining of the two vowels, a long vowel is
produced. In the pronunciation of common Hast Mongolian
the g is likewise omitted, but it is written ; while in Kalmuk,
as just, now mentioned, the guttural can only be traced
through the lengthening of the syllable. Thus wo bud:
Mongol cliagan ‘prince, 1 Kalmuk e/nhr, M . do gun ‘voice,

RESEARCHES,

sound/ E. don, dun ; M. dologan ‘ seven/ E. dolon ; M. agoh
mountain, E. din, ulct j 31. nagor ‘lake/ lx. nor, nur j 31.
ulagan ‘red/ E. ulan; M. jagon ‘what/ E. jdrt (fan)-, M.
dabagan ‘mountain-ridge/ E. daban ; M. sanagan ‘thought/
E. sandn ; M3 bciragon ‘ on the right, 5 E. baron, barun ; 31.
schibagon ‘ bird/ E. schoicm ; II. tschilagon ‘ stone/ E. tschilon
(i tschulun ) ; M. dschirgogan ‘six/ E. surgan; M. degere ‘high,
above/ E. dere ; M. uguchu ‘ to drink/ K. uohu ; M. togodschi
‘ history/ E. todschi, tudschi ; M. eguden ‘ door/ E. oden ; M.
dsegiin ‘left/ E. sin ; M. ‘in the height/ E. M.

ogeled ‘ the Ealmuks/ E. 5/orf ; M. uileged ‘ if one has done/
E. M. kobegun ‘son/ E. howhi- M. gegun ‘mare/ E.

giin-, M. kegur ‘corpse/ E. Mr; 31. char ig ad ‘ returned,’ E.
chared , etc.

The Buriatic, in these peculiarities, is almost always found
with East Mongolian, with winch it is in every respect
closely allied. In the pronunciation of some letters the
transition of East Mongolian tsa, tse, into Buriatic ss is
noticeable ; for instance : Mong. tsetsek 1 flower/ Buriatic
ssessek ; M. twk ‘ time/ B. ssak ; M. tsagan ( white/ B. ssa-gan ;
M. tsetsen * prudent/ B. ssessen. Ss is sometimes pronounced
like (the German) ch: East M. ssa-in * good/ B. chain ; M.
ssedJdl c heart/ B. chedkil. K in the beginning or middle of
a word is always aspirated.

Another important fact to be noticed, is that a clear
distinction must be drawn between the higher and nobler
written or book-language, and the common or conversational
language of every-day life. The difference between the two
is very considerable, and may be fairly compared to that
between the Modem High German book-language, and the
different dialects. All grammars and dictionaries as yet
published treat only on the book-language, and so, also, with
a few exceptions, the published literary documents are written
in this higher style. The exceptions are the Gesser-chan , and
the Siddhi-kiir and Djangariad ; the two latter published by
Golstunskij. The popular or conversational language has
not yet been fixed in writing till very lately by the work of
A. Pozdnjejew, which contains rich materials for popular
literature, and is an important step in this direction.

PRESENT STATE OF MONGOLIAN RESEARCHES.

The literature known up to the present date consists
mostly of translation from the Tibetan, the holy language of
Buddhism. Tibetan is even still the language of the learned.
It is well known that the Tibetan Buddhist literature is
itself translated from the Sanskrit; hence, now and then,
through Mongols and Kalmuks we get acquainted with
Indian works, the originals of which are not known in
Sanskrit. Such is the case, for instance, with the tales of
SiddM-kur. Many books have also been translated from the
Chinese. Most of the writings are of a religious, historical,
philosophical, medical, astronomical, or astrological character.
Favourite subjects are folk-lore and fairy tales. Among the
religions books, perhaps the most important is that containing
the legends entitled, Mger un dalai * ocean of comparisons.’
This is the book which the late I. Jacob Schmidt edited
under the title, Der Weise tend der Thor, in Tibetan and
German, Petersburg, 1843. To this may be added the
boddhi nior, or ‘ the holy path,’ the altan gerel ‘ gleaming of
gold,’ the mani gambo, and jertmtschil jin toli ‘ mirror of the
world.’ Little has as yet been published, but what has been
will be mentioned below. What has been known of poetical
literature before Pozdnjejew is scarcely worth mentioning.
In some parts of the historical and narrative literature we
find, wherever the narrative takes a higher flight, an admix-
ture of poetical diction. The poetry appears in a certain
parallelism of the phrases, with a return either of the same
endings (rhyme), or with the same words (refrain). Fre-
quently we find, besides the rhyme or refrain, alliteration.
(Of. the essay of II. 0. von der Gabel out z in the Zeitsehr.
f. d. Tv undo des Morgenlandes, Gutting, 1837, vol. i. pp.
20-37, Ei nigra uher Mongo/iachr poem 1 , un essay which has,
however, been superseded by the work of Pozdnjejew.)

I shall now enumerate such books as have been published
to advance the knowledge of the Mongolian languages, some
being original Mongolian texts, others the same translated
into modern European languages; and I take first, a few
writings of a more general character which embrace the

PRESENT STATE OF MONGOLIAN EESEARCHES.

Besides the two excellent writings of W. Schott, already
alluded to, viz. Vermeil uber die Tatarischen sprachen, Berlin,

1836, and Weber das Altai sche oder Finnisch-Tatarmhe
sprachengcschlecht, Berlin, 1849, Abel Remusat’s Eecherches
sur les langues Tartares , ou memoires sur dfferents points de
la grammaire et de la literature des Mandchous , des Mongols,
des Ouigours et des Tibetains , vol. i. 4to. pp. li. and 398, Paris,

1820, must be mentioned; and, also, Nawrocki, Short remarks
on the difference between the Kalmuk and Mongolian languages ,
which appeared in Russian in the Wtschenyja Zapiski (Literary
News) of the Kasan University in 1840, iii. pp. 160-176.

Not much praise can be bestowed on the labours of Boiler,

Die wurzelsuffixe in den ural-altaischen sprachen (Vienna, 1857),

Die uberemstimmung der tempus - unci modmeharaJctere in clen
ural-altaischen sprachen (1857), and Die pronomimlsiiffixe des
ural-altaischen verbums (1858). On the other hand, the essay
of W. Schott, Das zahlwort in der Tschudischen sprachenclasse ,
trie auch im Turkischen, Tungusischen und Mongolischen
(Abhandlungen der Berliner Akademie, 1853), is deserving
of the highest praise ; as is, also, the same learned professor’s
Altajisehe stuclien oder untersuchungen auf dem gebiete der
AUai-sprachen (from the third fasciculus the title is Auf
deni gebiete der Tatarischen ( Turanischen) sprachen ), 5 fasc.

Berlin, 1860-1870, from the essays of the Berlin Academy,
a very ingenious paper, full of sound and acute etymologies
and explanation of forms.

As considerable may be noticed the essay of Gr. Balint,
written in Hungarian, Pdrhuzam a magyar is mongol nyelv
teren (Parallelism between the Magyar and Mongolian
Languages), crown 8vo. pp. xxx. and 62, Budapest, 1877. The ]

national pride of the author scorns the idea that his people
should be closely related to the poor hunters and fishermen \

of the Ugro-Finn race ; but this has been proved long ago
by the professors of a rational science of language. Ac-
cordingly Balint, in his introduction, opposes Hunfalvy, who
maintains this view ; and himself tries to prove the Magyars
to be as closely as possible connected with the world- storming I

Mongols. It can be easily conceived that such a thought J

PRESENT STATE OF MONGOLIAN RESEARCHES,

would flatter the national pride of the Magyars ; it is,
however, quite impossible. Every rational etymologist knows
that the Magyar language is much more closely allied, as far
as dictionary and grammar are concerned, to the I iimo-Ugrian
than to the Mongolian ; though it is quite conceivable that
the Magyar has many roots and words in common with the
Mongol, inasmuch as both belong to the Ural-Altaic branch.
But always valuable is the small comparative vocabulary
of the Magyar and Mongolian languages (pp. 1-62), though
in this there are many forced and impossible etymologies.

I reserve till the end of this paper a full reference to
A. Pozdnjejew’s work, which treats likewise with all three
dialects, and pass to a discussion of the individual dialects.

A. East Mongolian or Mongolian Proper.
a. Grammars and Exercise Books .

I. J. Schmidt, Grammatik der Mongolischen spruehe, 4 to.
pp. xiL and 179, St. Petersburg, 1831.

Jos. Ivowalewski, Kratkaja grammatika mongohkago knmh -
nago Jazi/ka (Short Grammar of the Mongolian written
language), 8vo. pp. 197, Kasan, 1835.

Robert Yuiile, Short Mongolian Grammar (in the Mongolian
language) ; xylography from the English mission press before
Selenginsk beyond the Baikal, 1838. This book will always
remain unique.

Alexius Bobrownikow, Grammatika mongukko-kaimgekagQ
jazgka (Grammar of the Mongolian- Kalmuk Language)* 8vo.
pp. xi. and 400, Kasan, 1849. An excellent book, in which
Kalmuk and Mongolian arc placed side by side, lulled ion
and syntax are fully treated, and many examples of the
language are given.

Carlo Puini, Element! della gramma! im mongtdiea, 8vo. pp.
x* and 42, Florence, 1878. This is a brief abstract of the
grammar of Schmidt,

Alexander Popow, Mongohkaja ehmfomatija (Mongolian
Chrestomathy), voL L 8vo, pp. x. and 318; vol ii. pp. 1-199

PRESENT STATE OF MONGOLIAN RESEARCHES.

containing the dictionary, Kasan, 1836. A work admirably 1 \

adapted for beginners. By the same author is Arithmetic \ \

na mongokkom jazykje (Arithmetic in the Mongolian Lan-
guage), Kasan, 1837. I |

J os, Kowalewski, Mongolskaja chrestomatija (Mongolian j ■
Chrestomathy), Part I. 8vo. pp. xvi. and 591, Kasan, 1836,* j

Part II. Svo. pp. iv. and 595, 1837. An excellent work,
with a full selection of reading exercises, and an equally ;■

excellent commentary to the same.

(Schergin), A collection of maxims, prayers , fables , tales , say-
ings, anecdotes, and dialogues , translated from the Russian into j |

Mongolian, with a Mongolian-Russian dictionary (Russian), j

8vo. pp. vi. and 327, Kasan, 1841, f ;

Louis Rochet, Sentences , maximes et proverbes Mantchoux et \

Mongols accompagnes d’une traduction frangaise , des alphabets j

et fun vocabulaire de tons les mots contenus dans le texte de ces |

deux langues, Svo, pp. vi. and 166, Paris, 1875. I

b. Dictionaries ,

I. J. Schmidt, Mongolisch-deu tsch - russisches worterbuch I

nebst einem deuischen und einem russischen wortregister , 4to. ■

pp. viii. and 616, St. Petersburg, 1835. I

Jos. Etienne Kowalewski, Dictionnaire mongol-russe-fran- |

gats, yoL i. 4to. pp. xiii. and 594, Kasan, 1844; vol. ii. 4to. f

pp. 595-1545, 1846 ; vol. hi. 4to. pp. 1547-2690, 1849. An
excellent dictionary. i

Texts . I

GeseMchte der Od-Mongolen und Hires Furstenhauses, verfasst
ron Ssanang Ssetsen Chungtaidschi der Ordus ; aus dem Mon - I

golisehm uhersetzt , und m it dem Originaltexte, nebst Anmerkungen, I

Erlaiilemngen und Gitaten aus andern unedirten Originalwerken I

herausgegehen von Is. Jac. Schmidt, 4 to. pp. xxiv. and 509, I

St. Petersburg, 1828. Compare also Abel Remusat, Ohser - I

rations sur I’llistoire des Mongols Orientaux , de Sanang-Setsen, I

Svo. pp. 88, Paris, 1832 (Extrait du Nouveau Journal 1

Asiatique). * t;

Die Thaten des Vertilgers der zehn TJebel in den zehn Ge gen-
den, des verd tens tvo lien Me Men Bogda Gesser Chan; eine mon-

PRESENT STATE OF MONGOLIAN RESEARCHES.

goMsehe heldemage, nach einem in Peking gedmckien exemplar*
mifs neue abgedruckt tinier der Anfsieht des Akadenuhei s Is.
Jac. Schmidt. Edited by the Imperial Academy of Science,

4 to. pp. 191, St. Petersburg, 1836.

Die Thaten Bogda Gesser Chan's , des Yertilgers der wurzel
der zehn libel in. den zehn gegenden . lime ostasiatisehe Hidden -
sage, tins deni Mongohsch en iibersetzt non Is. Jac. Schmidt, bvo.
pp. xv. and 287, St. Petersburg, 1839.

Cp. W. Schott, Ueber die sage eon Geser-Chan . (Trans-
actions of the Berlin Academy of Science, Phil. hist, class,
1851, pp. 263-295), and B. Julg, Ueber die gricchische hidden -
sage ini wiederscheine bei den Mongolen (from the 1 ransaetions
of the Yersammlimg deutscher Philologen und Schulmiiiiner
zu Wurzburg, 1868 (Leipzig, 1869, pp. 58-71).

Allan Tobtschi. Mongolian Chronicle in the original \ and
translation , with addition of the Katmuk text of the history of
the Ubaschi ChuntauhcM and Jus war with the Omits, irans-
lated by the Lama Galsang* Gombojew (Russian), sixth part
of the “ Arbeiten der orientalise] len abfcheilung der Kuisei*
lichen archaologi schen gesellschaft/ > 8vo* pp* xiv. and 2o4,
St. Petersburg, 1858.

Ardschi Burdschi. Mongolshaja poivjest (Ardschi Lurdsehi,
a Mongolian Tale). Translated from the Mongolian into
Russian bv the Lama Galsang Gombojew, 4to. pp* 19, St.
Petersburg, 1858.

Schiddi-Kur, Sohranie Mongolskieh skazok (SiddhRKur, a
Collection of Mongolian Tales). Translation from the Mon-
golian into Russian by the Luma Galsang Gombojew, bvo.
pp. 102, St. Petersburg, 1865. An extract from the Ethno-
graphical gazette “Sbontik” of the Russian Geographical
Society, 1865.

B. Julg, Mongo/mhe miirehen . Erzahhmg am der Hamm-
lung Ardschi JhrdschL Min scitemiuek zum gatimgvncht m
Tristan and Isolde. MongoHsch and dvutseh ndmi don brack-
stuck aits Tristan and Isolde . Ah probe emer gcmmmlaimjtihe
ton Ardschi Bcrdsehi and den man mchimj^vnuhhwgm des
Siddhi-Kur, 8vo. pp. 37, Innsbruck, 1807. This is the first
Mongolian print out of Russia.

PRESENT STATE OF MONGOLIAN RESEARCHES.

#■

B. Julg, Mongolische marchen-wmmlung. Die neim marchen
des Siddhi-Ktir nach der ausfuhrlichen redaction unci die geschichte
des A rdschi- B ordsch i Chan (Mongolian, with, a German transla-
tion and critical notes), 8vo. pp. xvi. and 256, Innsbruck, 1868.

B. Julg, Mongolische marchen . Die neun nachtrags-erzah-
Inngen des Siddhi-Kdr unci clie geschichte des Ardschi-Bordschi
Chan . Mine Fortsetzung zu den “ Kalmukischen MdrchenB
Translated from the Mongolian, with Introduction and Hotes,
8vo. pp. xvi. and 132, Innsbruck, 1868.

We cannot pass by in silence the Sagas from the far East;
or, Kalmoak and Mongolian Traditionary Tales . With historical
preface and explanatory notes . By the Author of “ Patrailas ;
Household Stories from the Land of Hofer,” 8vo. pp. xx. and
420, London, Griffith and Farran, 1873, which con tains from
page 1-324 a complete verbal, though now and then misunder-
stood, translation of the Siddhi-Ktir and Ardschi-Bordschi of
the present writer . The author does not mention this on the
title-page, and from page v. of the preface it might be naturally
inferred that it was her own work.

We have finally to mention that between the years 1867
and 1879, in the Synodal Printing Office at St. Petersburg,
a number of Christian liturgical writings have been printed
in Mongolian and Russian, for the use of such of the Mongols
as have been converted from Buddhism to Christianity. Such
are primers for children, calendars, catechisms, legends of
saints, Psalm-books, missals, church rituals. It is not neces-
sary to mention these severally, as they cannot claim to be
strictly scientific.

B. Ealmuk.

Grammars .

Alexander Popow, Grammatika Kalmyckago jazylea (Gram-
mar of the Ealmuk Language), 8vo. pp. ix. and 390, Kasan,
1847. A good book. 7 '

Alexius Bobrownikow, Grammatika mongolsko-kalmyckago
jazyka (Grammar of the Mon gol-Kalm uk Language), 8vo. pp.
xL and 400, Kasan, 1849. We have already adverted to the
merits of this book when speaking about Mongolian grammars.

PRESENT STATE OF MONGOLIAN RESEARCHES.

Dictionaries.

The earliest Kalmuk dictionary is that by Philip Job. von
Strahleuberg, Das Nord- and Oestliche Theil ton Europa mid
Asia, in so wit solohes das gantze Rmskche Belch mit 'Siherien
und der grossen Tatarey in sich begreifet, etc,, 4-to. pp. xxvi. and
438, Stockholm, 1730 j pp. 137— 156: Vocabuluriuni Cahnuuko-
Mungalicum.

It was translated a few years later into hnglhh under the
title, An Historico- Geographical Description of the North and
East Parts of Europe and Asia ; but more particularly of
Russia, Siberia and Tartar g ; both in their Ancient amt Modern
state, together with an entire new Polyglot Table of the Dialects
of' thirty-two Tartarian Nations ; and a Vocabulary of the
Kalniidi-Mimgalian Tongue, as also a large and accurate. Map of
those Countries, and variety of Cuts representing Asiatick-Seythian
Antiquities. Written originally in High German by Mr.
Philip John von Strahleuberg, a Swedish Officer, thirteen years
Captive in those parts. Note faithfully translated into English,
4lo, pp. ix. and 463, Loudou, 1738. The vocabulary is to he
found on page 142.

II, A. Zwiok, Mandbuch der Weslmougolmhen sprache, 4to. ;
pp. 1-100 are autographed; pp. 401-482, containing the
German index to the dictionary, are printed ; s./.s.u. It
appeared, however, in 18o2. The title-page runs, g< zctch. u.
tjedr. r. I. X. J friar maun in Jlafngnt (Grand- Duchy of
Baden), It is a rather voluminous dictionary; it lacks,
however, arrangement and scientific method ; everything is
confused ; hut it is of some value on account ol its being the
most complete existing vocabulary.

II. A. Zwick, Grammatik der West-Mongolischen das id Oirad
oder KalmuJdschen Sprache, 4to. pp. a-d and 149, s.l.s.a. The
preface is dated Konigsfeld in the Grand-Duchy of Baden,
November, 1851. The hook is autographed. Iho author
has lived for many years as a Moravian in the colony at
Sarepta (Brovm.ce of A.strachan), near the JXnspian, in inter-
course with the Kalmuks, partly as a missionary. The hook,
however, has nothing to recommend it.

Const. Grolstunskij, Rimko-Kalmyckji slowar (A Russian-
Ealmuk Dictionary), 8vo. pp. iv. and 136, St. Petersburg
1860. s ’

A complete Kalmuk-Gferman Dictionary to the tales of
Siddhi-Kiir, with many syntactical contributions, is to be
found in my edition of the Siddhi-Mr, on pp. 135-223.

Texts and Translations .

In the Nomadische Streifereien of Benjamin Bergmann, to
Inch I alluded aho\ e, are translations, or partly paraphrases
from the Kalmuk. Thus :
ol. I. pp. 247—351, Ssiddki-JTur , Mongolian Tales.

III. pp. 185-230, The Mirror of the World, a Mon-
golian Document, ie. a Buddhist Cosmology,
pp. 231-302, BoMo Gassarchan, a Mongolian
Religious Writing in two Books. This is the

PRESENT STATE OP MONGOLIAN RESEARCHES.

Prussian translation, in the above-mentioned Allan TMsrhi,
St. Petersburg, 1858, pp. 198 - 224 . A poetic heroic story.

B Jiilg, Die marchen des Suldhi-Kur. Ralmukusch. X.
Erzahlung, fob pp. 6, Vienna, 1861. This was published as a
specimen of an edition which subsequently appeared.

Const. Golstunskij, Ubaschi-Chun Taidschijn t&dsehi, nctrod-
m ja Kalmyckaja porna Dschangara i Sidditu Kuryja-tuli^
izdanyja m Kalmyckom ja&ykje (The history of the b baschi
Chuii-Taidschi, the Kalmuk Popular Poem Dsehungar, and
the tales of the Siddhi-Kur), edited in Kalmuk, autographed,
entire h) Kalmuk, St. Petersburg, 1864, oblong jbl. ^ The
history of Ubascki on pp. 1-7, Dschangar, pp. 7-74, Siddlii-
Kiir, pp. 48.

B. Jiilg, Die marchen den Siddhi-Efir. Ktthnnkm-her /<•.<•/
rnit deuhcher iibenetzung und einem . Jtahnukkch-dmMm
mrterbwh, 8vo. pp. xvi. and 223, Leipzig, 1866.

B. Jiilg, Kalmiikmhe marchen. Die marchen des Siddhi -
K&r oder °Ersdhlungen tines rerznuberten Totlinu Din it. if, ay:-
zur Sagenhmde auf buddtmtmhem gebiete. _ Aits dem Kahniik-
vsehen ubersetzt, 8vo. pp. vi. and 69, Leipzig, i860.

K. Th. Golstunskij, The Mongol-Olrad Lam of the It nr lb 10,
the Supplementary Commands of the Gtthhm Chun- TnttMti, anti
the Lairs complied /or the Wohja Kuhnnks under the. Kuhunli
Chan Dondttk-Daschi, Kalmuk text, with a Russian trans-
lation and notes (Russian), Svo., introduction pp. 1-10, text
pp. 33, translation and notes pp. 35-1 13, 8t. Petersburg,
1880.

C. Bum atic.

M. Alexander Castren’s Vermc], time Ihtrjiithrhvn sprmh-
khre nebd kurzem ubrtercerzcichum. Jfrrnusgttpbni run Anton
Sehielhur, 8 vo. pp. xv. and 2M, St. Petersburg, 1857.

A. Orlow, Gnimmatika Mongolo- Bn rjatAagu razyutrornttije
juzyka (Grammar of the Mongol-Buriulic Colloquial Lan-
guage), 8 vo. pp. x. 265 and iv. Kusan, 18,8.

The book of Grimy is distinguished by the solidity and
soundness of its author. It abounds in good examples.

PRESENT STATE OP MONGOLIAN RESEARCHES.

Instead of the original Mongolian types, a Russian transcrip-
tion is used. At all events, the grammar is much more
thorough and rich in instructive matter than is the essay of
Castren.

As I mentioned above, the Buriats are being gradually won
over to civilization, and even to Christianity. An attempt
has been made to promote this end through instructive
writings. I may name, in this respect, a Christian tract
(most probably translated by I. J. Schmidt), under the title
ssain amugulang un jabudal un mor (path of the blessed
conduct), small 8vo., pp. 28, Petersburg, 1818, in Mongolian
types. I may also mention that this tract was translated
and published in Kalmuk, pp. 14.

A similai ti act, which contains the Christian doctrine,
prayers, the creed, the ten commandments, etc., was printed
s.Lsm, in Mongolian types, small 8vo. pp. 30. It has been
translated like the former into Kalmuk, pp. 26.

N. Boldonow, Daida-delchein uschir ( o mirozdanii) (on the
world-structure), 8vo. pp. 29, Irkutsk, 1862. Buriatic, in a
Russian transcription.

Uhchenie o mjatoj christianskoj wjerje, etc. (information on
the Christian creed), expounded in conversations with the
Buriats, together with a translation into the dialect of the
Buriats north of the Baikal, 8vo. pp. 148, Kasan, 1877.
Russian and Buriat, the latter in a Russian transcription.

Sehitie sugaMtelja Nikolaja, episkopa Myrlikijskago (Life of
the High Priest Nicholas, bishop of Myra in Lycia). In the
dialect of the Buriats north of the Baikal, 8vo. pp. 31, Kasan,
1879. Buriat transcribed in Russ.

I must add that, formerly, the Russian, more recently the
English Bible Society, have endeavoured to provide good
translations of the Sacred Books of the Old and New Testa-
ment. I think I may fairly mention these among literary
monuments, as, owing to the rarity of Mongol-Kalmuk texts,
they were for a long time the only source of our knowledge /
of the language. Besides this, they are distinguished by the
accuracy of the translation, and are thus deserving of the

04 PRESENT STATE OF MONGOLIAN RESEARCHES.

highest praise. At the request of the Russian Bible Society,

I. J. Schmidt translated into Mongolian :

The Gospel according to 8. Matthew, sin. iol. pp.

St. Petersburg, 1S19. . „ ,

The Gospel according to S. Mark and S. Luke, sm. iol.

pp. 222, St. Petersburg, 1821.

The Gospel according to S. John, sm. fob PP- 99,

Acts of the Apostles, sm. fol. pp. 143, St. Petersburg, lb-0.

And into Kalmuk :

The Gospel according to S. Matthew, sm. fob leaves o9.

The Gospel according to S. Mark and S. Luke, sm. fob

The Gospel according to S. John. sm. fol. pp. 97. The
same in a modern reprint, 12mo. pp. 145, s.Ls.a.

The Acts of the Apostles, sm. fob pp. 137.

Two English missionaries, Edward Stallybruss and TV xlliam
Swan (and for a time, at least, Robert It mile), have lived for
twenty-three years among the Buriats, whom they f ried to
convert; they" had even set up a printing establishment in
Seleiminsk so as to be able to print and propagate more easily
the writings necessary for their mission. To their labours is
due the Mongolian Old Testament, which ban been published m
a thick quarto volume by the London Bible Soemti/. It was
translated in Siberia during the years 1H3G-1M-I0, and was
printed at the mission press with the Mongolian types
existing in Russia— a fact which is indicated at the end of
the divisions which appeared in the course <>! the years m
Mongolian. I. Jae. Schmidt, Member of the Russian Aeu< emy
of Science at St. Petersburg, had to declare, under an order ed
the Minister of Education and of the Interior, that Rc
translation was in accordance with the text ot the edilions
recognized by the Protestants. This deelumt.un is printed
at the head of every one of the books in Russian.

These enterprising missionaries have also translated the
Ahr T, stawnt, which, however, was printed with other
type after they were expelled from Russia :

‘ The New Testament, of our Lord and Saviour desns «, hnst :
translated out of the original Greek into the Mongolian

PRESENT STATE OF MONGOLIAN RESEARCHES.

language, by Edward Stallybrass and William Swan, many
years missionaries residing in Siberia; for, and at tbe
expense of, tbe British and Foreign Bible Society, 8vo.
pp. 925, London, 1846.

In conclusion, I must call special attention to the frequently
quoted grand work of A. Pozdnjejew, who was the first to
introduce us to the popular literature of the Mongols. The
hook in question has the title • Obraztsy narodnoj literatury
Mongokkich piemen, etc. ( Specimens of the popular literature
of the Mongolian tribes ). Part L Popular songs of the
Mongols , collected and edited, with additional notes on the
character of the popular poetry of the Mongolian tribes, on the
poetry of the higher literature, and the artificial character of the
Mongol versification, 8vo. pp. vi. and 346, St. Petersburg, 1880.

The author lived for three years among the different
Mongolian tribes, and collected much and valuable materials
for his work, among which may be mentioned the very
valuable historic works entitled erdenijn erike, kbko debtor ,
schara tudschi, Juan tschao, publications which will provide a
rich mine for Mongolian researches. The author contemplates
finishing his work in four volumes. The present volume is
extremely rich in instructive matter, and makes us acquainted,
as it were, with a new world. In pp, 1-43 we have the
original text of the Mongolian, Kalmukian, and Buriatic
popular songs. Then follows, in pp. 60-319, the text
in a Russian transcription, with a Russian translation, and a
copious commentary on the songs. The Russian transcription
is especially valuable as giving us, for the first time, an
exact notion on the deviation of the present pronunciation
from the original alphabet as determined by the written
characters. The remarks on pp. 319-346 regarding Mon-
golian versification and strophic composition are also deserv-
ing of much praise. Every statement is illustrated by
.copious and practical examples. I look forward anxiously to
the publication of the remaining volumes.

Innsbruck, July 24 , 1881 .

vol. xiv.— [new series.]

Art. YII. — Sanskrit Ode addressed to the. Fifth International
Congress of Orientalists assembled at Berlin, September,
1881. By the Lady Pandit Rama-baI, of Sihdmr,
If dch dr, Assam. With a Translation by Professor
Hosier Williams, C.I.E.

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Hwwt wpc tow i%
3y JB "' J ce t-

70 SANSKRIT ODE TO THE CONGRESS AT BERLIN.

Free Translation of the above Ode. p

By Professor Mooter Williams, C.I.E.

Noble-minded and learned Sirs ! may health and prosperity
be ever present with yon ! Kindly receive the expression ot
my homage and devotion. 0 men of knowledge, the ancient
Sanskrit language is at the present day like an aged mother
shorn' of he; beauty and bereft of her ornaments. lor a
l on o, time, alas ! she has remained unhonoured, and now tLees :
to vou well-disposed scholars for protection. In the sharp-
ness of her grief she laments with a heart-rending cry. ot ■#'

pain. Listen attentively, that her feeble cry ot suffering ft

may enter your ears.

“Alas!” she cries, “in this revolving world every existing i

thing, however apparently unchangeable, is subject to the |

caprice of fate, and has its ups and downs like a machine lor j

drawing water from a well. 1 It is possible for men with great
difficulty to track here and there the path of lightning, i et
not in the same way, even with a hundred efforts, can they trace
the course of Destiny. Formerly I was like a favourite wile,
blessed with many prosperous sons ; surpassing all my other
sisters I was honoured as the most beautiful woman in the
world. Poets, whose songs fascinated the universe, wise
men, philosophers, artists, mathematicians, politicians, and
men distinguished in every kind of profound science con-
tinually adorned me with fresh divine ornaments oi their
own construction, having vowed to serve me with hielong, ,
unbroken service. But now, alas ! in my once joyous abode,
glittering with the tokens of their unbounded erudition,
mere fragments are left scattered us sad examples around me.
Where are now these my sons who were my glory ? Where ;
my countless friends? llow is it that none of them return
to look with pity on my condition ? With unpaired energies,
bereft of my noble sons, ever agitated in heart and with
wounded limbs, have I fallen unhonoured like a dead body |
on the ground ; and now 1 have not even power to draw 1

a single breath. Kay, my very speech, deprived us 1 am oi g

i Giuitl-yuutra may also mean a dock.

SANSKRIT ODE TO THE CONGRESS AT BERLIN.

all vitality, is described by my enemies as ‘ dead/ Thus,
oppressed by insupportable grief, how can I any longer be
said to exist F alas, my destiny ! Where are now my remain-
ing children, who are deeply distressed by my calamities P
Oh! that they may effect my resurrection — this has long
been iny prayer. And where are those evil-minded ones who
of their own accord take counsel together that they may
bring me to nothing? Can any other thing be more painful
than this P

‘‘And now they wish to tear away the divine Nagarl
characters — dear to me as my very soul — from their home
and replace them by the Roman letters. If their intention
be carried out, will not then a great disaster befall me?
If my own children seek in this manner to extirpate all
marks of my existence on the earth, who will be my
guardians ? to whom shall I flee for refuge ? "What hope
shall I have of life when thus overwhelmed with misfortune ?

“ In former days the land of Bharata was the producer of
noble sons and heroic offspring, like jewels ; she was exalted
above all ; her slightest look of displeasure moved the whole
globe ; her glorious fame illuminated the universe ; and the
three worlds were fascinated by the greatness of those noble
children, and thrilled by the glory of their victories; and the
universe, charmed as it were by the spell of their example,
followed in their path like a shadow. Such were the great

SANSKRIT ODE TO THE CONGRESS AT BERLIN.

Such, is the piteous cry uttered by the mother of learning.
Yet, alas ! how grievous, how disgraceful, how surprising is
it that it penetrates not the ears of the Indian people !
Why, then, should her voice be rendered hoarse with useless
lamentation before ■ such a people — a people long ground
down by slavery, bereft of power, energy and intellect, and
little better than breathing corpses ?

If you noble-minded men, assembled this day in Con-
gress, will look with favour on the miserable condition of the
Sanskrit language, and restore her by your efforts to her
former exalted position, the people of India will be for ever
grateful to you. We will ever sing the praises of your noble
qualities, and offer up prayers to the Father of the Universe
for your prosperity as long as our hearts throb with life*

The young lady Rama-bal (author of the above Ode) has
recently attracted much attention in Indian society. She is
described as a slight, girlish-looking woman of fair complexion,
about twenty-two years of age. Her family lived in Mysore,
and her brother was a Pandit in the service of the Gaikwar
of Baroda. In the hope of ameliorating the condition of
their country worn en, the brother and sister travelled together
through Bengal and Assam, delivering lectures on female
education to crowded audiences. Unfortunately their further
co-operation in this good work was cut short by the brother’s
death. Since the occurrence of that event Haiml-bal Isas
married a Bengali gentleman— a Wakll by profession, and
M.A. of the Calcutta University. She is said to speak
Sanskrit fluently, and to be able to repeat the whole Bhaga-
vata Parana by heart. What has gained her the greatest
reputation for learning has been her power of improvising
Sanskrit verses. On the third day of the Oriental Congress
at Berlin, I received a Sanskrit letter from her inclosing the
above metrical address, and asking me to lay it before the
Congress. This I did, and the original Sanskrit was read,
with the proper metrical intonation, by Pandit SyamajI
Krishna vanna, before a large meeting of members of the

SANSKRIT ODE TO THE CONGRESS AT BERLIN.

Aryan section, held in the Hall of the University. Much
interest was naturally excited in the minds of those present,
by the unusual phenomenon of a lady Pandit capable of
writing such good Sanskrit poetry.

It would be scarcely fair to criticize the young lady’s
Sanskrit scholarship too severely. Here and there the in-
advertencies are obvious, though the greater part of the
composition is unexceptionable . In a few cases where the
exigencies of the metre — -which is Yaitaliya as far as verse
14, and after that Jagatl — have prevented my making the
necessary corrections, I have indicated the inaccuracies by
the word sic, N or will the original bear too literal a trans-
lation, the construction being now and then intricate and
obscure. Still I trust my version, though free, will in all
cases give a fairly correct idea of the meaning.

After all, the inaccuracies and obscurities are not greater
than those in the other two Sanskrit addresses presented to
the Congress, and the verses of Rama-bal are, in my opinion,
by far the best in point of poetical merit.

Monier Williams.

Oxford, December 21,1881.

Art. VIII . — The Intercourse of China with Eastern T-urJmtan
and the Adjacent Countries in the Second Century b.c.

By Tugs. W. Kingsmill.

The following notes refer to a period wliiclx is one of con-
siderable historic interest. In the Far East the Emperor
~W u-ti, the most enterprising of the Han dynasty, having
broken the power of the Turkish empire of the Hiimg-nu,
•Le. Kara-Mrus, was engaged in strengthening the internal
administration of China, and in extending its influence
abroad. In the west the Romans had, b.c. 116, captured and
destroyed Carthage, and had reduced Greece to a Roman
province. The Ptolemies yet ruled in Egypt ; and, in Asia,
the Syrian empire under the house of the Seleueidm still
survived, but was showing evident signs of decrepitude. In
Asia Minor, Pontus was rising into importance under Mif lira-
dates V., who was one of the first of the more important
sovereigns of the continent to enter into close relations with
Rome. This position of affairs finally resulted in the great
war between his son Mithradates VI. and Home, which
afforded that encroaching power the opportunity of firmly
establishing the Roman rule in Asia, and of eventually over-
turning the decadent power of Syria, already frittered away
by internal dissensions between the members of the royal
house of Sekuieuko.

To the east of Syria lay the powerful state of Parthin,
which, founded by Arsaces I. about the year iu\ 260, had
now, b.c. 124,' descended to the greatest of Parthian
monarchs, Mithradates II. His father, Artubamis, had lost
his life in an attack on the Toch&ri, the Tu-hiu of the
Chinese narrative,, who, having accomplished the destruction
of the Greek kingdom of Baotria, were threatening the
adjacent kingdom of Parthia. Mithradates continued
the war and was ultimately successful, taking possession

INTEECOUK.SE 0E CHINA WITH EASTERN TURKESTAN.

76 INTERCOURSE OF CHINA WITH EASTERN TURKESTAN.

accounts of the embassy extant. I have in the following
notes adhered to the original description given in Sze-ma
T'sieiTs great work, the Shiki, and as Sze-ma was almost
a contemporary of the events he describes, his account is
naturally more trustworthy than that of later writers, who
simply copied his descriptions, or, if they varied, generally
did so erroneously.

Two writers from very different stand-points have given
us geographical descriptions of Central Asia during the
period referred to. In the East, we have Sze-ma T'sien ; in the
West, Strabo. The Chinese is somewhat the older in date,
having been bom b.c. 163, while Strabo's birth is attributed
to about b.c. 66. As might be expected, the Chinese author
is fullest in his descriptions of Eastern Turkestan, while
Strabo's recital ends with the lately-overthrown Greek king-
dom of Bactria. The Chinese author was acquainted with
Parthia, and even with Sarangia, the modern Seisfan, while
many of the other Central Asian states were known to him
by report. Both writers were careful and critical, and hence
have arisen many curious and undesigned coincidences, which
enable us to gauge the general trustworthiness of both
narratives. These coincidences I have remarked on in the
notes attached to the text, which is a translation of Chapter
CXXIII. of the Shiki or “ Historical Memoirs,” a work
which deservedly holds a high rank amongst histories ; and
the translation of which in full would add much to our
knowledge of the early history of Eastern Asia.

I have preserved the ordinary transliteration of the
Chinese names; not- that that system is to he considered
correct, but that it has for the present become so firmly fixed
as to be more familiar to students. The rules for translitera-
tion into the older language, which seems to have partially
survived up to the Han dynasty, may be briefly staled ; 1st.
Nm-aspirates in Chi new represent the corresponding nurds in
the undent language, 2nd. Aspirates in Chinese represent the
mrrmpondmg sonants and aspirates. This rule has, however,
to be modified on account of the tyranny exercised in Chinese
by the tones over the other essentials of language. The

IHTERCGUBSE OF CHINA -WITH EASTERN TURKESTAN.

third rule, therefore, is : The third and fourth lower tones being
unable to take the aspirate, words in those tones which , according
to rule 2, should begin with an aspirated consonant , have to
exchange the aspirate for the corresponding non-aspirate . The
other rules are secondary to these ; hut I may mention the
following as essential : 4th. Chinese palatals (ch and ts) are
the representatives of older dentals , and in the aspirated series
are frequently substituted for original sibilants . 5 th. Ng is the

usual representative of r ; n, however , occasionally taking its
place . Sometimes r follows the rule of l , which may be stated
thus : 6th. L initial usually remains unchanged , but as in Latin
1 is often the substitute for an original d, the same change is
avso of common occurrence in Chinese . L final disappears in
modern Chinese , and its loss is represented by a lengthened vowel
or diphthong , the latter most frequently ao.

The following is mostly a translation from the 123rd
Chapter of the Shi-ki, or “ Book of History,” of Sze-rna-
T’sien. Information derived from other sources is inserted
in the form of notes.

As a portion has already appeared in print {vide “Celestial
Empire,” May 6th, 1876), I shall only give a summary of
the beginning. A

Chang-kTen had been sent by the Emperor Wu-ti, of the
Han dynasty, to try and open communication with the Yueh-
ti (Yiddlials), the ’EfydaXhat of the Greeks, who, having been
dispossessed by the Turks (Hiung-nh or Eara-Mrus), had
poured down on the decaying Greek kingdom of Bactria,
called by Sze-ma Tsien Ta-hia ^ JL Tockar-ia, from the
Tochari (Tbx a P 01 Strabo), who had lately overrun it, and
which name survives to the present clay as Tokharistan c /‘
Ohang-k’ien on his road outwards was captured by the
Turks, and held in captivity for ten years. Having made
good his escape, and nothing daunted, he determined to
carry out the object for which he had been sent. Travelling
westwards for ten days he arrived at Ta-wan ft a C0U31 ^ r y
which forms the central feature in the narrative, and re-
garding which much misapprehension has existed. Ta-wan

78 INTERCOURSE OP CHINA WITH EASTERN TURKESTAN.

Las been usually identified with Ferghana or Kokand, the
valley watered by the upper streams of the Sir Daria, and
recently annexed by Russia, but the narrative will show that
it must be placed east of the great Pamir steppe, and most
probably near the site of the modern Yarkand. I have been
only able to find one allusion in classic writers to a district
which can be identified with Ta-wan of Sze-ma Tsien.
Strabo 1 speaks of Bactria as extending to the countries of
the Seri (T’sin) and Phryni ; and the latter of these (the w
of the Chinese word representing vr in Sanskrit, or <fip in
Greek), is apparently the Wan 2 or ta-Wan of the Chinese
author, for one form is used as frequently as the other.

Chang-k’ien tried to induce the people of Ta-wan to enter
into a league under the Chinese suzerainty, with the object
of driving back the Turks then encamped along the slopes of
the Tien-shan. In this, although received with civility, he
was unsuccessful; and he went on to K'ang-ku H ap-
parently Karakul, on the Pamir. Passing through K*ang-ku,
Chang-khen came to the Yueh-ti, who dwelt then on the
banks of the Tu-kwai shui ^ $j| ?JC, or Surkh-ab of to-day,
their southern boundary being formed by the Kwai shui
(the Wakh or Oxus). Though animated with a burning
hatred towards the Turks, who had expelled them from their
ancient seats in what is now Kan-suh, they could not be
brought to agree to the proposition of the Chinese ambas-
sador, who thereupon went on to the Tahia (Tochari) with
the object of returning to China through Tibet. After
a detention of more than a year, he was a second time
captured by the Turks, but taking advantage of the confusion
caused by the death of the Shen-yh, he finally escaped back
to China (b.c. 126), after an absence of thirteen years. He
was honourably received and promoted to high office.

Sze-ma T’sien then proceeds with a geographical description
of the countries visited. Ta-wan lay to the south-west of
the Hiung-nu territory, and about 10,000 U due west from

1 Kal SrjKal ficxp 1 psyp&v Kai $pvvcav i%4r<sivav r^v kpxyv* — Strabo, xx. xi.

2 Wan or Yuen, for the word occurs in both forms, may be more simply the
representative of Yar in Yarkand.

INTERCOURSE OP CHINA WITH EASTERN TURKESTAN. 79

China. The country was for the most part settled and the
land cultivated, producing both rice and wheat^ T e in-
habitants made use of wine made from the grape 0 » and
possessed many Shen * # horses. These were described as
sweating blood, and being descended from a celestial breed
* ® t. There were some seventy cities large and small
J the country, and its population was calculated at about
100,000. Its troops used the bow and spear and shot Irom

h °Sorth-west of Ta-wan lay K’ang-ku; west, the greater
Yueh-ti (E&daXlTca ) ; south-west, Ta-hia (Teapot) ; noi
east the Wu-sun ft U (Acnavol). To theeast were Kan-
mi « s or Kan-mao and Yu-t’ien % (Khoten). West
of this latter place the rivers flowed to the western sea ^
of it into the Im-cMk (the salt marsh, later on called th

• p Lake Lob 4 ), which was said to have an
salt water f[ %, i-e. Kane nou , Yellow

underground communication with the sources of the bellow
River Adioining the Im-chak were the states of Low-lan
m ff (apparently originally called Cardan J ) and Ku-sze
S f (aWled Kiu-szeor Che-sze * If, Akshi 6 ), the
££ elide the cities of which reached to the waters of

^Of Wu-sun we are told that it lay some 2000 U to the
north ; its people were herdsmen, and similar m
in flip Tliuno'-nvL They could produce some 10,000 bowme ,
We ! in fight. Formerly snbject to the Hiong-.O, they h.d

S1SSU-*— W ”“f d tkei ' °“ r

and refused to pay homage at court.

pirpvs. Strabo, xi. x., speaking ^argan% M-rrriKVV*

*?r,r ffiKii. — z: ts «. «■;.« - » f °“ i * b “ ■

pronunciation.— See Chinese ‘salt water.’

F 4 Lob is apparently a corruption ot Lavapa,

5 See Chinese Recorder vol. to. P - u Aksh . ma r-dana.-IA _

« In the Stalking called j§. ^ w ith the Asii or Asiam, who

North-west of Ta-wan lay K’ang-ku, 1 whose inhabitants
were similar in their customs to the Yueh-ti, and which
could produce some 80,000 or 90,000 bowmen. On its south
lay the Yueh-ti, on the east the Hiung-nu.

Some 2000 li to the north-west of K’ang-ku lay Im-t’sai
called subsequently Im-t’sai-li-kan 8 (Samarkand), very
similar in its customs to K’ang-ku, and which could muster
upwards of 100,000 bowmen. It adjoined a great marsh, 3
without defined banks, covered with reeds, and (communi-
cating with) the northern sea.

West of Ta-wan, at a distance of 2000 or 3000 li, lay
the Yueh-ti, 4 who dwelt north of the Oxus. Their country

1 N’angku, apparently Karakul; the ultra-sara 7c ’ is, however, more regularly
the equivalent of g 'or gh. The proposed identification of these two names, ap-
parently Turkish, Sarik-kul and Kara-kul, seems to raise a difficulty. They stand
alone on the Pamir, in the second century b.c., as Turkish proper names. Shaw
(High Tartary, etc., p. 27) speaks of the Sarikolies as of Aryan type, with lio-ht
complexions ; the inhabitants of K'ang-ku are described, below in similar terms
There is some difficulty in accounting* for so early a use of the Turkish name of
Karakul on the Pamir as the time of Chang-kien’s mission, circa b . c . 130 On
the whole I am rather disposed to see in it the Kangha of the 1st Fargard of the
Vendidacl, which Sir H Kawlinson (Hotes to Monograph on the Oxu s, Journ. of
Eoyal Geogr. Soc. vol. xln. pp. 494, 501) places in the exact position I have
marked out for K ang-ku. Etymologically K'ang (in Cantonese Hong) ‘ repose 9
]oy and Zend Ranh ‘to sound,’ ‘praise,’ seem to be connected with Sansk
Mas , 1st gustare ,amare , 2nd scare, clamare; so that the old pronunciation of
the Chinese word probably approached nearer than the modern to the Zend Rah
m winch case the Chinese name K’ang-ku would represent sufficiently well the
Kanha of the Vendidad. The verse m question has been translated so verv
differently by Spiegel and Hang, that it is difficult amid the conflict of authority
to offer any satisfactory explication ; Ruhka ‘ above the waters 9 may refer to its
position surrounding the lakes of the Pamir; or, taken in connection with the
next sentence, to the legend of the upheaval of Pamir, more explicitly given in
the 2nd Eargaxd, accompanied by the creation of snow and earthquakes, as the
land rose from the primeval ocean. The short description, “governed without
ti^Vnelf « aS Ti e Tf? the senu - n °“ adi . c character of its inhabitants similar to
the Z ™ re . not Turks we may gather from the text, which
SamarJmnd them Wlth the Ar y an “habitants of Wan, Yarkand, or Im-t’sai,

2 Im-t’sai-li-kan. It seems not improbable that the first two characters are
inverted. T sai-im-U-Ican Tjff % ff, U. Sal-im-ar-hmd, for Salmar-
Ptolemy aPPr0aCheS sufflcieIltly near to the modern Samarkand, Marakanda of

3 Major Herbert Wood, on the evidence of Greek and Persian authors, as well

^J r ° m hm own observations (Shores of Lake Aral), came to the conclusion
A h , *i t le Tu lr * da « a on S mall y ended “ a marsh to the south-east of the present
Aial. The northern sea mentioned by Sze-ma is, so far I am aware the first
allusion m Chinese literature to Lake Aral. 7 '

4 The Chi,, !7- i IE H sa y s of the Yuoh-ti or Ephthalifce that they “lived
some 7000 li north of India. They had pink and white complexions, and were
accustomed to shoot from horseback. The most celebrated rubies (Jg

80 INTERCOURSE OK CHINA WITH EASTERN TURKESTAN.

INTERCOURSE OF CHINA AYITH EASTERN TURKESTAN. 81

was bounded on the south by the districts lately conquered
by the Ta-hia (Tochari), and on the west by Ansik 1 or
Parthia. The Yueh-ti were herdsmen and nomades, and in
manners and customs resembled the Hiung-nu. They could
muster some 100,000 or 200,000 bowmen. After their defeat
at the hands of the Hiung-nu, they had removed to a distance,
and passing Ta-wan had attacked the Ta-hia from the west
and defeated them. The Yueh-ti followed the course of the
Tukwai (Surkh-ab), and fixed their royal residence on its
northern bank. A portion of the tribe, not being able to
get away with the others, took refuge in the Nanshan
amongst the Tibetans and became known as the lesser
Yueh-ti.

About 1000 li to the west of Ta-hia lay Parthia, a very
powerful state, about 1000 li square, and which had dependent 1
on it about 100 cities large and small. It was well cultivated,
and had marts where the people and merchants trafficked.
Both carriages and ships were used for the conveyance of
merchandize, and it had a silver coinage, hearing the image
of the king, changed with each successive reign.

To its west was Tfiaou-ehi 2 (Sarangia or Drangia) ;

to its north Ixn-t’sai-li-kan (Samarkand).

T ? iaou-chi was on the sea-coast. It was an agricultural
country, producing rice. There were large birds 3 there,
with eggs as large as water-jars. It was inhabited by a
turbulent people, who were continually changing their
sovereigns, and hence fell an easy prey to Parthia. Old men
in the latter country said that in Sarangia were the Yok-shui
and the Si-wang-mu, 4 hut they had not seen them.

came from their country, and they were in the habit of dressing in bright-coloured
garments.” The ruby mines of the Upper Oxus Talley are still celebrated ; and
Procopius speaks of their light complexions. Tll'ir-

1 k Ngan-sik. The old pronunciation of seems to have been ar ;
of. Gr. v Hp€uos, Sanslc. ram. Parthia was apparently known to the Chinese as
Arsak, after the title of its kings. #

- T'iaou is to be compared with Gr. crtipa, showing that the initial was s.

3 Ostriches, whose former range seems to have extended to these regions.

4 The Yok-shui || ‘weak’ or rather ‘dead water,’ is evidently here
applied to the Hainun or Lake of Seistan. The Yok-shui of Chinese legend
referred apparently to an ancient lake once occupying the greater part of Eastern

vol. xiv. — [new series.] 6

INTERCOURSE OF CHINA WITH EASTERN TURKESTAN.

Ta-hia (Tokharia) was situated about 2000 li south-west of
Ta-wan, to the south of the Ewai-shui (Oxus). It was a
settled country, with towns and villages ; the people very
similar to those of Ta-wan. There was no supreme ruler,
each city and town electing its own chief. Its soldiers were
weak and cowards in battle, fit only for traders. The Yueh-
ti attacked it from the west, defeated its forces, and estab-
lished their sovereignty. Its population was reckoned at
upwards of a million; its capital was Lam-shi-ch'eng. 1
It had marts for the sale and purchase of merchandize. To
its south-east lay Shen-tuh J§> $ (India).

When Ohang-khen was in Ta-hia, he noticed some goods
which had come from Sze-chuen J§j , and, asking how they
came, he learnt that they had come by way of India.

Of India we learn that it was situated some thousand li to
the south-east of Ta-hia. "The country was cultivated, and
the manners and customs of its inhabitants were very similar
to those of the Toehari. The climate was damp and hot,
and the people made use of elephants in war. It lay near a
great river (the Indus). Chang-kb’en calculated the distance
from Ta-hia to China at 12,000 li. It was situated to the
south-west of the latter country.

India lay upwards of 1000 li to the south-east of Ta-hia,
There were commercial relations between Sze-chuen and
India, the two countries not being very distant from one
another. At present intercourse with Ta-hia is carried on
with difficulty through Tibet, the Tibetans not being

Turkestan, and of which Lakes Lob and Gash are the decaying; representatives.
It is associated with the Kwen-lun-shan, i.e. mountains of Gandhara, and the
8i~ivang-mu ]9f The latter name seems to he a corruption of Sum mi,

the character being-used for , in Cantonese mong , and connected with
the root mar or mar 4 to dick’ W. E. Havers, in his Chinese Readers’ Manual,
s.v. gives a .sketch of the wonderful legends which have grown up round these
two names. They are evidently connected with the Hindoo stories of the
Gandharvas. Finding, as their knowledge of Eastern Turkestan extended, that
they could not apply the legends to Lake Lob in its then condition, and hearing
of the similar sitnation of the Hamun, the stories were readily transferred to the
new site.

1 Lamshi-ch 1 eng iff M> the Da-rapsa Aapaxf/a of Strabo. The phonetic,

as seen in Jp, lam, i.e. Xapfidvco, seems to point to an original lamb. Daramjpm
was probably the original form of the name.

INTERCOURSE OF CHINA WITH EASTERN TURKESTAN. 8:

friendly. Some few on the north, on account of what they
can gain from the Hiung-nu, prefer the shorter road by Sze-
chuen, which is besides free from robbers.

The Emperor heard that Ta-wan had entered into relations
with Toeliaria and Parthia, all being important countries
with large commerce, well-settled land, and arts yielding
only to the Chinese. Their military power was but small,
and they valued highly the productions and wares of China.
To their north lay the Yueh-ti and Rang-ku, fierce in war.
They might be induced by the hope of profit to enter into
relations with China. This was as reasonable a connexion as
could be hoped for, since the countries extended some 10,000
Ii y and nine interpreters were needed to reach the different
tribes, their authority extending as far as the Western Sea
(the Arabian Gulf).

The Emperor was pleased, and gave his assent to what
Ohang-k’ien had suggested, and directed him to despatch
from Kien-wei £fl§ in Sze-chuen, expeditions along the
four roads leading outwards from that place, viz. by Mang
Rft, by Yen f|, by Thi $§, and by Kiung-pak JR f|.
Each advanced 1000 or 2000 IL That taking the northern
road was stopped by the Tai-tsok J5* fj|, that going south
by the Kwen-ming J| BJJ of Sui h§ . 2 The Kwen-ming
tribes acknowledge no supreme ruler. They were a set of
robbers, and seized and killed the Chinese travellers, so that
this route had to be given up. They, however, heard that
some thousand U or so to their west lay a country where
elephant carriages were used, named TTii-yut/ the people of
which carried on a clandestine trade with Sze-chuen.

As the Chinese were now seeking to establish a route to
locharia, they commenced by endeavouring to communicate
with T'in-yht. They first tried to open a road to the south-
western I J|| , and spent much money on it. They did not
however succeed, and discontinued it. Ohang-k’ien affirmed

1 Kien-wei, now Kiating-fu. , ' ' ; A;;; ; v

2 Sui, now Likiang-fu in Yunnan.

3 Tiu-yht j|§ , apparently the ancient Sthaneswara, now Oude and
Rohilkund (see Cunningham’ s Ancient Geog. of India, vol. i. p. 328), but here
applied to North-eastern India generally.

84 INTERCOURSE OF CHINA WITH EASTERN TURKESTAN.

that it was possible by this route to reach Tocharia, and a
second time tried negociation with the I. He was, however,
appointed to conduct a force about to attack the Hiung-nu,
as he was well acquainted with the localities where water
and provisions were to be found, so that the army should not
suffer from their want. He was also invested as Marquess of
Powang. This was in the^ sixth year of the term Yuen-so
(b.o. 123).

The next year he was appointed escort officer, and ordered,
in conjunction with General Li, to lead the right wing in an
attack on the Hiung-nu. The Hiung-nu surrounded General
Li, whose forces suffered severe loss ; Chang-k’ien came,
however, to his aid, and succeeded in rescuing many of his
troops.

This was the year in which the Chinese despatched the
light-horse general (Ho kii-ping) with 10,000 troops to
attack the western settlements of the Hiung-nu. He suc-
ceeded in advancing as far as the Ki-lien-shan. 1

The next year the King of Hwan-ya pjl JJf) induced his
people to submit to the Chinese, and in consequence Kam-
elTeng JjL Ho-si fPf ff, Si-ping H 3L and Ham-shan
jll , as far as the Im-chak (Lake Lob), were cleared of
the Hiung-nu, 2 and for the time their chiefs ceased their
encroachments. Two years after this the Chinese routed I-
Shen-yu, to the north of the Gobi.

After this the Emperor bethought himself of asking Chang-
k’ien as to the condition of Ta-wan. Chang-k’ien had been
deprived of his marquessate (on account of the defeat men-
tioned above). 3 He replied, “ When your servant lived
amongst the Hiung-nu, he heard that the king of the Wu-sun
was called Kw’en-mo fg j|l. His father had ruled over a
small state lying immediately to the west of the Hiung-nu,
which was attacked by the latter, who killed Kw’en-ino’s

1 15 I® ill * K’i-lien ^ said by a Chinese commentator to have been the
Hiung-nu title for heaven. The How-han-shu gives Chang* li, i.e. Tnugri, as the
equivalent (vide A. Wylie, Journ. of the Anthropological hist. vol. ii. No. 3).

a These positions were in the prefectures of Lanehow and Si-ning, in the
present Kan-suh. For a detailed account of these operations vide Shiki, eh. 110;
also A. Wylie, l.c. .

3 A. Wylie, Le.

INTERCOURSE OF CHINA WITH EASTERN TURKESTAN

father (his name, according to the Han-shn, was Nan-tow-
mi |p ^ H) . Ew’en-mo was deserted in the wilderness. The
ravens brought him meat in their mouths and hovered over
him, and a wolf came and gave him suck. 1 The Shen-yu,
astonished at the prodigy, took him and brought him up,
and when he grew up to manhood gave him a body of troops
to command.

Finding he was a man of ability, the Shen-yu restored to
him his father’s people, and gave to him the protection of
the western cities. Kw’en-mo carefully looked after the
interests of his people. He made war on the adjacent petty
states, and trained a corps of 10,000 bowmen, and accustomed
them to battle. The Shen-yu dying, Kw’en-mo led his
people to more distant quarters, and established himself as
an independent prince, as he did not wish to continue subject
to the Hiung-nu. The Hiung-nti thereupon sent a force to
attack him, but were unsuccessful, on account of the spiritual
protection afforded him as well as the distance. Without
any important fight, they entered into a compact with him.
At the same time, the Shen-yu was much distressed at the
progress of the Chinese.

The territory of Hwan-yu had been almost depopulated,
and the barbarian tribes were willing to accept presents from
the Chinese, who at that time were on their part willing
enough to act liberally towards Wu-sun. They might invite
them, therefore, to move eastward, and take up their abode
in the former territory of Hwan-yu, where they and the

1 TRi s tale of suckling by a wolf, familiar in tbe cases of Romnlns and Cyrus,
is matched by at least two more tales from Chinese sources. In the Tso-ehuen
(vir. v.) is given the story of Tsze-wan of T’su suckled by a tiger (Ch. Class,
vol. v. p. 297). Klaproth ( Tableau de PAsie) relates from Chinese sources the
similar story of Assena, founder of the modem Turks (p. 114). The addition of
the raven ( wu) alone is a play on the name of the tribe (Wu-sun). With
regard to the attack on the Wu-sun, Mr. Wylie’s translation (op. cit) may be
quoted. In the year 176 b.c. the Shen-yu wrote to the Emperor: “Now, in
consequence of a slight breach of the treaty by some petty officials, you pursued
the Right Sage Prince till he was driven westward into the territories of the
Yueh-tl There, however, Heaven favoured our cause. Our officers and troops
were loyal and true ; our horses were strong and spirited; and by slaughter, de-
capitation, subjugation, and pacification, our army effected the complete reduction

86 INTERCOURSE OF CHINA WITH EASTERN TURKESTAN.

Chinese would be as brothers. If they accepted the invita-
tion, it would be equivalent to cutting off the right arm of
the Hiung-nh. The Wu-sun placed in close contact with
China, and a connexion formed through them with Tocharia
in the west, all might then become outer tributary states to
the empire.

The Emperor gave his assent to the scheme, and appointed
Chang-k’ien leader, with the rank of Chung-lang r-p gg.
He took 300 men, each provided with two horses. The
mission was supplied with about 10,000 sheep and oxen, and
gold and silk for presents in almost unlimited quantities.
Everything was done to expedite it : along the road it was
to traverse presents were sent to the neighbouring districts.

On his arrival amongst the Wu-sun, Chang-k’ien was
received with ceremonies similar to those made use of by the
Shen-yu. He was much mortified at this: knowing, how-
ever, that barbarians generally were avaricious, he told them
that he was the bearer of gifts from the Emperor. If the
King were not willing to acknowledge the Emperor as his
superior lord, then he would take them back with him. If
he agreed to acknowledge him, then he would present them,
and affairs would go on as before. Chang-k’ien then ex-
plained the object of his visit. The people of Wu-sun had
the opportunity of moving eastward and occupying the terri-
tory of Hwan-ya ; in case they did so, the Emperor would
bestow a princess of his own immediate family on the King.
The people of Wu-sun (it was urged in reply) would be
divided ; their king was old, and they dwelt so far from
China that they did not know whether it was a large or
small state. They were accustomed to serve the Hiung-nu
for a long time; they would still be near them, and their
leaders feared the power of the Hu. They did not desire to
change their quarters, nor could their king yield his pre-
rogative. Chang-k’ien could not prevail on them to accept
his propositions.

K’wen-mo had some ten sons, the second of whom was
called Ta-luk -fc fj( ; he was brave and skilled in leading,
troops. He moved his quarters with about 10,000 horsemen*

INTERCOURSE OF CHINA WITH EASTERN TURKESTAN.

Ta-luk’s eldest brother was Tai-tsze, and had a son named
Sham-t’su. This brother died young; as his death ap-
proached, he expressed to his father his desire that Sham-t’su
should become Tai-tsze, in order to preserve the succession.
K Ven- mo willingly assented, and after his death Sham-t’su
became Tai-tsze. Ta-luk was irritated that he had
not been appointed; he plotted with his younger brothers,
and raised a rebellion, with the object of compelling his
father to set aside Sham-t’su. E? wen-mo was now old;, he
was apprehensive that Ta-luk would kill his nephew, and
sent away the latter to new quarters with 10,000 horsemen.
K* wen-mo had still 10,000 horsemen left, which he kept
about his own person. The forces of the state were thus
divided into three, of which those adhering to K’wen-mo
were however the most powerful ; but K J wen-mo, under the
circumstances, did not dare to enter alone into a compact
with Chang-k’ien.

Chang-k’ien in consequence divided his embassy, and sent
his lieutenants to Ta-wan, Kang-ku, the greater Yueh-
ti, Ta-hia, An-sik, Shen-tuh, Yu-t’ien, Yu-mui, and the
contiguous countries, Wu-sun supplying escorts and inter-
preters.

When Chang-k’ien returned, he arranged with Wu-sun
that they should send ten envoys, with ten horses, to return
thanks (for the proposals that had been made), and that they
should be able to see the extent and power of China. On
Ohang-k’ien’s arrival, he was promoted to the dignity of Ta-
king, and made one of the nine grandees, but died the
following year.

The Wu-sun envoys having seen China, its great popula-
tion, its wealth, and liberality, returned to their own country
well rewarded, and for many years matters improved between
the two countries. The envoys sent by Ohang-k’ien to Ta-
hia had been successful, and all seemed ready for an arrange-
ment. It was thus communications commenced between
China and the countries to the north-west, the way to which
had been opened by Ohang-k’ien. All succeeding envoys
spoke of the honesty and straight-forwardness of his dealings

88 INTERCOURSE OE CHINA "WITH EASTERN TURKESTAN.

with foreign states, and the latter agreed in their apprecia-
tion of his character.

After the death of the Marquess of Po-wang (Chang-k ten),
the Hiung-nh, hearing of the communications between China
and the Wu-sun, were irritated, and wished to make an
attack on the latter, before the Chinese commissioners had
time to go southward and form a league with Ta-hia and the
greater Yueh-ti. The Wu-sun were alarmed; they sent
envoys to China with a present of horses, and asked a
Chinese princess in marriage, and that they and the Chinese
should be brothers. The Emperor laid the request before
his ministers in council. They all said, “Let them first
send the wedding presents, afterwards we will send the
bride.” The Emperor wrote a letter in reply : “ Shen horses
come from the north-west ; those to be obtained in Wu-sun
are good ; they are known as T’ien horses. The best obtain-
able are the Han (blood-sweating) horses of Ta-wan^® Even
more celebrated than these are the celebrated Wu-sun horses,
called Western paragons |f $§, and the noted horses of
Ta-wan, called the T’ien horses, etc. When China first
desired to establish settlements in the west, it founded the
principality Tsau-t’siuen, to facilitate intercourse with

the north-west. Since now China is sending missions to
Parthia, Samarkand, Sarangia, and India, and the Emperor
is desirous of having a supply of Wan horses, he sends this
letter in the hopes that his wishes will be attended to.” 1

As to the missions sent by China to foreign countries, the
larger consisted of about one hundred individuals . few
exceeded this number. The men had been trained under
the Marquess of Po-wang, and afterwards had had increased
experience, and had grown veterans in the service. The
Chinese despatched yearly missions, of which the larger
consisted of ten or more companies ; the smaller of five or
six. Those to the more distant countries were absent eight
or nine years ; to the nearer, a year or so.

It was about this time that China effected the conquest of

1 The whole of this passage is written in a peculiar stylo. The text is pro-,
bably corrupt.

INTERCOURSE OF CHINA 'WITH EASTERN TURKESTAN

Yueh, and made an impression on the south-western I in
Sze-chuen, so that these requested permission to send envoys
to do homage to the Emperor. At the same time the de-
partments were formed of Yik-chow g f\\, Yut-sui |j§ f§,
Yang-ho fpjf, Sham-lai gfc H, and Wan-shan Qr jfj. 1
The desire being to amalgamate with the empire all the
countries between it and Tocharia.

The same year Peh-Shi-ch’ang fj jjj ||, a man of Lu-

yut g j|j|, was sent with ten companies through the newly-
appointed departments to proceed to Tocharia. They were
stopped by the K J wen-ming, 2 who murdered the escort and
plundered the presents, and put an end to the expedition.
In consequence of this outrage, the Chinese raised three
battalions from amongst the criminals of the empire, and
about 10,000 troops of Sze-chuen soldiery, and sent them
under the command of the two generals Kwoh-c’hang and
Wei Kwang-tung to punish the KVen-ming for the outrage
on the mission. They executed or imprisoned about 10,000
individuals, and an expedition was again despatched. The
ICwen-mings again plundered it, so that eventually attempts
at intercourse were given up, and all communications with
Toch&ria passed along the northern route by way of Tsiu-
tshuen. 3

As the number of tbe expeditions increased, a distaste for
Chinese commodities arose among the outer states, and
their goods were not valued. When the Marquess of Po-wang
opened up the road to the outer world, they were highly
esteemed. Succeeding missions, however, fell to wrangling.
The Emperor wrote letters stating that foreign countries
were strange and bizarre, and dangerous to be traversed, he
therefore invited volunteers. He found that he had to give
up the more distant expeditions, as none were found to take

1 Near the present CMng-tu-foo in Sze-chuen,

3 See above, p. 83.

3 Tsz e-lung says, in his account of the intercourse of the Hans with the
Western states : “ The southern route led through Sze-chuen Jg, the northern
by way of Kin-ch’eng ^ and Tsiu-ts’iuen . The southern route

hfi ino- mwnfid. thev made use of the northern, which they were enabled to do

90 INTERCOURSE OE CHINA WITH EASTERN TURKESTAN.

a pleasure in travelling. His words were heard with indif-
ference ; he asked for officers from among the people, but
none presented themselves. He made provision for numbers
of men, and despatched them along the road, but they
returned; they would not be restrained from robbing and
plundering the goods, and the missions proved an utter
failure.

The Emperor still persevered; he punished the greater
delinquents ; he was angry and ordered them to repay.

When he again sought for envoys, he did his best to
select good men — -not poor, nor given to breaking the laws ;
but the officials suddenly, and without permission, com-
menced again to shirk having anything to say to foreign
affairs. They said that the majority looked upon them with
indifference, and but few favoured these expeditions. Idle
reports without foundation were circulated, and much un-
pleasantness ensued. The envoys sent were all the sons of
poor men ; the officials provided private stores of goods, and
with a view to private pelf procured them of the trashiest
description. The foreigners in consequence grew suspicious
of the Chinese caravans, the more especially as the words of
the leaders could not be depended on. Thinking that the
Chinese forces were at too great a distance ever to get at
them, they stopped supplies of food and goods in order to
distress the expeditions. The caravans were well-nigh
starved, and ill feeling ran so high that blows were
exchanged.

Low-lan and Ku-shi were but small countries, and the
road lay through their territories ; they attacked and plun-
dered the envoy Wang-k’wei to show their resentment. The
Hiung-nft at the time were very hostile, and thought an
opportunity had arrived for striking a blow at these missions
to the west; they sent envoys all round to remonstrate at
the danger to foreign interests ; they all had cities and
towns, and their soldiers, though not strong, might strike a
blow. The Emperor thereupon sent the Marquess of Piao to
punish the Hiung-nu ; he gave him command of the cavalry
of the allied states, and about 10,000 infantry. The Marquess

INTERCOURSE OE CHINA WITH EASTERN TURKESTAN. 91

in due course arrived at the (Hiung) Eu (?) River, and
determined to attack the enemy ; but the latter had retired.

The next year he attacked Ku-shi ; and the Po-nft with
700 of his light cavalry having arrived, he captured the
King of Low-lan. Having reduced Ku-shi to terms, he
disposed his troops so as to overawe Wu-sun and Ta-wan,
and returned. Po-nu was made Marquess of Ohuk-ye
(b.c. 108).

Wang-kVei was frequently employed as an envoy, and
what he did with reference to the difficulty at Low-lan was
reported to the Emperor. The Emperor accordingly having
raised an army, placed Wang-kVei in command, with orders
to assist Po-nu, and invested him as Marquess of Ho. At
this time Tsiu-ts’iuen extended from Ting-chang as far as
the Yuh-men.

Wu-sun having sent a thousand horses as a betrothal gift,
the Emperor sent Kiang-tu, a princess of the Imperial house,
as a bride to Wu-sun. E? wen-mo, King of Wu-sun, made
her right foo-jen. The Hiung-nd having also sent a lady to
marry K J wen-mo, he made her left foo-jen. KVen-mo
being old, he ordered his grandson, Sham-t’su, to marry the
princesses.

Wu-sun was rich in horses; rich men had as many as
4000 or 5000. When the first Chinese envoy arrived in
Parthia, the King 1 despatched a general with 20,000 horse
to meet him on the eastern frontier, from which to the capital
was about 1000 IL On the way they passed some ten cities.
The inhabitants were all of the same race and very numerous.
On the return of the mission, he sent envoys with it, that
they might see the extent and power of China. He sent
with them, as presents to the Emperor, eggs of the great
bird of the country, and a curiously deformed man from
Samarkand. 3

1 Apparently Mithradates II., who ascended the throne circa b.c. 124. r

2 Such gifts were evidently customary in these countries. When Pandion
(King of the Indo-Scyths ?), who a little later reigned over the north-west of
India, sent an embassy to Augustus at Samos, the mission brought as presents a
partridge larger than a vulture (7rep8iK& re p.el(o> yvnSs), and a hermes (a man
without arms, who shot from a bow with his feet), as well as tigers, snakes, and
a large river tortoise. (See Strabo, lib. xv.) The bird was apparently one of

92 INTERCOURSE of CHINA WITH EASTERN TURKESTAN.

Adjoining Wan, on the west, were the small states of
Hwan-tsflm |f 1 and Ta-yik To the east of Wan

were Ku-shi, Yu-mi, and Su-hiai if| All complied with

the desires of the Chinese envoys, and sent tribute to the
Emperor. The Emperor was much pleased, and took the
opportunity of sending an expedition to explore the sources
of the Ho (Yellow River). The Ho rises in Khoten ; the
mountains about its source produce large quantities of jade,
whence It is conveyed to China. The Emperor examined the
ancient charts and books, and learnt that the name of the
mountains in which the Ho has its rise is the K ? wen-lun
H* (i.e. mountains of Grandhara ; see note on p. 82).

About this time the Emperor was in the habit of making
pleasure excursions by sea, when he was accompanied by all
the foreign visitors at court, and great numbers of people
took part in them. Gifts and largesses were bestowed on
them, and a liberal store of provisions, so that they might
see how rich and liberal was China. There were every
means of enjoyment afforded, plays and sleight of hand
tricks ; numbers collected to see them, and those who went were
rewarded. Wine was there in lakes, flesh as if forests.
The Emperor gave orders to show the foreign visitors over
the imperial granaries and treasuries, where all manner of
things were piled up, so that they might have some idea
of the great resources of the empire. They were especially
struck at the mechanism by which the plays and other repre-
sentations were produced, and their astonishment was kept
continually on the stretch.

At this time caravans regularly passed and re-passed
between China and the countries lying to the north-west,
and even from places far to the west of Wan, from Kiao-t’sze

the StruthxonidaD ; the descriptions point to the ostrich, hut the ostrich was well
known to the Romans, who ought certainly to have known better than to call it
a partridge. There is no physical difficulty involved in the supposition that the
range of the ostrich formerly extended across the Persian . Gulf to the deserts of
Kannania and Sarangia. Its eastern limit would thus coincide with that of the
Hon. It is possible, of course, that a second species of Sfcruthio, now extinct,
inhabited these districts at the time in question, and that it was sufficiently
distinct to justify the description of Strabo.

1 Hwan-ts’im, Khartum, Zend Quairizem, Gr. Xwpdcrfaa, Ta-yik, possibly
the Aep&nces of Strabo, the Apomtcol of Herodotus.

INTERCOURSE OF CHINA WITH EASTERN TURKESTAN,

SI fS and An-jan J| $§/ but they bad not yet estab-
lished binding rules with respect to the treatment of envoys.
From Wu-sun they went westwards as far as Earthia, and
approached the Hiung-nfi.

When the Hiung-nu had conquered the Yueh-ti, they had
sent envoys bearing a letter from the Shen-yu ; the neigh-
bouring countries had passed them on, and had supplied
them with provisions, not daring to detain or incommode
them. On the arrival of the Chinese caravans, unless they
were prepared with presents and rich stuffs, they could not
obtain food, nor could they purchase beasts of burden or
horses. These people concluded that as China was a long
way off and was rich, they could compel the caravans to
purchase what they needed at any price they wished. They,
moreover, feared the Hiung-nh more than they did the
Chinese envoys.

In all parts of Wan and the adjacent countries the people
used grape wine. Rich men stored as much as 10,000 skill
in their cellars. They did not value it till it was at least
ten years old. They loved their wine as their horses loved
lucerne J£ |j|. The envoys having brought home speci-
mens of both, the Emperor introduced the culture of the
vine and of lucerne in the fertile districts of the empire. 2

Then horses were now abundant. From foreign nations

1 ~lc J ^ n ~y an ' -^ s the similar case of Parthia, we must pronounce the
initial syllable At — tb,e Aria or Arian-a of Strabo and Herodotus, the Haraeva
of the Avesta. It lay south-west of Baetria, and its name survives in the Herat
of to-day. Strabo says of it that it is “partly composed of valleys inclosed by
mountains, and partly of inhabited plains. The plains are watered by tbe rivers
Arins (fieri Rud) and by the Marqus (Murg-ab) . . . Its length is about

000 stadia, and the breadth of the plain 300 stadia” (xi. x,). Iviao-t’sze is
robably the Araehosia of Strabo, situated on the banks of the Araehotus, the
Haraqaiti of the Avesta, the $1 H Si IAo-JcH-ti of the Shui-king.

2 The Chinese name for the grape ^|j , or as it is here written |§f

tfu-tao, is not native. As the grape itself was introduced from the neighbour-

94 INTERCOURSE OF CHINA WITH EASTERN TURKESTAN.

envoys came in numbers, and were distributed amongst the
royal residency. The cultivation of grapes and lucerne
succeeded to their best hopes.

From Ta-wan westerly, as far as Parthia, although the
languages spoken differed slightly, they yet had a ; general
resemblance (* M «?) and were mutually intelligible. The
men had all deep blue eyes (gg JfJO and 'large beards and
whiskers. They were astute traders, and would wrangle
over a farthing. The held their women in high estimation,
and the husblnd commonly took his wife’s advice before
coming to a decision. Their country produced everything
except° silk and varnish ff. 1 They did not understand the
art of casting cash g or metal vessels (some copies for §|
read §j|, i.e. they did not understand the art of casting iron
vessels, a more probable supposition, as Sze-rna previously, see
p. 81, speaks of the Parthians using silver coins). They
induced some of the attendants attached to the Chinese
mission to desert, for the purpose of teaching them the art of
casting weapons and vessels. They obtained ftom China
surreptitiously gold and silver for the purpose of making
various utensils. They were not in the habit of using silk
fabrics f£. When the Chinese envoys were going away,
many went with them ; of these a few went in an inferior
capacity, but the greater number were introduced to the

Emperor. .

It was reported that there were concealed m XJ ili-chi
R M a number of shen horses, which the people were not
willing to hand over to the Chinese envoys. The Emperor
wished much to have a stock of Wan horses, and was pleased
at the information. He sent officers skilled in the manage-
ment of carriages, with a thousand pieces of gold and a
golden horse, to ask of the King of Wan the shen horses at

XJrh-chi. 2

1 A curious coincidence with Strabo’s description of Bactria (xi. xi.) :

8’^crri KOI rdufopos It is an extensive country, producing every-

thl “%rii-li-°ch ; eng, tbe capital of Ta-wan, lias not boon identified; it was pro-
bably not far from the site of the modem Yarkand. On p- «/, W 8

told that tho “ royal city of Wan had no wells within tlm walls, and was alto-
gether dependent on streams without the city for its supply of water. I his

INTERCOURSE OF CHINA WITH EASTERN TURKESTAN. 95

Wan had had enough of Chinese commodities, and readily-
entered into a plot. China, they said to themselves, is far
distant, and between us lies the Salt Lake (Lob), subject to
sudden disturbances. Should they go to the north, they will
encounter the Hu (Turkish) robbers ; if to the south, there is
a dearth of water and fodder. Whichever road they take,
there is an absence of towns and a scarcity of provisions.
The Chinese envoys travel in companies of a hundred men
or so ; if they try to cross without provisions, they will die
before they are half over. It would be easy to stop a large
army without any effort on our part. As for the Urh-ehi
horses, the people of Wan value them and do not wish to
hand them over to the Chinese envoys. The envoys were
annoyed at their opprobrious words; they broke up the golden
horse and took their departure.

The chief men of the city were vexed at their departure, and
bethought themselves the Chinese envoys will think but little
of us, now that we have let them go ; let us suggest to our
eastern neighbours in Yuk-ch’eng JfJt to intercept and
murder them and plunder their goods.

The Emperor was greatly enraged at hearing this, and
consulted privately respecting the mission with Ting Han*
tang. The latter told him that the military resources of
Wan were weak, and that though the Chinese troops chd not
cyppp/I aOOO men. still they were brave and well trained in

INTERCOURSE OE CHINA WITH EASTERN TURKESTAN.

were despatched from Sze-
?inces they enlisted about 10,000
Aon against Wan. Li was given a fixed
Urh-shi and capture the shen horses, and
got the name of the Urh-shi general.

making his forces effective, and for that
i of Ho and Wang-kwei to guide
his lieutenant to look after the affairs
of the term T’ai-oh’o
At the same time there was
their ravages ex-

Urh-shi. Six thousand cavalry
chuen, and from the prov
youths for the expedit:
period to proceed to
in consequence & —

Li lost no time in
purpose selected the Marquess
the army, and Li-chi —
of the force. This was in the first year
(37th year of Wu-ti, b.c. 104)
a great plague of locusts in Kwan-tung,
tending westward as far as Tun-hwang.

The Urh-shi general advanced with his troops to the west
of Lake Lob ; as he went along the road the small states
were suspicious, and closed the gates of their cities, nor
would they supply him with provisions. If he attacked them,
he might not be successful; if he were successful, he could
o*et a supply of provisions ; should he not succeed in reduc-
ing them in a few days, what he had would be exhausted.
Under the circumstances, he turned north to Yuk-ch eng. 1
The soldiers who were with him scarcely exceeded 1000 men,
all exhausted by hunger. They attacked Yuk-ch’eng, but
met with a severe defeat, losing in killed and wounded the

greater portion of the force. . . , ni

The Urh-shi general consulted with Li-ch e and Chao
Shi-cliing respecting the condition of affairs. They had got
as far as Yuk-ch 5 eng, but could not take it ; still worse would

INTERCOURSE OP CHINA 'WITH EASTERN TURKESTAN. 97

the troops, they were much exhausted ; still, if a larger force
were raised, they were willing to start again.

On hearing this, the Emperor was much enraged, and sent
a messenger to intercept the army at Yuh-men, and inquire
how it was that the army had dared to re-enter China
without permission. Fearing the consequences, the TJrh-shi
general detained his troops at Tun-hwang.

In the Summer of the same year the Chinese lost some
20,000 men of Tsok-yi’s army at the hands of the Hiung-nu. 1
The chief officers of the state were unanimous in wishing to
give up the war against Wan, and concentrating their forces
in an attack on the Turks. The Emperor was however
determined on punishing Wan. Wan, he represented, was
hut a small country ; if they failed to reduce it, the Tochari

98 INTERCOURSE OF CHINA WITH EASTERN TURKESTAN.

skilled in waterworks to divert the streams, and so deprive
the inhabitants of water. In addition to these preparations,

180.000 men were sent to the north of Tsiu-t’siuen and
Chang-yih, and depots of provisions were established for
the protection of Tsiu-t’siuen. From China they despatched
the seven classes of criminals to act as provision- carriers to
the TTrh-shi’s army ; men skilled in the management of
chariots were sent to join it at Tun-hwang ; and two cavalry
officers, well skilled in the management of horses, were
attached as instructors in horsemanship to take back the
shen horses after the capture of W an.

When all was ready, the Urh-shi general again set out
with a numerous army. As they advanced through the
smaller states they were everywhere well received and pro-
vided with supplies. On their arrival at Lun-t’ow, 1 how-
ever, the people would not submit ; the army attacked the
place, and in a few days destroyed it. From thence, west-
ward, as far as the chief town of W an, the road was level.

On its arrival at Wan, the Chinese force numbered some

80.000 men. The Wan troops marched out to attack it, but
were defeated, and forced to retire within the city for shelter.
The tTrh- shi’s troops had wished to go and attack Yuh-
ch ? eng • lie was apprehensive of the consequences of inter-
rupting their march, and only succeeded in getting them to
Wan by a ruse.

On their arrival, they set to divert the watercourses, so
that the inhabitants shut up lost heart. The siege was
pressed for forty days, when the outer city was stormed.
The chief men and the officers in command were much
harassed at the loss, and the people in great trepidation
retired within the inner city, where the chief men had a
consultation. They represented that the reason of the
Chinese attack on the city was that King Mti-kwa -0: Us
had refused to give up the sheu horses, and (had instigated)

i *We are as yet too ignorant of the geography of Eastern Turkestan to lie able
to fix the position of Lun-t’ow. It lay west of Lake Lob, and the indication
that thence to Ta-wan the road was level would seem to place it at the western
extremity of the mountains known to lie south-west of the Jake, Lun-t ow
'iSt Hj possibly represents Darsila, i*e. Cleft-rock; cj\ K? wen-iun for Gaiulhaia.

INTERCOURSE OF CHINA WITH EASTERN TURKESTAN. 99

the murder of the envoys. If therefore they killed the king,
and sent out the shen horses, the Chinese troops could scarcely
refuse to accept their submission. If, on the other hand,
they did not come to terms, the contest would he carried on
to the death.

Before evening the principal inhabitants all expressed
their assent ; they killed their king, Mu-kwa, took his head,
and sent it with their chief men to the Urh-shi general.
They told him that if he would spare the lives and properties
of the citizens, they would send out as many of the shen
horses as were required, and would supply the Chinese
troops with provisions. If, on the other hand, he would not
agree to their proposal, they would then kill the shen horses,
and request the people of K ? ang-ku to come to their
assistance. They then, with their own forces inside the
city, and those of ICang-ku without, would be well able to
meet the Chinese in battle.

The Chinese generals consulted together as to what course
to pursue. Meanwhile the Prince of K’ang-ku had
come to reconnoitre the Chinese forces, but it being still in
good condition, he had not dared to enter the city. The
Urh-shi general took counsel of Chao Shi-ch’eng and Li-c 5 hi.
They learnt that within the city they had recently obtained
the services of some men from T’sin, who knew how to sink
wells, while provisions were still abundant. Come what
might, they had cut off the head of the obnoxious Mu-kwa,
and it had arrived in camp. If they did not agree to the
terms proposed, they would have to take measures for their
own defence, as the Prince of K’ang-ku, as soon as the
Chinese soldiers were exhausted, was ready to come to the
assistance of Wan, in which case their army must be ex-
terminated.

The various generals accordingly agreed to accept the
terms proposed, and a convention was entered into with
Wan that the latter should send out the shen 1 horses, which

1 Shen horses J§| . Is it possible that these are connected with the cele-
brated Kesaaan horses of Strabo and the other Greek writers ? Strabo (xi. xhi.)
says : Tots N 7)<ratovs ithtovs, Sis ixp&vro oi fiavihzis aplcrrovs od<n ual luyivrow.

XQQ INTERCOURSE OF CHINA WITH EASTERN TURKESTAN.

the Chinese should have the right of selecting, and that they
should fully provision the army.

The Chinese general took of the shat horses some ten
individuals, besides of medium and inferior qualities about
10,000 horses and mares. They likewise selected from among
the grandees of "Wan one who had in previous times enter-
tained in a friendly manner the Chinese envoys, by name
Mui-t’sai, 1 and set him up as King of Wan.

On their side the Chinese stipulated that they would
withdraw the troops without entering the inner city, and
would cease hostilities and lead them hack to China.

As the army was numerous, and no provisions were to be
had for so many along the road from Urh-shi to the districts
immediately west of the Tun-hwang, the army was div ided
into several sections, which followed respectively the northern
and southern routes under the leadership of Wang Shen-
sang. On account of (the proximity of) the districts of
Hung-li H H and Wu-cMng |g 5&, 2 they marched in
bodies of about 1000 men. On their arrival at Yuk-eh’eng,
they found the city closed, and the inhabitants unwilling to
provide supplies. Wang Shen-sang went on some 200 li in
advance of the main army, with a body of light horse, in
order to reconnoitre. He made a requisition on the town for
provisions, but was refused. The people in the town knew
through their spies that the troops with Wang were but few;
at daylight they sallied out 3000 strong, and cut to pieces
his escort. A few only escaped to the Urh-shi general. The
general ordered the troops under the command of Sau-suk
and Kih to destroy Yuk-ch’eng; the King fled to K’ang-ku,
whither he was pursued by Kih. The people of K ? ang-ku
hearing that the Chinese had taken Wan, and had driven
out the King of Yuk-ch’eng, delivered him up to Kill.

Kih ordered four cavalry officers to take him bound to the

(See also Herod, vii. 40 .) Possibly Ailce tbe grapes, the race was introduced'
through Bactria from west of tlie Pamir.

1 lie Mui-t'sai , apparently Malsalya, ue. Relophoros, ; so

Mu-kwa is possibly Mahavira. t .

£ Apparently representing' some such forms as Ilari-urva, terra gnat , ana
, Ugra-jara, male dura .

INTERCOURSE OF CHINA "WITH EASTERN TURKESTAN. 1Q1

general-in-chief. The four consulted together. “This,”
they said, “is the King of Yuk-ch’eng, who has inflicted so
much loss on our troops. So long as he lives he will be a
source of trouble, let us kill him and finish the affair.” They
wished to kill him, but each feared to be the first to strike.
The Shang-kwei cavalry officer, Chao’s younger brother, was
a young man ; he drew his sword, killed him, and cut off his
head. He was sent on by Kih to communicate the fact to
the general-in-chief.

After the XJrh-shi general had set out, the Emperor sent
an envoy to Wu-sun, requesting it to assist him in the
attack on Wan; Wu-sun, in response, sent 2000 cavalry.
They were now placed in a dilemma, and did not wish to
proceed, as the XJrh-shi general had retired to the east. The
smaller States through which the army passed, when they
heard that China had conquered Wan, all sent the sons or
younger brothers of their ruling chiefs, along with the army,
to pay tribute to the Emperor and remain as hostages at the
court.

Great merit was due to the XJrh-shi general for his success
at Wan, and to the Kiun-ching Chao Shi-ching for his
bravery in battle, as well as to Kih for the courage he
displayed in entering K’ang-ku, and on Li-ch’i for his wise
counsels! The army entered the Yuh-men about 10,000
strong, with a thousand horses; the XJrh-shi general bring-
ing up the rear.

The army was now abundantly provisioned, and those who
died in battle could not be many. The officers were, how-
ever, avaricious, and many of them did not care for their
soldiers, who fell to plundering, and this caused some dis-
turbance. The Emperor, as it had marched 10,000 li to the
capture of Wan, and had returned successful, took no further
notice of the irregularity. He invested Kwang-li as Marquess

102 INTERCOURSE OF CHINA WITH EASTERN TURKESTAN.

three of the other generals made high officers of the ninth
grade.

To each of the Marquesses who had an income of 2000 shih
100 men were allotted, and a thousand were distributed
amongst those with less than 1000 shih. In reward of
their strenuous exertions, all were rewarded beyond their
hopes, and fully contented were permitted to retire. 40,000
pieces of gold were distributed amongst the troops; those
who had taken active part in the operations against "Wan
received four years 5 furlough.

After the victory at Wan, the Chinese general had set up
Mui-t’sai as king, and immediately after departed. Scarcely
a year had elapsed when the principal men of the city, find-
ing that Mui-t’sai was nothing* but a specious flatterer, sent
an envoy to China asking permission to kill him. This
being accorded, they put him to death, and raised to the
vacant throne a brother of Mu-kwa, named Shen-fung
(? Dar-bhar), and sent his son to China as a hostage. To
preserve the good understanding an envoy was despatched
in return with costly presents, and more than ten caravans
were sent to the countries lying west of Wan to seek for
articles of vertu.

In order to keep Wan under control, Fung-lan was ap-
pointed Tu-wei of Tun-hwang and T 5 siu-tsiuen. Westwards,
as far as the Im-shui (Salt water, i.e. Lake Lob), rest-houses
were established. At Lun-t’ow, a hundred agricultural
officers were appointed for the purpose of encouraging the
cultivation of millet and corn to supply the caravans on
their way to or from foreign countries.

INTERCOURSE OF CHIM WITH EASTERN TURKESTAN. 103

Index of Names of Localities Mentioned in the pee
ceding Paper.

Ariana.

Parthia.

Shensi, etc .

See W u-chung\

Kharism.

In present province of Kansuh,
Lake Lob.

X Samarkand.

An-sik . . . . $£ M*

iio-si m If

Hung-lu . . . $$ 1§
Hwan-t’sim . . |f| f|jf
Hwaii-ya . * . f|! f|5
Im-sbui. . . . jg 7jC
Im-t’sai orlm- ^
t ? sai-li-kan . ^ ^
Job (Yok) shui || ?Jc
Kan-mi,&?<3 also

Yu- mi ... ff ^
Kang-ku . . . |g Jg
Ki-lien-shan . f]J jg£
Kiao-t’sze. . . JH
Kien-wei . . . $S M
Kiung-pak . . I|5 M
Kim- ch ? eng. . ^
Ku-sze . . . . ffli fffli
KVen-lun , . 1 f
Kwai-shui. . . #jt ?]C
K’wen-mings . fg P£f
Lam-shi-ch’eng |g iff
Lu«yut . ... g |
Lun-t’ow ... Si
Low-lan. . . . IS it

Mang tM

Nam-shan. . . jjj
Sham-lai ... ft &
Shen-tuh .* . . $£
Si-ping . ... If 36
Si-wang-mu . W 3E
Su-hiai . ^

Sui f§

Ta-kia ~k 3C

Lake of Hanmn,

A kingdom S.E. of Lake Lob.
Riang-kul.

Then-shan (part).

Arachosia.

A town in Sze-cbuen.

A town in Kansuh.

A kingdom near Lake Lob,
Mountains of Gandhara.
River Oxus.

A tribe in Sze-chuen.
Capital of Baotria.

A place S.W. of Lake Lob.

A kingdom S.E. of Lake Lab*
A locality in Sze-chuen.

A locality in Kansuh.

See Yang-ho.

Scinde.

A place in Kansuh.

A fabulous being.

Asmall state ly ing E.of Y arkantl
Now Li-kiang-fu in Yunnan*
Toeharistan.

104 INTERCOURSE OF CHINA WITH EASTERN TURKESTAN.

Derbiees.

A tribe in Yunnan*

Sarangia.

Sthaneswara or ET.E* India*

A district in Kansuh.

River Surkhab*

A locality in Sze-chuen.,
Yarkand*

\ The kingdom lying E. of tbe
j Pamir, Yarkand.

A district in Sze-chuen.

A district near Yuk-cheng.

The Asiani.

A newly- founded district in
Sze-chuen.

A place on the borders of Sze-
chuen.

See Yang- ho*

The more correct form of Eanmi.
Khoten.

Ephthalitee.

A city of Turkestan.

See Yang-ho.

Thn-yut * * . ?§| @
Tsiu-tshuen . . fif J|
Tu-kwai-shui . ® #j§ ?|C

ITrli-sze-ch’en
Wan or . . .
Ta-wan . . *
Wan-shan .
Wu-chung .
Wu-suns . .
Yang-ho * .

Yik-chow .
Yu-mi. . .
Yu- then *
Yueh-ti. .
Yuk-ch/eng
Yut-sui . .

Art. IX . — Suggestions on the Formation of the Semitic Tenses.
A Comparative and Critical Study . By G. Bertin.

M.R.A.S.

In no Semitic tongue there seems not to be more than two
primitive tenses, not having, however, in each dialect the
same force. The form expressing the present in Hebrew is
used for the subjunctive in Ethiopian, the perfect in As-
syrian, etc. As for comparative purposes a common name
is required for each form, we will take those adopted by
the late Yicomte de Rouge in his Egyptian Grammar:
Aorist-Past to denote the tense which appears to be formed
by suffixes, as qabal-ti , and Aorist~P resent for that

which appears to be formed by prefixes, as ^i? a-qboL

It may be added that these two tenses had primitively
connected with them no fixed idea of time, like the various
Egyptian verbal forms , 1 but were localized only in the course
of time, as will be seen in the following study.

1 See de Rouge's Grammar.

were used indifferently for both genders,

106

FORMATION OF THE SEMITIC TENSES.

This formation is the one noticed in old Egyptian . 1

In Semitic tongues the verb is, as in Egyptian, placed first
in the sentence. The third person is merely the root or
theme (also as in Egyptian), which is quite rational, for
being followed by the subject, the pronoun is not required
to determine the person.

If we consider the third person of a verb to be a noun, its
feminine must be formed according to the rule used for nouns;
that is exactly what is found.

Syriac %iia qbal , fem. qeblat .

Arabic jl* qabcila, fem. JlSls qabalcd .

In Hebrew the t, characteristic of the feminine, is, as it is
also in the nouns, weakened into A, so we have w qabal, fem.
n ^j? qablah.

The formation agrees therefore exactly.

In the plural the parallel is the same. The third person
of the masculine plural is qabl-u in Hebrew, Syriac, Chaldee,
Samaritan and Ethiopian ; 2 and UlJ qciblua in Arabic, where
the silent alif is only added to mark the length of the last
vowel.

Here we have the theme with the mark of the plural u
(Egyptian for the masculine. The feminine ought to
be au or ua (Egyptian ^ ) and by assimilation d, but as it

often happens the distinction of gender in the plural ceased
at an early time to be rigorously noticed and the masculine
form was exclusively used for both genders . 3 Ethiopian is the
only dialect in which the characteristic a has been retained,
<f>flA qctbala, as in Chaldee.

The formation of the .plural by adding u has nearly dis-
appeared in the nouns ; some examples remain in Assyrian,

1 In this paper I limit myself to the Semitic group, and refer only occasionally

to the Egyptian to make the explanations clearer.

3 See the table A.

3 The masculine form in u is the only one retained in Coptic, though in Egyp-
tian we have the two forms u and sen, but in Egyptian they had
already lost their value, ;

FORMATION OF THE SEMITIC TENSES.

but it lias left many traces in all the other dialects : as,
for instance, the Arabic regular plural un, and the plural
ut, found in Assyrian, Hebrew, Arabic, etc. A trace of
the feminine plural in a is also found in the plural at.

There seem to have been two different means by which the
plural could be formed : 1st, u for the masculine and a (for
na) for the feminine, and 2nd, n, used for both genders. This
n, as marking the plural, appears in the pronouns. These
two characteristics have been often superadded, as is seen
in the Arabic plural ^ un, and, through phonetic changes,
in Assyrian || JSpfl -am, Hebrew -im, Chaldee f* in, etc.
This double plural has been better preserved in the feminine ;
in Arabic we have ^11 % qabalna, in Syriac qballn, as

well as qbali .

For the second and first persons of the Aorist-Past
etymologists appear to have been misled by the fact that the
pronoun of the second person is anta in Arabic, HFlK

atta in Hebrew, and in Assyrian ; from this

they have assumed that tct was the characteristic of the second
person, and have derived from it the second person of the

verbs : dLblf (tab alia in Arabic, rtap qabalta in Hebrew,

of the learned scholar Prof. Wright, Arabic Grammar,
gives no opinion as to the etymology of the snfhxes of

1 This is the opinion
vol. i. p. 61, though he
the Aorist-Past.

EOEMATIOH OF THE SEMITIC TEHSES,

jpcxovii. yy c nave, Liiereiore, an example Here ot tile common
change of h into t 9 and it can only be a matter of surprise
that so simple an explanation has not been given before . 1

The plural of the second person is regularly formed by the
second suffix of the plural n or m added to the singular, and
is an exact parallel to the possessive suffixes where the k has
not been softened into t

The first person plural is formed with the pronominal
suffix, which is exactly the same as the possessive suffix of
the first person plural -nu or -na ; sometimes a double plural
is found, and the second n is wrongly called paragogic.

In the accompanying table (A), I have added the Egyptian
and the Coptic, to show the striking parallelism.

Note on the second person . — It has been suggested to me by
a philologist that the primitive form of the suffix of the
second person may have been k-t, with a collateral softenin*
f h t t

thus : k-t | ^ . In one case the It first becoming h,

and then being dropped, and in the other the t becoming h,
and also being dropped. But if this assumed form ever
existed, there are no traces of it to be found any Semitic
or Hamitic dialect. Besides, thoueh the clmno-e nf l- in+« +

FORMATION OF THE SEMITIC TENSES,

Note on the Assyrian Permansive . — I have purposely avoided
treating of the so-called Assyrian permansive* acknowledged
by some and rejected by others. That some forms are found
in the texts, where the pronominal suffixes are added to the
verbal root or noun, cannot be denied, but these examples
are very uncommon. In all the tablets now 7 unearthed, not
more than one hundred examples can be found, and it seems
to me rather rash to reconstruct the whole of the paradigm
of all the voices from such comparatively few examples.

What has been called the first person of the permansive is
the only one which seems to have been in common use:
<X HeJ sarra ^ u > £^yy J B J zikaralm, etc.

But in such instances it is straining the meaning of the
word to call it a verbal form, for we have indeed no verb
sarara (to be king) nor zikarci (to be man). These words
seem to be formed by analogy with anahu “ it is I/’ i.e. “ I,”
often written where the primitive formation appears

clearly. When Assurnasirpal says : l sarralm ,

he means “the king, it is I,” ^ JBJ bilaku , “the lord,
it is I/’ etc. Most of the forms of the first person found are
of this kind. The other persons are still more uncommon,
and mostly used in the texts translated from the Akkadian
in the reign of Assurbanipal, and therefore of a later date.
Some evident mistakes in these transcriptions seem to indi-
cate that the scribes were often not Assyrians (that is,
Minevites or Babylonians), but Aramaeans or Phoenicians, or
even non-Semitics. We have many proofs that, as artists,
carvers on ivory, stone, etc., the prisoners taken in war
were employed by the conquerors, and it seems rational to
suppose that some were also, as was the custom in Rome,
employed as scribes. The form »sr }y t-%z{ tar sat 2 (she
places), 3 p. £. sing, of the Perm., is most probably the
Aramsean nPlH transliterated into Assyrian, and there are
other examples of Aramaic forms being introduced into

■

110 FORMATION OF THE SEMITIC TENSES.

II. Aorist-Present.

As already mentioned, this name is used for convenience 5
sake, though the tense in Assyrian nearly always has the
force of the perfect.

The clear derivation of the Aorist-Past has led grammarians
to look into the pronouns for the origin of the prefixes
of this tense. According to their theory the pronominal
roots should have been cut in two, one part being prefixed
and the other suffixed. I do not think this explanation will
bear a serious and careful analysis ; the process required in
such a case is too violent and too artificial, moreover, to
have been applied by uncultured people, such as the Proto-
Semites. Besides, if the second person feminine, Assyrian

g£=YYY -^Y 'V-Jj'V? tiqbeli , Ethiopian

If teqabeli , giving the form la — i, ti — i, and te — i, is

derived from an-ti, such derivation does not explain the
presence of the n in Arabic taqbulina and Syriac

^-.A^-o Z teqblin , unless we suppose for the pronoun the form
an tin, which has never been found in any dialect nor has
ever been suggested.

If we look to the paradigm of our tense, we see that the
suffixes have in great part disappeared, and were only re-
tained where they were required to distinguish one person
from another; we find -i to the second person feminine, to
distinguish it from the masculine, in Syriac we have -In,
to establish a distinction with the third person feminine
teqbuli ; when the vowel is not expressed by a van,
this person is confounded in other dialects with the second
masculine.

Arabic has in all the forms of the singular, the second
feminine excepted ; the final ~n re- appears in the plural of
the second and third persons in Arabic, Syriac and Samaritan.
No doubt sueb a termination existed also in Hebrew ; but
when this letter was used as a suffix to the singular or plural,
it was called by grammarians paragogic. As these suffixed
letters appear in all the persons and numbers, they must

EQBMATIOiSr OF THE SEMITIC TENSES,

have a common origin. I believe we have in them a remnant
of the forms preserved complete in the old Assyrian verbal
form : -amnia, -imma, -amnia, which have the same origin as
the Assyrian mimmation, also found in Sabaean, and the
Arabic nunation, which has been retained for a much longer
period in the nouns.

In an Assyrian bilingual inscription 1 a very curious form
is found :

-w* 0 « nr 5pp ikkilman-annL
^YTT- ^ KK useman-anni .

^ — y imnan-anni.

perhaps a remnant of the old mimmation already decayed, as
in Aramaean and Arabic into a nunation. 2

Admitting, therefore, that the suffixes have nothing to do
with the prefixes, these must be treated of by themselves.

If the prefixes had the same origin as the suffixes of the
Aorist-Past, we ought to have in Ethiopian this series : 1st
pers. hu- ; 2nd masc. ha-, fern, -hi ; 3rd masc. a-, fem. at a- or
at-, because the k could not have been preserved intact at the
end of the theme in the Aorist-Past and at the same time
have decayed into t at the beginning in the Aorist-Present.

In Hebrew we should have : ti-, ta-, te~, ha- or ha- and at- ;
in Arabic : tu-, ta-, ti-, a-, at-, etc. But this process being
rather contrary to the fact, it seems more rational to examine
the prefixes in themselves and see if they may not have
another origin.

"We have three prefixes : 1st. a (u, i) for the 1st pers. sing,
in all the dialects ; and in Assyrian, Hebrew, Arabic, Samari-
tan and Ethiopian, for the 3rd masc. sing, and plural ; and
in Assyrian, Samaritan, Aramaean and Ethiopian for the 3rd
fem. plur. ■ ' .

2nd. n for the 1st pers. plur.; and in Syriac also for the
3rd masc. sing, and 3rd plur,, both genders. 3

3rd. t for the 2nd pers. sing, and plur. and the 3rd fem.
sing., and in Hebrew also for the 3rd fem. plur.

1 W.A.I. vol. iv. plate 10.

3 These forms recall to mind the Energetic perfect of the Arabic.

3 This prefix n appears in the Arabic dialect of Algeria for the first person sing.

112

FORMATION OF THE SEMITIC TENSES.

Prefix A.

If there were any doubt as to the common origin of the
prefixes a, i and u, the Assyrian would clear it up, for we
find a, i or e and u all used in many instances for the first
and third person.

The Semites never, it would seem, conceived a vowel-sound
without an aspirate: a , i, u stands for *i, c u. The vocali-
sation is, in composition, governed by the harmony, and the
vowels appear more clearly in Assyrian on account of the
system of writing.

Though a root so delicate as a simple aspirate might
be expected to disappear, yet one has been remarkably
preserved, in a clear form, in the Syriac verb ]ooi hd
“to be/’ which has been cast in the triliteral mould. In
Hebrew the same root appears with another vocalisation, !VP!
Jiayah ; in Arabic it is found in ol “ what ? ” interrogative,
Le. “ is it ? ”

This primitive aspirated root is largely used in formation,
but it little alters the primitive meaning of the word to which
it is prefixed. In Hebrew we have as prefixes X, ' and Pi,
through the influence of the vocalisation ; the same happens
in Assyrian, Syrian, Arabic, etc. 1

In some words the prefixed letter simply intensifies the
primitive meaning. For this reason it is used to form the
imperative and the vocative.

Sometimes the verbal meaning of the prefix has been
retained, and as such it is added to substantives in order to
form adjectives. % %

It has also formed a few particles, as £$\ , J \ in Arabic, etc.

Prefix K

If the prefix n had only appeared in the first person of
the plural, we might believe that it were really the last
remnant of the personal pronoun, but it is found used in
Syriac to form the third person of both genders.

1 Some of tlie forms are considered by grammarians to bo derived from an JjM.

FORMATION OF THE SEMITIC TENSES.

The rational conclusion of this survey is, that the suffixes
of the Aorist-Present are not abbreviated forms of the pro-
nouns, but auxiliary verbs prefixed to the verbal root or theme.
The only objection is, why are particular forms used for
certain persons ?

If now we turn to the syntax, it will be seen that the
distinction of gender, number, and person is far from being
always retained.

In Assyrian, as already shown, the first person plural is
the only one clearly distinct from the singular, but the dis-
tinction is illusory when the speaker uses “ we ” for u I,” or
“they” for fc we,” etc., as is often the case. The masculine
and feminine are so often used one for the other, that Dr.
Oppert said : “ One might doubt of the existence of the
feminine form.”

I must also mention that in a great many texts the writer
passes from the first to the third, or from the second to the
third, person without any break in the sentence, and we are
obliged in the translation either to supply the change of
expression or keep to the person mentioned at the beginning
of the sentence.

It has already been noticed that the suffixes of the Aorist-
Present are only the remnants of the primitive minima tion
and nunation. By means of the so-called paragogic letters,
in Hebrew, for example, the suffixes are often made the same
for all persons and numbers. We therefore have identical
forms, thus : for the 2nd masc. and fem. sing, and plur. and
3rd fem. sing, in Assyrian, Syriac, Arabic, and Ethiopian,
and also for the 3rd fem. plur. for Hebrew. In Assyrian the
1st sing, and 3rd masc. sing, and 3rd masc. and fem. plural
are often the same in writing; so also the 3rd sing, and plur.
In Syriac the 3rd masc. sing., the 1st and 3rd masc. and
fem. plur. are the same. So when the 3rd person fem. sing,
is used in Assyrian for the masc., as it often happens, we
might as well say that it is the 2nd person ; when the 3rd
person masc. sing, is used for the 3rd fem. in Syriac, we
might as well say it is the 1st or 3rd plur. ; and so on.

We find, moreover, a few cases in Hebrew, Syriac, and

116 FORMATION OF THE SEMITIC TENSES.

Arabic of forms used for the wrong persons, which have
been considered as the errors of scribes ; I would rather
believe that in many instances the scribes have “ corrected ”
the texts, to make them agree with their conception of the
grammar. So the tinea occutians seems to me to have often
been placed under letters added hy the scribes to explain
their own etymology and derivations of the words, but
which had no more reason than the change made by the
Latin etymologists in the word orum into aiirum. This is in
many instances also the case for the Massoretic points.

In Hebrew, Aramaean, and Samaritan, as in Assyrian, the
genders, numbers, and persons seem to be indiscriminately
used, often the context only shows what we have to translate.

The Arabs, though they have, on account of the geo-
graphical position and turn of mind of the race, preserved
the purest forms, have most elaborate grammar. Their gram-
marians have drawn numerous and complicated rules, with as
many exceptions, to explain the irregular uses of persons and
numbers of the verb. So we are told that the verb placed
before a feminine subject is used in the masculine form, and
that certain verbs even take always the masculine form with
a feminine noun. The use of number is as irregular as that
of gender ; the plural nouns take masculine or feminine
singular verbal forms. Even for the dual, the rule is to use
the verb in the singular with a dual subject. A verb with
several subjects is often in the singular. Frequently, also,
the verb agrees with its complement.

The only conclusion and the only explanation of all these
anomalies is to admit that at the earliest period of Semitic
grammar the various forms of the prefixed tense were common
to all genders and numbers, and that the prefixes themselves
were nothing more than auxiliary or substantive verbs.

The proof that the verb did not primitively contain any
mark of person and number is also found in many idiomatic
sentences, where the participle or the infinitive plays the
part of a verbal tense.

Nay, more, those very prefixes, which became part of the
verb, have an independent use as auxiliary verbs.

FORMATION OF THE SEMITIC TENSES.

117

The Hebrew PTH, the Syriac ]ooi, the Samaritan
which are the triliteral forms of our first prefix a or h 9 are
used precisely as auxiliaries with a verbal noun or infinitive.

It is the same with the root IVPI, A*|, the triliteral forms of
our third prefix t. The subject is often inserted between
the auxiliary and the verbal root or theme.

In Arabic we have a striking use of the particle $ or ,
followed by the subject in the accusative, and the verb as
a nominative noun. This particle, which is our second prefix
n, has formed many others in Arabic, where the primitive
meaning of the substantive verb can still be traced.

All these so-called anomalies and irregularities disappear
with the theory now advanced.

The verb was primitively invariably treated as a noun;
the Aorist-Past is simply this root with the pronominal
possessive suffixes ; and the Aorist -Present, which is the only
tense in Assyrian, was a compound of one of the substantive
or auxiliary verbs and a verbal root or noun.

Though surprising as this conclusion ma} r be to some, it
seems to me to be the only satisfactory way of explaining the
forms of the Semitic verb, and the anomalies of grammar
and syntax of the Semitic tongues.

In the course of this paper I have referred only once or
twice to the old Egyptian, but it may be noticed the same
course of development was followed in it. If we knew only
Coptic, and if the old Egyptian had been entirely lost, the
Coptic forms would necessarily have remained unexplained,
as they were still for Peyron. But the formation appears
clear when Coptic is placed side by side with Egyptian. See
table B.)

It must be noticed that when Coptic was derived from
Egyptian, the verbal forms had already been fixed. The pro-
nominal suffixes added to the verb had to a great extent lost
their possessive value, and only served to designate in the
verb the person and number ; for this reason they were
retained in the auxiliary, and appear therefore as having
been inserted between the auxiliary prefix and the verbalj
root. Though we have many examples of this in Semiti«

118 FORMATION OF THE SEMITIC TENSES.

tongues, as with the Syriac verb loci and others, the
auxiliary did not always retain the pronominal suffixes,
which appear in fact quite pleonastic with a substantive verb,
and had, when the Semitic tongues were formed, retained,
still clearly their original force.

Of course, as a race progresses, ■ there is a tendency to
L precise the meaning of the words more and more, and to
distribute methodically all the forms to certain fixed uses.
This is evident in Coptic, where the form with ep prefixed
has been localized to the third person. In our own modem
tongues we see that when there are two or more expressions
for the same idea, the careful writer tries to give to each a
special meaning. I loved, I did love, I was loving, I have
loved,” would, among primitive people using a primitive
language, have the same force, but among cultivated English-
men each of these expressions carries a different idea. The
same has happened with the Semitic verb, the forms with
| uncertain meanings have been more or less distributed and

1 localized in course of time. In modern times in vulgar
Arabic the tenses are undergoing the same process of distri-
| bution, and we may even now foretell a time when the
> Arabic language will possess a Past, a Present, and a Future.

DECIPHERMENT OF THE LOLO WRITING

A.— EXAMPLES OF THE COMBINATIONS OF CHARACTERS

L|_ |VLl_) =* /o

/ Lb.) =• A? ,

^ (fe.) - M-
~U (L M ) = x

Lx. =

1 The present note was read at a meeting of the Royal Asiatic Society, Dec. 19,

1881, by Col. Henry Yule, C.B., to whom the MS. had been offered from Peking
by Mr. Colborne Baber, who had received it from a Lolo chief, m fulfilment of a
promise made four years ago. . „ T

2 The only documents we had previously on the Lolos, besides the short Chines®,
notices, were the notes from Father Oabouillet, of the Missions Ltaangeres of
Paris (missionary for ten years in Se-ehuen) in 1873. these notes have been
published in the numbers of February, 1873, of a weekly paper, Les Mmiom
Catkoliqim , published at Lyons. The Lolos cover an area of oQ leagues in length,
and 30 to 40 in width, in the south-western part of the Se-chuen province of China.
A branch of the same people exists in Indo- China.

Art. X. — On a Lolo MS, written on Satin}

This splendid MS. on red and blue satin is, in fact, the first
that has reached Europe in the language and writing of the
Lolos, 2 almost unknown a few months ago ; before the im-
portant Journey of Exploration in Western Sz’e churn , by
Mr. E. Colborne Baber, now Secretary of the Chinese Lega-
tion at Peking, noticed by him in a paper addressed to the
Loyal Geographical Society of this country. From this
paper we learn that Mr. Baber displayed a remarkable
diligence in procuring materials for the study of the language
and writing of the Lolo population ; his paper comprising a
vocabulary, copy and tracing of three documents in the Lolo
writing ; but, till the arrival of this wonderful MS., it must
be confessed that we had no other Lolo documents.

This MS., on satin, red on one side, blue on the other, in
blue rough cloth boards, is folded in eight like a screen. It
is written in black, apparently with the Chinese brush, and
consists of texts of a considerable length, with nearly 5750
words in all.

The writing runs in lines from top to bottom, and from
right to left, as in Chinese. It is disposed in separate rows
of two characters, or several aggregated together.

On the red side we have six pieces, going under a general
title on the board outside, and having each a separate title of

120 A LOLO MS. WPJTTEN ON SATIN.

four or six words, of which one or two are repeated in every
■title. Besides this, the first, second, and sixth are separated
in two. The text is in verses of five words, separated by a
circle at the right under the last word, as the Chinese do.
Occasional verses of another measure occur. In the first
piece we find two verses of three and one of seven words.
The rhymes, which are conspicuous, do not follow or alter-
nate with regularity ; they are in some cases separated by
several verses. On the red side, after the six pieces, we have
two stanzas of five verses of four words, excepting the last,
which has eleven words. A final phrase of nine words and
two following terminates the writing on the red side, making
a total of 2998 words.

The bine side numbers only 2750 words, and is not so well
written as the red. The text is disposed in seven parts, each
having a separate title of four, five, or six words. The first
and sixth are separated in two. In contradistinction to the
red side, the text runs unbroken and no traces of rhymes are
visible in the first six parts. The seventh is composed of
seventeen verses of five words, with rhymes and a conclud-
ing sentence.

Mr. Colborne Baber had previously received (but from the
French Missionaries) a Lolo MS. not written with the brush,
but yet more regularly written than that on the satin MS.
This copy, which contains several texts, he had xylographed
■' by the Chinese process and sent three copies to Europe.

| A list of the 450 different words of this xylographed text of
1850 words, which I compiled with great care and classified
according to their graphical shape, displayed at once ail extra-
ordinary resemblance with the Rejang alphabet of Sumatra.
We see in it the same system of combining the letters one
with the other, and the same mode of embodying the vowel
sign with the consonant ; but it would have been difficult to
go further without the materials Mr. Baber, with singular
perseverance, secured during his journey. They consist of:

1. A bilingual or rather bi-written text, Lolo and Chinese,
of 133 words (60 of which are different). It is a Lolo song,
in verses of five words, in rhymes with a periodical return

A LOLO MS. 'WRITTEN' ON SATIN. 121

of the same verses. Chinese characters, which seem hardly
to have more than a phonetic value, accompany each Lolo
word, so as to enable a Chinaman to read it. The two
writings are much corrupted, and, in some cases, are deci-
pherable only by comparison. _ . _ , ,

2 A small vocabulary of 19 words written in Hr. Baber s
pocket hook by a Lolo medicine-man, with the sense, but

•without the sounds. .

As to the words of the language, we have m Aoman

characters . -n •»

a A vocabulary of 230 words compiled by Mr. Baber.

b. A vocabulary of 72 words or articles extracted by the
"Rev. Dr. Edldns from Chinese sources.

c A vocabulary of 130 words collected by the French
explorer, M. Francis Gamier, 1 a list, showing that the de-
cipherment of this remarkable writing is a matter only of
attention and time, the words of the Lolo vocabulary m ,
native writing, with the bilingual text, forming the clue to '

th The tritteu words of this small vocabulary, which are
found again in the bilingual document, with an approxima e
pronunciation in Chinese characters corresponding with the
Roman transcription of the word m one or other of the
Tee vocabularies, are decisive in this matter; we have only
In take them as the starting-points ot comparison with t
other words of the bilingual document, to be able to deduce
the phonetic value of the added characters. For example .

On the Lolo list we have a certain group for seven, whic
in tiie vocabulary is Mi on the bilingual document it is
rendered by £ ch'o or fed; but this does not occur m any

other word of the bilingual document.

On the Lolo list we have (the figures correspond to the

Lob characters on Plate A) : ^

m=ten, in the vocabulary ts’e.

(2) =five, in the vocabulary to ; in the bilingual docu-
ment f§ to.

dia Ae. ; ^ 010 oul r a “ s d 9

TOL. XXV. — [NEW SERIES.]

122

A LOLO MS. WRITTEN - ON SATIN.

We find, besides, on the bilingual document ;

(3) =*^ twan.

( 4 ) —xi it tui.

(5) — 5c tien.

(6) =ii tui

From these six examples it is easy to deduce the form of
the character for t.

In this case, as in the preceding one, we have to take into
account that the spoken -vocabulary belongs to a dialect more
phonetically decayed than the written ones.

In the bilingual document we find (see Plate A) :

(7) =fT ku.

(8) =^ huh.

(9) = % Mu.

(10) =Jf£ heng.

(11) =if heng.

(12) = jig hut.

It is not difficult to see what in these six examples the
character for k is, and that in the last compound we find
again the character for t.

Continuing the same process, which here would be tedious
if more fully exemplified, we have already found a certain
number of the characters, as those for v, o, h, t, s, eh, p, f, b,
m, l, n, y, which are figured in the accompanying Plate (B).

The number of the whole seems to be under thirty.

The importance of the writing discovered by Mr. Baber
cannot be overrated. It gives us the link which was wanting
to understand the connexion between the various members of
a family of writings widely disseminated. 1

' A number of writings of tlmt family may be enumerated in their geographical
order, winch m several cases is not due to their connection, derivation, and ^ru-
ns follows: {a) India— Harapa seal, Indo-I*ali, Vatteluttu; (£1 h,,!;. China---
LoJu, Taos; (6*) Sumatra— Old Uattak, Itajaug, Luinpnn" : (//) Cekhta - — Old

Macassar; (c) Philippines — Tagal (pre-Arabic Malay) ; and ( /*) Nut them
tr°f e ?. n » Japanese. The whole question is treated, wiih the necessary

Illustrations ot characters, m my paper On the Extern Alphabet and the hdl
°f th * InMw Writing , which will soon appear in the Journal

pi tne lv.A.fcJ.

A LQLO MS. WRITTEN ON SATIN.

123

#■ Its interest is shown by four remarkable facts :

1. The intimate connexion of the Lolo ' characters with
the legend of the stone seal found at Harapa, near Lahore, 1
. in an excavation undertaken for the Archeological Survey

f of India by Major Clarke, which from archeological evidence

General Cunningham assigns to four or five hundred years
: before the Christian Era.

| 2. Its extraordinary resemblance with the Itejang and

L connected writings on one side, and the Corean and Hifumi
5? Japanese on the other.

I & 1^ remote affinities with the Indo-Pali, the last exhibit-

ing in some cases more corrupted shapes of characters.

4. Its many affinities with the Siao-chuen Chinese writing
| in use a few centuries b.c.

; Tebrien de La Cquperie, M.R.A.S.

London, Dec . 19, 1881.

I Spa f.Rp O.

JOITRIAL

THE EOYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY,

Art. XI.— On Tartar and Turk. By S. W. Xoelle, Ph.D.,
Corresponding Member of the Royal Academy of
Science in Berlin, and Missionary of the Church.
Missionary Society.

There is something in a name. Properly it ought to
comprise all, or at least much of what is contained in the
thing named. The name is therefore a very weighty and
important word. In dealing with it, we may be struck as
the Tartars were, when they first handled iron ; for it
evidently gave them the impression that it contained some
mysterious substance, some kind of stuffing, concealed under
its surface ; and therefore they called it timur , i.e.

* a stuffing, a filling, or something filled, stuffed / 1 The !
Turkish language is remarkably transparent in an etymoA
logical point of view, most of its names being still easily
traceable to their roots and to their original signification.

The Tartars and Turks have acted such an important part
in history, and imprinted their track so deeply on its pages
by deeds of blood, fire and desolation, that it cannot be un-
interesting to subject their names to a serious investigation,
in order to understand their true grammatical form and
etymological derivation ; to ascertain their import , or of

1 Nouns in nr can have an active and a passive meaning, j yW , conies from
the verb &J tom-mek ‘to stuff, to fill very full.’ Compare tom- ay

the thick fur cap of the Kargins, tom-aq the wide trousers of the Ulemas,

tom-a-laq ‘thick, stumpy, plump,* JjUiU ty tom-m-maq ‘to become
wealthy, * ^3 Urn ‘ an arch, a vault.’

vol. xiv . — [new semes.] .10

126

OK TARTAR AHD TURK.

what special national characteristics they are the expression ;
to trace the origin and extent of their use ; and also briefly to
inquire how far the light of history in which these nations
appear is in keeping and ho.Tuioiiy with the light which
philology casts on their names.

X. — On the name of TARTAR.

Every one knows that formerly all Europe was agreed in
saying and writing Tartar, and that only in modern times
people have begun extensively to substitute 'the form Tatar.

' The scientific men of Germany took the lead in this innova-
tion, so that now in German literature the mutilated form
' Tatar has almost completely usurped the place of the correct
and original Tartar. This change was considered necessaiy,
because it had been found that the Arabs, Persians and
Ottomans always used the form Tatar, and that even the
Mohammedan Tartars of Russia and luikey now all appeal
to have adopted this mutilated form of their name; and
I admit that these are at first sight very plausible and
apparently decisive arguments. In Russia the example set
by the literary men of Germany is followed universally ;
but in England and France a happy conservatism in the use
of words, once current in the language, has hitherto pre-
vailed to retain the old and true ‘ Tartar ; and only a few
learned men, satisfied with plausible but still misleading
arguments, have ventured practically to adopt the Geiman
innovation. There seems danger that even in England the
change, now hardly commenced, may become general, if full
and true light is not brought to bear on the subject. For
even so great an authority as the present Archbishop of
Dublin, in his work “ English, Past and Present,” expresses
himself thus : “ Tartar is another word of which it is at
least possible that a wrongly assumed derivation has modi-
fied the spelling, and indeed not the spelling only, but the
very shape in which we now possess it. . . . When the
terrible hordes of Middle Asia bui’st in upon civilized Europe
in the thirteenth century, many beheld in the ravages of

OK TARTAR AND TURK.

127

their numberless cavalry a fulfilment of that prophetic word
in the Revelation (Chap. IX.) concerning the opening of the
bottomless pit ; and from this belief ensued the change of their
name from Tatars to Tartars, that thus it might be put into
closer relation with ‘ Tartarus J in Hell, out of which their
multitudes were supposed to have proceeded.” Others are
still more explicit than the learned Archbishop, by affirming
that it was St. Louis of France, or the Pope of the day, who,
on first hearing the name of this terrible foe, made the jeu
de mot with their name and tartarus which caused the
supposed alteration.

This view of the origin of the name Tartar is the one
universally adopted by the present literary world of Europe.
Considering the difficulty of arriving at unanimity on any
scientific question, it is really astonishing that this singular
theoiy should have been accepted with such general favour.
Actually the wit of a King, or a Pope, or of some one else,
is supposed to have succeeded in keeping all Europe foil
centuries from becoming acquainted with the real name oa
a terrible nation which spread devastation as far as Breslau,
and in causing it to be known only by a false name. Tartar
was the only form used not merely in the Latin, but also
throughout the Greek world. It was not till quite recently
that the Greeks, following the example of the Germans,
Russians and Osmanlis, have begun to write Tatar for
Tartar. Bearing this in mind, what amount of credulity is
required to believe that the then already deeply divided and
antagonistic Latin and Greek worlds suddenly agreed in
viewing those murderous hordes from Central Asia as
coming out of tartarus, and in designating them accordingly
with a new name ? But this theory is rendered still more
untenable, if it is ascertained that even the Chinese are not I
unacquainted with the form Tartar, pronouncing it Taltal or I
Tata. Or is any one bold enough to affirm that they also
benefited by the western wit and learned from the Europeans
to name after tartarus a people with whom " they had had
the closest connexion for a thousand years, conquering them
and being conquered by them ? It would appear rather that

128

ON TAETAE AND TTJEK.

this whole theory of a European origin of the name Tartar
and its connexion with tartarus must be relegated to the cate-
gory of myths ; and I could hardly have a better justification
than the wide acceptation of this strange theory for coming be-
fore the public with new and, I trust, true views on the subject.

The general appellation by which those Asiatic hordes first
became known to the European contemporaries of Gen-
ghizkhan was plainly a new name in Europe, arriving with
the people that bore it. It is neither a Persian, nor an
Arabic, nor a European word, applied to the strong hordes
as a proper name, but was brought by them from their
Asiatic steppes, and therefore doubtlessly belongs to their
I own language, and has to be explained according to the
I common rules of Tartar etymology and grammar. The
name itself could not originate in the Latin tartarus ; but if,
on being first heard, it suggested to King Louis, the Pope
and others the idea of tartarus, this could be done equally
well, whether the form then used was Tartar or Tatar, in the
former case even still more naturally.

I shall now undertake to demonstrate that Tartar is a
genuine Tartar word, with a strikingly suitable signification ;
whereas Ta-tar is no Tartar word-form at all, and Tat-ar offers
no suitable meaning. If I can prove this satisfactorily, it will
be conceded, no doubt, that the philological argument is in
favour of Tartar as the original and proper form of the
word. But we are not restricted to the mere lingual proof,
and although it originally satisfied my own mind, I am now
able to support it with several additional arguments of an
historical character.

The word Tartar is a repetition of the root tar (Tar-far),
just as in barbarian we have a repetition of the root bar;
l and to my lingual sense it appears no less strange to say
: Tatar for Tartar, than to say babarian for barbarian. Foras-
j much as all primitive roots of the Tartar languages aremono-
j syllabic and terminate in a consonant , 1 the noun Tartar must
needs be derived from the root tar ; and etymologically the only
possible alternative is, to regard it either as a reduplication of

1 Comp, my article in Zeitscli.derD outsell. morgen. GeselL vol. xxiv. pp. 1 25-144.

ON TARTAR AND TURK.

129

this root (Tar-tar), or as a verbal noun derived from a singly
developed form of this root, by the addition of t by which
causatives are formed (Tar-t-ar).

The reason why Ta-tar cannot be a genuine Tartar word,
but only a corrupted form, owing to a foreign influence, is
this, that, according to a well-known general law of the
Tartar languages, all enlargements or developments of roots,
and all additions for the indication of grammatical forms,
invariably take place at the end, never at the beginning of
a word. The Ta of Tatar , therefore, cannot possibly be a
formative prefix. To accept Tatar as a genuine Tartar word,
it would have to be read not Ta-tar, but Tat-ar . In a formal
point of view this is quite as admissible as to derive it from
the enlarged root JUjjb* tar-t-maq ; but in this case it would
have to be derived from tat-maq ‘to taste/ and Tat-ar

would signify ‘ one who tastes, a taster/ — a signification
unsuited as a general appellation of all the Tartar tribes.
There is indeed a Tartar Kabile which is called Tat , as I
have learnt from Tartar refugees in Constantinople; but
when the Tartars pronounce their name, they do not say
Tat-ar , but Ta-tar ; and Commander Telfer, in his edition of
I, Schiltberger’s “Bondage and Travels/* p. 176, appends a
note to the effect that “ Tat is merely a contemptuous term,
applied by the Crimean Tartars to the Tartars of the south
coast, because they did not consider them of pure descent/’

If, on the contrary, Tartar is the original and true name,,
it proceeds from the root tar, and has a signification expres-l
sive of one of the most characteristic peculiarities of the \
generality of Tartar tribes, thus answering to the claim
justly made on the general appellation applied to a great
number of different tribes. The general import of the root
tar was that of ‘drawing, moving’ (in German ziehen),
which, at the earliest formation of the language, resolved
itself as follows, namely : as drawing together, contracting,
collecting ; as drawing asunder, separating, dispersing ; as
drawing out, along, away, moving, migrating (in German am-
ziehen) ; as drawing, or moving about, wandering, leading
the life of Nomads. All these different modifications of one

OX TARTAR AXD TURK.

and the same general meaning can still he clearly traced in
the language by means of a variety of words whose common
base and connecting tie is the root tar, as will be patent from
the following instances.

The bare root is still used in these several but cognate
senses : — *

1. or jlW or j\A tar, clar ‘ narrow/ i.e. 4 drawn together/

‘ contracted/

2. jb* tar 4 piece/ i.e. e what is drawn away/ 4 torn off/ e.g .

X J j\'J lit . 4 piece-piece/ i.e. 4 piece by piece, in pieces, in
parts, in divisions/ In Tshagatai this same root has assumed
a termination : ^ tar- am 4 piece/

3. j\j ‘ pate 5 (from the drawing asunder, parting, the hair).
Also found with a termination CJJ3 tar-ek 4 pate' (thus often
marked as Persian).

4. 4 thread, warp 5 (from being drawn out long). This
same word, with the same meaning, is also found in Aryan
languages.

5. In or Tar-Khan—' Draw- or move-

Khan 9 :

a. 44 Title of a dignitary at the court of the Tartar Khans
who enjoyed special privileges, as exemption from
tribute, free access to the Ruler, etc.” — i.e. who was
privileged freely to 44 move about " without being
checked by the laws binding on others.
h . Proper name of a Tartar tribe (viz. as either them-
selves enjoying special privileges, or as descendants
of a Tar-Khan).

The following Tartar words are off-shoots of this root, and
their number could be easily increased.

tar-yun or tar-yin 4 angry ' (properly 4 drawn

together, or contracted, mentally').

(jKbJj tdr-iq-maq , in Tshagatai : 4 be narrow, contracted;
be angry/

SjU ’ tar-la 1 acre, cultivated field ; ' in Tshagatai : J ujii
far-iq , id. (viz. either as a special piece or portion drawn off
from the wide expanse of what remains uncultivated, or as
drawn out in long furrows).

ON TARTAR AND TURK

jl/ j\j tdr-d-maq , in Tshagatai: 4 to plough.' 5 (i.e. draw
out long furrows).

j\Jh tdr-aq 4 comb, rake, harrow/ (sc. with which one
draws out).

1 j\3 tar- a, in Yakutic : 4 to comb 5 (i.e. draw out and
separate the hair).

jujjlh? tar-t-maq 4 to draw, draw out, draw together, draw
back 5 (transitive) ; * to weigh 5 (i.e. make the scale 4 draw 5 ) ;

4 to ponder 5 (German erwdgen).

tar-t-is-maq 4 draw or pull to and fro 5 (German

zc wren) .

and tdr-t-i 4 weight 5 (viz. as making the scale

4 draw 5 ) .

^jj\j and tar-t-iq 4 a present, gift 5 (sc. as causing

a matter successfully to draw or move to its desired end ; or,
perhaps, as weighed).

j\j tdir-yd-maq 4 to disperse 5 (intransitive), 4 to be
dispersed, scattered, in disorder 5 (i.e. drawn or separated all
about).

tcir-qa-maq, in Tshagatai : 4 to scatter, disperse 5
(intransitive).

ju'il 3 j\'J tdr-qd-t-maq 4 to untie, unloose 5 (i.e. to let draw
or move without hindrance).

jl 'ijVJ tar-qdq 4 scattered, unloosed. 5

j{* j\j tar-mar 4 scattered, confused, in disorder/ This is
a genuine Tartar formation (but of which the Persians have
made jUj^U) and is analogous, e.g. to Jjt* tavuq-mdmiq
4 poultry 5 ; JU* JU*- %aydl maydl 4 phantoms 5 ; liUUab
pasha-masha 4 all sorts of Pashas/ etc. Only one unacquainted

132

ON TARTAR AND TURK.

rather to discard their former name), were pre-eminently
known as wandering tribes, unattached to fixed localities,
and since any name ought to be the expression of some
prominent characteristic, it seems more reasonable to regard
this word as a repetition of the root tar.

That the formation of words by means of reduplication,
especially in indicating sounds and motions, is not foreign to
the Tartar languages, but that such words are still in actual
use, will be seen from the following examples
- yir-yir-maq 4 to rush, gnash, crash/
ijdjZjZ yir-yir-di , its substantive.

Zj\sj\3 or far-far-a 4 babbler, boaster/

viz-viz 4 a humming noise;' from riz-la-maq

or nz-il-da-maq 4 to hum/

jb j\j par-par or Jjb JjV, pariUparil or jJ pir-pir,
adverbial qualifications of V^-maq 4 to burn/ as 4 bum

brightly, violently, furiously/

Inasmuch, then, as the Tartar languages, like many
others, express intensity and frequency of the radical notion
by means of reduplication, and having learned from the
previous examples that the import of the root tar is that
of drawing, moving in general, we shall not go wrong in
determining the meaning of the name from this point of
view. Tartar, accordingly, signifies 4 the move-move/ that
is, one whose repeated doing, whose most striking peculiarity is
the moving from place to place, without fixed habitation, one
who constantly wanders about, or leads a nomadic life : the
Nomad, the Turkoman. Thus the enigma solves itself at
once before us, why different tribes, with the same nomadic
propensities, whilst each had its own distinguishing tribal
name, yet at the same time shared in the common appel-
lation of Tartar; and we can easily perceive why it must
have been confusing to regard the latter appellation too
soon as a proper name. In the sense of the original
meaning of the word, a tribe could become Tartar, or, after
having been, cease to be so. Already in the fifth Chris-
tian century there was a tribe which was called by the

ON TARTAR AND TURK

Chinese 6 ‘ Ouei- Tartars,” Le. “ house-Tartars,” — in all pro-
bability from the circumstance of their having exchanged
tents for houses as their habitations, thus differing from the
other Tartar tribes, and in this case their retention of the name
Tartar had become as inappropriate as if we speak of
southern Normans or of Bedouins of the city. The fact is
that Tartar and Turk were originally mere appellatives, and
only passed into proper names gradually and when the
original signification of the word had become obscured or
lost. The historical truth is therefore the very reverse of
the general, vulgar opinion, according to which both these
terms were originally the proper names of two special tribes,
which, in course of time, were extended to a number of
cognate tribes, just as, e.g. the name of “ Franks” is applied
by Orientals to western Europeans in general.

The Tartars, proud of their nomadic independence and
unchecked liberty, and of the manliness incessantly tested
and proved thereby, in all probability at first chose this
name for themselves as an honourable distinction. This may
be inferred from the circumstance that they also possess in
their language a name for non-Nomads or settlers, namely,
\y>- gutn-ru , from gfrm-mek, c to dive, to squat/

to which also the unenviable meaning of “ poor, contemptible,

184

OK TARTAR AND TURK.

beitet von 0. Wolff/’ Breslau, 1872, came Into my hands
(in the British Museum), and I learned for the first time
that some one besides myself had been on the right track in
ascertaining the true etymology of the word Tartar. I,
with pleasure, hail this circumstance as a confirmation of the
correctness of the views and principles laid down above.
Professor Wolff, in explaining the Chinese Tata for Tartar,
says on p. 25 of his work : “ The same Tata is originally
Tungusian, preceding from the radical notion ' to draw ’
(i trahere ) ; in the Mongolian tata-chu means ' draw, pull ; *
and inasmuch as tata-ri means ' tax, tribute/ the meaning of
drawing together, collecting, must also be contained in the
word, just as this is actually the case with the Manjou word
tata-me. Tata seems to signify a Nomad, as inhabiting a
tent or yurte in the desert ; and this all the more because in
Manjou tata-boo signifies 'tent, yurte;’ and tatan ‘tent,
dwelling in the steppe.’” On this interesting passage 1
will only remark that if Tata is “ originally Tungusian,”
this can only mean that the Tungusians pronounced ' Tartar ’
as 'Tata’; and if its root in Tungusian, and tatachu in
Mongolian, or tata-me in Manjou, signify ' to draw, to pull/
this only shows a radical affinity between these languages
and the usual Tartar. For after the examples I have pro-
duced above, there cannot remain the shadow of a doubt that
Tartar is a Tartar word, regularly formed from the root tar ,
and that its equivalent Ta or Tata in any other language
can only be a modification or mutilation of it. It is also plain
that if the original and proper meaning of Tartar is ' wanderer,
Nomad,’ this is from the reason I have shown above, and not
because in Manjou tata-boo and tatan signify 'tent/ as Professor
Wolff suggests ; because tata-boo means simply ' Tartar-dwell-
ing/ from the same reason from which we call a certain bird a
turkey. But that Professor Wolff, without having read my
article, should have formed the idea that Tartar or Tata
means Nomad, as derived from a root signifying ' to draw,
move, wander/ does him great credit, and I can only wish
he had furnished a fuller supply of lingual data in proof of
his correct affirmation.

ON TARTAE AND TURK.

135

Thus far we have seen that Tartar is a regularly-form ed
Tartar word, and possessing a strikingly suitable meaning,
whilst Tatar is neither ; and if we now find that the wide-
spread existence and extensive use of the word Tartar , since the
time the Tartar nations themselves became known, are historical
facts which cannot be gainsaid, this cannot certainly surprise
us, but rather must confirm ns in the conviction that the name
in this form was brought to us by the Tartars themselves,
and does not owe its origin to a jocular play on the word of
tartarus in Hell.

Klaproth, in the early part of the present century, is
generally supposed to have been the author of the theory
that Tatar is the original form of the word, and that the
change into Tartar was caused by a letter of St. Louis, King
of France, which he wrote to comfort his mother Blanca in
her distress at the rapid advance of the Mongolian Tartars
under Batu, a.d. 1241, and in which -he says, (£ ¥e shall
either thrust back those whom we call Tartars into their own
seats in Tartarus, whence they proceeded, or else they will
transmit us all up to heaven/ 5 But independently of the
fact that this form of the name occurs already in a narrative
of the Dominican Monk Julian in the year 1237, and in the
letter of an Hungarian Bishop to the Bishop of Paris in the
year 1240, St. Louis himself seems to intimate in his letter
that this name was then already current, by saying, “ Those
whom we call Tartars/ 5

If the form Tartar had been given to this name in con-
sequence of a jeu de mot , used originally by St. Louis, or a
Pope, or any other person of mark in W estern Christendom,
every one acquainted with the deep and bitter antagonism
between the Greek and Latin Churches in those days, knows
full well that the very fact of such a corruption of the name
having taken its origin in the Latin west, would of itself
have prevented its adoption by the Greek east, which besides
was so much nearer to the original source of information.
But I have been assured by a learned Greek author, Dr.
Paspati of Constantinople, that the form of the word univer-
sally used amongst the Greek population in the east, from

136

ON TARTAR AND TURK.

the earliest down to modem times, was that of Tartar , not
Tatar ; and I have convinced myself of the truth of this
statement by a reference to a Byzantine history in the
British Museum, namely, the Corpus Scriptorum historic
Byzantinae, part xviii., comprising the period between 1203
and 1261, by Georgius Acropolita, where the name of Taprapou
is used, as will be seen from the following passage, copied from
page 58 : “ Kar i/cecvo scaipov teal to t&v SkvOwp yevos, tcov
Taprdpcov fcaraSpapbovrcov avrcop , oiroaot to i/cetvcov

i£e<j)vyov, .... tou 9 tyj 9 MafcehovLas %d>pov 9 fcaTeXaftop”
Another historical fact, pointing to the existence of the
name Tartar in Asia, and consequently amongst the Tartars
themselves, is found in the geographical work of the cele-
brated Professor Ritter, where it is recorded on p. 1695 of
volume xvii. 2, that there is a village in the neighbourhood
of Aleppo which bears the name of “ Ibn Taltal.” Although
Professor Ritter had adopted, like most of my German
countrymen, the exclusive use of the form Tatar , yet he
explains in parenthesis that this name stands for “ Ibn
Tartar.” This interpretation is quite correct ; for Taltal is
not an Arabic word, but evidently the Chinese pronunciation
for Tartar . The Chinese having no r in their language,
cannot pronounce this letter ; and if they attempt to do so,
they give it the sound of l ; e.g. an English Consul told me
that they once had an English-speaking Chinaman in their
family, who, when asking for rice, invariably pronounced
the word as if its first letter was l } thus causing a frequent
merriment. But if the Chinese, of whom there must have
been great numbers in Genghizkhan’s army, since he was
the virtual Ruler of all China, were acquainted with the
word Tartar , and in their effort at pronouncing it could only
say Taltal , it is plain that they must have received the name
from the Tartars themselves, with whom they were mixed
up, and that consequently the form Tartar is not of European
origin, but must have been indigenous to the people who
bore it. The existence of this village-name in Western Asia
down to so recent a date also shows that its mutilated form
Tatar, adopted by the Arabs and other Orientals, could not

ON TARTAR AND TURK.

137

wholly supplant the original and regular Tartar , and that
the latter affirmed its right of existence as tenaciously in
Asia, as it has done in Europe.

I may here introduce a passage from the work of Professor
Wolff, above referred to, which strongly bears in the same
direction. On page 26 we read thus : “ In the Journal
Asiatique, II. 246, A. Remusat has further proved that
certain provincial dialects (of China), e.g . that of Fukian, have
the r, and consequently say Tartar , intstead of Tata ; and
from this it follows that not only the form Tatar, but also
that of Tartar , was current in Persia and in China long
before any tidings of the people that bore this name reached
Europe.” If this statement is correct, it amounts to a proof
that the form of the name used in ancient times by the
Tartars themselves was that of Tartar ; for it was only from
them that the Chinese and Persians could have originally
received it. I referred to all the pages 246 vol. ii. of the
different series of the Journal Asiatique, without finding
there A. Remusat's article, so that there would seem to
be a misprint in Professor Wolff's quotation ; but in the
“ Recherches sur les langues Tartares par M. Abel Remusat,
Paris, 1820,” I found the following similar passage on
page 4 : “ It is well to observe that the Chinese character
Tha is pronounced Tar in the Tchin-tcheou dialect, and
perhaps in others, which by doubling gives the exact word
Tartar .”

Another historical testimony in favour of the originality
and correctness of the form Tartar is contained in the fact
that Marco Polo, in the account of his remarkable journey
through Central Asia, and W. de Rubruquis whom Louis IX.
of France sent to the Tartar Khan as Ambassador, as well as
I. Schildberger, who grew up amongst the Tartars and lived
for years in Grenghizkhan's army, so as tq become fully
acquainted with their language, and probably more familiar
with their terminology than with that of his own native
country, from which he had been separated when a mere boy
of thirteen, — all use the word Tartar in their writings,
without in any way mentioning the form Tatar, or the least

ON TAftTAB AND TUBE,

intimating that the name they employed differed from that
which they found in use amongst the Tartars themselves.

History also gives us hints which enable us to account
for the gradual decrease and partial discontinuance of the
use of the name Tartar . We learn that the different tribes
who from the remotest antiquity inhabited the vast regions
of Northern and Central Asia had each their separate name by
which they were distinguished from each other, but that a
great many of them were also comprised by general appella-
tions, such as, e.g. Tartar and Turk, which designated them
according to their characteristic mode of living as Nomads
or wanderers, and by which they became chiefly known
to the neighbouring nations. But every one knows that the
nomadic mode of existence is one of the most primitive, and
that the settled populations who occupied themselves with
agriculture and trade were always prone to look down upon
the Nomads as uncivilized and barbarous. In illustration I
will merely transcribe the definition of the word Tata or
Tartar , as given by an eastern and a western dictionary.
According to D’Herbelot’s Bibliotheque Orientale, Supple-
ment, p. 147, the Chinese dictionaries define the word Tata
thus : “ This is a general term which comprises all the
Til (=dogs), or, as some explain it, all the barbarians of the
north.” In Boberti Stephani Thesaurus Linguae Latinae the
term Tartari, sivi Tattari ( Taprapoi ), is rendered on this
wise : u Gens ipsa fera, atrox, cruenta, inconditis moribus et
omnium barbarorum maxime barbara.” Now as the civiliza-
tion and agriculture of neighbouring countries roused their
cupidity and impelled them for centuries, by desperate efforts,
to put themselves into possession of the fertile provinces of
China, or the attractive regions of Western Asia, so also the
contempt in which they were held by their neighbours
naturally tended to make them dissatisfied with their own
condition, to turn them to other pursuits, e.g. that of war
and conquest, and to incline them to disuse and spurn the
very name which in the eyes of their neighbours was the
embodiment of their inferiority. Accordingly we find that
the modern Turks have entirely dropped the name by which

0 N TAETAE AND TURK.

139

we call them, using instead that of Osmanli or Ottoman, and
history tells us that a tribe of black Tartars who entered the
path of conquest had quite given up that name and called
themselves Mongols, i.e. ‘ the brave, the bold/ considering
themselves offended, when the Ambassadors from the west
addressed them as Tartars ; for they had conquered the white
Tartars, “ whose very name they had extinguished, together
with the nations which bore it” (see Bibliotheque Orientals,
p. 148). From the time, therefore, when Genghizkhan had
extended this Mongol supremacy over the greater part of
Asia, the Tartar name was no longer owned by any great
Government ; and though still known among the people, and
travelling with them westward, yet may have been for some
time chiefly used by the Chinese portion of the Mongolian
army, and others, when they wished to distinguish the
nationality of the Tartar tribes, with whom they were mixed
up, from their own. Thus the existence of the name Taltal
in Western Asia, mentioned by Prof. Ritter, becomes quite
intelligible, and even light may be thrown on the origin of
the form Tatar , so much in vogue amongst the Moham-
medans and modem Europeans.

The advocates of Tatar as the original and true form are
bound satisfactorily to account for the origin and extensive
use of the form Tartar , a duty in which they have signally
failed ; and now it is incumbent on me, after having given
the etymology and meaning of the word Tartar , and shown
its widespread use, to explain how the mutilated, un-Tartaric,
and obviously foreign form Tatar could arise, spread, and be
adopted even by Tartars. For both words are undeniable
historical facts, which must be dealt with as such, and satis-
factorily accounted for on the broad basis of philology and
history.

The first principle to he referred to is the physiological
one, that it is easier for the organs of speech to have only
one instead of several consonants between two vowels, and
that in most languages changes of words have taken place
from an inclination to an easier, more careless pronunciation.
Tatar, and even Taitar , is pronounced with less effort than

Tartar . When talking rapidly, the pronunciation of the
name by the ancient Tartars themselves may have approached
this easier, simpler form, and may in some tribes, under a
change of local and social circumstances, have become more
or less common.

A second possibility how the original full form Tartar may
have become changed into the mutilated Tatar , is the Arabic
influence through which it had to pass. When the Tartars
appeared in Western Asia, Mohammedanism had already
made the Arabic language dominant there, so that even the
Persian was written in Arabic characters, and had adopted a
great many Arabic words. Therefore the Tartar name also
was first written in Western Asia with Arabic characters,
and by men who held Arabic in religious veneration. How
the Arabic is just one of those languages, rich in vowels,
which are unfavourable to the accumulation of consonants
in immediate contact, and it is quite possible that this Arabic
influence deprived the first syllable *of the word Tartar of its
r, which was all the more easy, if this consonant was already
slurred over by those from whom the Western Asiatics first
heard the name pronounced. That this possibility is some-
thing more than a mere gratuitous assumption, appears from
the fact that the Mohammedan nations of Western Asia
under Arabic sway, namely the Persians, the Turks, and the
Arabs themselves, write with equal unanimity as Tatar for
Tartar , so also Mogol or Mogul and for Mongol

or MonguL The Mongols are a Tartar race, long known as
Black Tartars, who in passing from the state of nomadic
shepherds to that of warriors and conquerors, dropped the
name of Tartar and adopted that of Mongol, Le, c the coura-
geous, the brave/ Some time after this change of name had
taken place (see Bibliotheque Orientale, Sup. p. 148), a
mighty warrior, Genghizkhan, 1 arose amongst them, through
whose exploits their adopted name acquired a world-wide
fame. Although therefore the name Mongol was originally
chosen in opposition to that of Tartar, yet it is quite allow-

1 Lit, 4 war- chief. 7 According to Chinese sources his proper name was Timm
dgin, i.e. timurgi , or ‘the man of iron 7 ; comp, “the iron duke. 7 *

140 ON TABTAB AND TUBE.

ON TARTAR AND TURK,

able in an ethnographical point of view to use them synony-
mously* In H. Ho worth’s “ History of the Mongols/’ p. 1,
authorities are given for deriving the name Mongol from the
root mong ‘ brave, daring, bold ’ ; and the circumstance that
the Chinese call the Mongols Mung-ku or Mun-ku, shows that
they also regarded the first syllable of the word as closed and
not open. In full harmony with this, all Europe always
wrote, and still writes, Mongol . Only the Arabs, Persians,
and Turks write Mogul; and it is no doubt owing to the
circumstance that Persian was the Court language in the
Mongolian empire which Sultan Babur founded in North
India at the beginning of the sixteenth century that the
ruler of this empire was called, and is still generally called,
Great Mogul, instead of Great MonguL Now, if it is a
matter of fact that the three Mohammedan nations j ust
mentioned did drop the final consonant of the first syllable
in the name Mongol, it is no longer an unjustifiable assump-
tion to suppose that they may also have done the same thing
in the word Tartar ; and if Europe does not follow their
example in exchanging Mongol for Mogol ', neither does their
practice of writing Tatar for Tartar deserve any more to be
regarded as a precedent we should follow.

But although the possibility must be conceded that the
change of the word may have arisen from the Arabic influ-
ence through which it passed in making its way westward,
this change, in my opinion, is rather owing to the peculiarity
of the Chinese language, and to the influence it exercised on
the Tartar, as the result of a close intercourse between the
Chinese and the Tartars for many centuries.

From the most ancient times the Chinese had been conter-
minous with sundry Tartar tribes who occupied the vast
regions to the north and west of China. The Tartar tribes
generally, as all history represents them, were of nomadic
habits, and possessed vast herds of horses, camels, and cattle.
But there were also tribes who at different times developed
a considerable amount of military prowess and power, and
then manifested a decided liking for the more fertile districts
and richer provinces of neighbouring China. The Chinese
vol. xxv. — [new sebies.] ■. . . ^ ; ■■ ,^V : ■■ v-Si/ /S ■ Vi ■

142 ON TARTAR AND TURK.

emperors, for over a thousand years, contented themselves
with warding off and repelling those “barbarians of the
north/’ without ever undertaking warlike expeditions to
attack or subdue them in their own country. But since the
Emperor Han-vou-ti, who began to reign 140 years before
the Christian era, opened the way of conquest into the heart
of Tartary itself, the intercourse of the two nations became
far more extensive and frequent, and their mutual influence
upon each other far more important and telling. Warlike
Tartar tribes, with hundreds of thousands of horsemen, made
sanguinary incursions on Chinese territory, conquering large
provinces ; and Chinese emperors subjugated numerous
Tartar tribes, and exacted tribute from them, so that a vast
extent of country received the name of “ Chinese Tart ary.”
A Tartar prince, who had obtained at Chinese seats of learn-
ing the academic degree of Liny a, and was therefore called
Tache Liny a, i.e. ‘ Tartar Academician/ established, by daring
exploits of valour, an empire in the far west, which lasted
eighty years, his followers having proclaimed him “ Emperor
of China ” in the Persian province of Karamania, a.d. 1125 ;
and more than one Chinese emperor received tribute from all
Tartar}^, which reached as far west as the shores of the
Caspian Sea. Grenghizkhan, the chief of a Tartar tribe
which had adopted the name of Mongol some generations
previously, extended his conquests from the farthest east to
the remotest west of Asia, his son Batu invading Europe,
and penetrating into the heart of Hungary ; and in the
plenitude of his power he was not only the direct ruler over
one-third of China, but also received tribute from the two
other thirds, which were governed by a Chinese emperor as
his vassal, so that the sovereignty of Grhengizkhan virtually
extended over the whole of China. This close and multiform
contact between the two nations for many centuries could not
but have a marked effect upon both ; and it was quite natural
that the barbarous Tartars should look up to the more civi-
lized Chinese, and seek to benefit by their general culture.
They adopted amongst themselves Chinese ranks and distinc-
tions, and this not unfrequently together with the Chinese

OX TARTAR AXD TURK.

143

terms ; and, as Abel Remusat in his “ Recherches snr les
langues Tartares ” affirms, they even made attempts to write
their own language in the Chinese characters. Under such
circumstances, it is nothing but natural to expect that the
Chinese language should have acquired an influence and left
traces upon the Tartar.

Ve have already noticed that, because the Chinese lan-
guage possesses no r, Chinamen, when trying to pronounce
it in a foreign word, generally give it the sound of l ; and
therefore, if they wish to pronounce the word Tartar , they
say TaltaL If a Chinaman, in order to please the dominant
Tartar race amongst which he lived, wished to call himself a
Tartar, or the son of a Tartar, he naturally tried to pronounce
the name as nearly as possible in its Tartar completeness,
and accordingly did not, in regular Chinese fashion, simply
drop the r, but enunciated it as well as he could, and thus
uttered an l . This, no doubt, was the origin of the proper
name “ Ibn Taltal,” instead of “ Ibn Tartar/’ mentioned by
Prof. Ritter, as we have already seen. But the more
thorough Chinese form in which the Tartar name was used
by the sons of the Celestial Empire was that of Ta-td , in
which the final r of each syllable was simply dropped. In
the same manner the Chinese call the Turks Tu-hii for
Turku , and the Persians To -su for Form (sometimes also
Pose for Posse , P or $= Pars), by again merely dropping the r.
In D’Herbelot’s Bibliotheque Orientale, Sup. p. 147, it is
stated that a still more ancient name of the Tartars used 1
the Chinese was Ta-ohe , for Ta-ehm, Le. ‘the Ta people/
this form of the name had been the later, instead of the
earlier, it might have been regarded as a contraction of
Taia-che ; but as it is the more ancient name, it would seem
that anciently the Tartars employed also the simple, unre-
duplicated form Tar, and therefore the Chinese would natu-
rally call them Ta-chin or Ta-ehe, Le. c the Tar people/ We
further read in the Bibliotheque Orientale : f< Pour prononcer
le mot entier, les Chinois ajoutent eul et lisent Ta
de Tatar. O’est ainsi entre autres que Tecrit le
de la Geographie universelle, intitule

144 ON TARTAR AND TURK.

It is to this last-mentioned Chinese form Tatal, a mixture
of Tata and Taltal, that I believe our western Tatar owes
its origin. In fact, the latter is nothing but the correct
pronunciation of the former by those to whom r is not an
unpronounceable consonant. If evidently arose from the
form Tata , through the wish of the Chinese to do justice to
the Tartar r, at least in the final syllable of the word. We
have already learned that many Tartars undertook to write
their language with the Chinese characters. Now, if they
found their name written as Tatal by the Chinese, this was
a precedent which they were tempted to imitate, first in
writing, and perhaps soon also in speaking. But as the
Tartars did not share the Chinese inability to pronounce the
letter r, they naturally said Tatar where the Chinese said
Tatal Thus it is quite possible that many Tartars, espe-
cially whilst subjected to a Chinese Government, fell into the
habit of pronouncing their name as Tatar, partly from
writing it in the Chinese characters, and still more from
their daily intercourse with the Chinese. Not only great
numbers of Tartars who had habituated themselves to the
Chinese pronunciation of their name, but also multitudes of
genuine sons of the Celestial Empire, were incorporated in
the vast armies which Genghizkhan and his sons hurled
against Western Asia and Europe ; 1 and although at that
time the Tartar name was officially repudiated, and that of
Mongol put forward, yet those amongst these wild Asiatic
hordes who had long been accustomed to the old name,
carried if with them as a matter of course on their westward
march, and thus it was brought to the western nations, both
in its full and true form Tartar , and also in its mutilated
Chinese form Tatar . In the former, the correct form, it
found its way amongst the Armenians, Greeks, and the
nations of Europe, and in its corrupted, Chinese form
amongst the Persians, Arabs, and Turks.

Surprising as it is at first sight that Tartar tribes should

1 In the great battle delivered by Kukhan to Sultan San jar of Persia, as early
u~ 1.141, Ibii-el-Athir already affirms tliat the army consisted of Turks, Chinese,
JGuituians, and many others.

bow be found who have exchanged the original and correct
form of a word of their own language, which had almost
passed into a proper name, for a mutilated and foreign,
though easier form, — yet as regards those Tartar tribes who
have embraced Mohammedanism, this surprise will at once
vanish, when we reflect on the tyranny exercised by the
Arabic on all the languages spoken by nations who profess
Islam ; for every one knows how, e.g. the name of God, and
a multitude of similar words, have been almost entirely
superseded in those languages by the corresponding Arabic
terms. Now the form of the word employed in the Arabic
language to the present day for Tartar is or

orj^i!^ i.e. et-Tafaru , and every one acquainted with Islam
and its professors can easily imagine what effect such an
example is likely to have had on the Mohammedan Tartars.
If the Mohammedan Tartars now pronounce and write their
name as Tatar , this may be owing solely to their slavish
dependence on the Arabic, to them the embodiment of the
highest wisdom and truth, and does not necessarily prove
anything as to the original form of the word used by the
ancient Tartars. Likewise with regard to the numerous
Tartar tribes who had long and closely mixed with the
Chinese and looked up to them as their superiors in learning
and culture, it may be easily conceived how they may have
gradually fallen into the Chinese way of writing and pro-
nouncing their own name ; and those who had once adopted
the mutilated form fatal or Tatar amongst the Chinese
would naturally also carry it with them in those great
national movements westwards. Besides, it is not impossible
that the Tartars consciously preferred the mutilated Chinese
form of their name, as disguising its original import, and not
so plainly calling to mind their national nomadism, of which
they had become tired or ashamed, just as it is notorious that
the Turks of our day have discarded the appellation of Turk,
which, as we shall see, is of a meaning cognate to that of
Tartar, and apply to themselves the more high-sounding
name of Osraanlis or Ottomans. Nor would the word Tartar

148

ON - TAETAE AM) TTJEK.

be the only relic brought westwards by the Tartars from
the Celestial Empire ; the use of Porte , or 'gate/ to designate
the Turkish Court or Ottoman Government, is nothing but
an imitation of the Chinese Tu-men, which serves the same
purpose in China. Elsewhere, also, foreign influence makes
itself felt in a language; e.g . many Turks and Tartars now
say Krim , whereas, according to the laws of their own lan-
guage, they ought to say Kirim} The Turkish- speaking
Greeks of the Ottoman Empire present a very similar case to
that of the Tartars who have adopted the name Tatar ; for
they invariably call themselves Room , Le. Homans, a name
not originally their own, and which the Arabs and Turks
applied to them from the first. We also now all speak of
Siambul , although we may know that it is nothing hut a
Turkish corruption of Constantinople. 3

1 On the other hand, they seem to have Tartarized the German Groschen into

Gurus h It is a question for the antiquary to decide whether this

name, and the coin it represents, travelled from west to east, or from east
to west.

2 According to a view now very generally held, Stamlul , or, in its full Turkish'
form, Istanbul, was derived from els tV ttoKiu, But whoever may have been
the author of this hold attempt at explanation, he has decidedly proved himself
thereby more familiar with the Greek than with the Turkish language. From
a purely Greek point of view it was tempting to recognize eis in Is, rvjy in
tarn, and tto\ in bul. But that this is altogether erroneous, there cannot he any
doubt. Even if we are prepared to overlook the strange conversion of a
preposition and an inflected article into a proper name, and of ryv into tan,
we would naturally expect that then also the corresponding case of the noun
would have been preserved, and that the proper name would have become
Istamhulin. But as the new. proper name is Turkish, and was fabricated
by Turks and not by Greeks, why seek so far-fetched and un-Turkish an
explanation, when a Turkish one, and one so far more simple, natural and
satisfactory, presents itself ? The Greek name Oonstantinopolis was evidently
too long and cumbersome for the Arabs and Turks. Therefore their great
object was to shorten it; and this was effectually done by dropping the pre-
position Con and the termination tin of Constantin , and the termination is
of iroAis* In the same way they also dropped, e.g. the Ale of Alexandria
(Jslmnderiye) and the termination na of Smyrna { Ismir ). ^ Then there, only
remained stem and pol, or Stanpol , which, by known laws of euphony, became
Stambol . or StambuJ. But as the Turkish language cannot begin a word with
a double consonant, it was necessary to prefix a light vowel, i, which also
in Arabic frequently has this function. Thus the name became Istmnbul

(J*J ) for Stambul, just as they also say Ismir for Smyrna, and Iskamleriye

for Alexandria (ks "or x being utterly foreign to the Turkish, had to be changed
into sle : Slander for Ksander). That the Turks were not unacquainted with the
compound nature of the name Oonstantinopolis appears from the. fact that

they also use in its stead the simple duAaiXiA (kostantiniye), i.e. ‘the Con-
stantiuean 9 (viz, £ city ’) . But we Europeans, who without any dilliculty can

OX TARTAR AXD TURK*

147

Most of this article was already written, when I began to
make inquiries amongst the Tartar refugees, who, in conse-
quence of the late war, were for some time living in Constan-
tinople, and who, of course, were all Mohammedans. Until
then, my views on the etymological nature of this name had
resulted merely from my exhaustive study of the Tartar
roots, and therefore rested on purely philological data, whilst
every historical consideration seemed to be opposed to them ;
and I was even still unacquainted with the important bear-
ings of the Chinese on the question* When I now asked of
the Tartars themselves after their name, they answered with
one accord, “ Tatar , or perhaps T attar T But my questions
so much interested them, that two from amongst them, en-
tirely of their own accord, undertook a march of several
hours to their oldest and best-informed teacher, and learned
from his own mouth that their name, on the authority of the
ancestors and most ancient books, was Tartar ; but that the
pronunciation Tatar had been adopted because in Turkey and
in Russia every one said so, and it was found easier. The
people with whom I spoke were quiet, intelligent men, and
they assured me repeatedly that their name was properly
Tartary and had reference to the nomadic habits of their
ancestors. It may therefore be interesting and desirable to
make further careful inquiries amongst those Tartars of Asia
who may have remained free from. Chinese, Musuiman, and
Russian influences, if any such can be found, in order to
ascertain which form of the word they use. But whatever
the result of such an investigation may be, its value can
only he of an historical nature, and the lingual elucida-
tion above given wquld always retain its own merit and
importance.

■begin a word with, si, say simply Stambul , for the more completely Turkish
Istanbul ; just as also the Tartars, when adopting from the Chinese the
corruption of their name Tatal, retained it in the form of Tatar, because the
r was not unpronounceable for them, as it was for the Chinese. I may also
add, that the zealous Moslims, instead of calling their capital Istanbul or
Istambol , take pride in giving it the ideal name of Islambol, i.e. Islam
4 fulness.’

148

ON TARTAR AND TURK.

II, — On the name of TURK.

The word Turk, cJji ttir-uk and tilrlc, is a verbal noun,
formed regularly according to the laws of the Tartar-Turkish
languages, and consists of the root d, tur, tur , t Ir • with the
formative affix lLS uk or 7c. By this suffix participles or
verbal nouns are formed, both of an active and a passive
meaning, as will be seen from the following examples—
three of each kind : —

joli qay-iq ‘canoe, boat’ (sc. as sliding, gliding on the
water) ; from gay-mag ‘ to slide, to glide.’

CJiyi do-nuk ‘deserter, renegade’ (lit. turning, or turning
back) ; from d&n-mek ‘to turn, to return.’

i * ydr-u-k ‘ walker, postman, nomad, Turkoman ’ ;

from CSa-ij .1 y4r-u-mek ‘to walk, go, run.’

Cjjf giir-k, in Tshagatai gor-uk and gor-k ‘beauty’ (lit.
a thing to be seen, what may be seen) ; from
g&r-mek ‘ to see.’

Un-ek ‘ a saddle-horse ’ (lit. ridden on ; from l_Ccj
bin-mek ‘ to ride.’

sar-iq ‘ the cloth of the turban ’ (lit. bound or twined
round) ; from sdr-maq ‘ to bind or twine round.’

Consequently the meaning of the root J tut', tur, tir, will
have to furnish us with an answer to the question why
certain Asiatic tribes were called Turks. Every one may
have noticed the fact that Tartar tribes have also been
designated as Turks, and Turkish tribes as Tartars. I may
therefore already in this place draw attention to the radical
affinity subsisting between the words Tartar and Turk. The
respective roots of these names are tar and J tur, tur, tir.
It appears at first sight that they are identical in their
consonants and only differ in their vowels. An extensive
classification and comparison of the Tartar-Turkish roots
has shown me that in all probability at the formation of the
language a degree of notional affinity, a more or less close
relationship of meaning, subsisted between all those roots

ON TARTAR AND TURK.

which agree in their consonants and only differ in their
vowels. In some instances this is still so patent that even
a cursory observer can hardly fail to be struck with it ; e.g.
between tas~itiaq ‘ to overflow ; dus-mek ‘ to

fall, to fall down ’ ; and des-mek ‘ to open in order

to give egress to a pent-up fluid’; between Jt+iUa dcin-maq
‘to pause, to hesitate’; dm-maq ‘to curdle, freeze’

(properly, to change from a fluid to a ‘standing,’ i.e. solid
state) ; CS^ din-mek ‘ to stand still, keep silence, to
hesitate, to pause’ ; between jull* sal-maq ‘to cast, throw,
fling’ ; sdl-maq ‘ to wither, fade, to “cast ” colour ’ ;

$il-mek ‘ to wipe, clear away ’ ; and between
qag-maq ‘ to flee, to run away ’ ; gog-mek ‘ to emi-
grate ’ ; geg-mek ‘ to go away, to pass by, to pass

away.’ This original affinity in the import of roots formed
by the same consonants is the reason why we sometimes
find names of one and the same thing taken from several
such roots, which at the same time differ in their vowels.
Of this also I will give some examples, illustrating the
primitive close affinity between tar and Mr, the two roots
in question, e.g. the name for ‘ thread ’ is both tar,
tir-im, and tir-e ; that for ‘ rake,’ both j > tdr-aq and
j tir-miq ; for ‘ piece,’ both tdr-am and

dir-tuq and tir-tuq. Therefore it can no longer surprise
us, if we discover in the root y tur, tur, Mr, the very same,
or, at all events, a closely cognate meaning to that of tat,
with which we have already become acquainted in the name

150

ON TARTAR AND TURK.

because it sometimes happens that bard syllables and bard
roots, under the effect of time or locality, become softened ;
and we have moreover seen already that between the roots
with identical consonants (e.g., tur, tor , tar , tur, tor , Ur, ter ;
but, hoi , bal, bid, bol , Ml, bel, etc.) there must originally have
subsisted also a certain affinity of meaning. But the Turkish
language in its present state possesses both a hard and a soft
verb, so that, as regards the mere grammatical form of the
word, its hard pronunciation ( Turk=zToork ) maybe connected
with the former, and its soft pronunciation (Turk, Tprk) with
the latter. The hard verb is or or tur-

maq and dUr-niaq, which signifies 4 to rise, stand, stop, last ’ ;
and Mr. Yambery observes that amongst the Turkomans it
has the signification of 4 to rise up from a place or encamp-
ment, to arise/ In Tshagatai, the causative J tur -
y uz-maq 4 to awaken, to stir up/ is derived from it, as well
as the substantive ^31 iy tur-ya-lan 6 a popular rising, an
insurrection/ If the proper name Turk ( = Toork) was
derived from this verb, its original form must have been Jj>jy
tur-uq, turq, and it would have signified 4 the rising ones,
those who rise up from their encampments 9 (sc. in order to
march, till they find another), — a signification closely akin
to that of Tartar . In the present Tshagatai j^y ttir-uq
means 4 clear, pure/ used of water ; that is, what has been
allowed to 4 stand/ and become purified in consequence of
the sediment thus formed. 1

1 I may here observe in passing* that the name Tur an, if, as its form plainly
suggests, it is of Tartar -Turkish origin, can only be derived from this verb
and is its regular participle present, signifying 4 standing up, rising, remaining
erect.’ It was therefore a fitting designation of the mountainous regions and
highlands of Central Asia. In English also 4 rise ’ is used for elevation, height,
mountain. In contradistinction to this, and on the supposition of its Tartar
origin, Iran would signify 4 the plain, level ground, flat expanse, what is spread
evenly, like the surface of a flowing water,’ being likewise the regular present

participle Jyl tr-an ‘flowing’ ; from tr-maq, originally a regular

verb, 4 to flow,’ hut now only used as a substantive, 4 river ’ ( fluvius , Jimnen ).
This seems to me to have been the derivation and original signification of both
these names — provided they come from a Tartar source — and at the time of their
formation they, no doubt, also fully corresponded to the physical character of the
respective territories to which they were applied. It must be observed that the
opinion I have just expressed concerning the words Turan and Iran :is wholly
based on the supposition of their being of Tartar origin. Such an origin as
regards Turan is obvious and beyond any reasonable doubt ; but though Iran

OX TARTAR AND TURK.

151

■ / ** '■
P

Of so/if verbs from which the word Turk can be derived,
there are several. One is iL^jy tiir-mek ‘to rollup, tack
up, turn up, gather (properly, draw together) one’s clothes.’
From this are derived jL^-^jy tur-le-mek ‘ to tack or roll up
one’s clothes ’ ; J? tdr-lcen ‘ having one’s clothes tacked
up, alert, brisk, pert’ ; J V tor-laq (derived from the same
verb, but treating it as hard) ‘ a lively, brisk, pert person,
a youth.’ Adopting this derivation, which from a gram-
matical point of view is quite admissible, a Turk would mean
< orie who has his clothes tacked up,’ and thus is ready to
march and migrate, or to resist and fight; alert, brisk,
pert.

The remaining soft roots, having the vowel i, sometimes
still further softened into e, and their derivata, seem all
united in their signification by the general idea of ‘ drawing,
namely, as a spontaneous drawing, moving, living; or as
a drawing out, lengthening ; or a drawing off, peeling ; or
a drawing away, plucking ; or a drawing back, withdrawing ;
or a drawing to and fro, hither and thither, wan deling a out,
migrating, etc. This can be seen from the following ex-

tir-mek ‘ to move, be in motion, to live.’
dir-mek, in Tshagatai tir-mek ‘to pluck,

to gather, collect ’ (compare E. tear. Germ, zerren).

Ur-ge-mek ‘to go out of the way, to avoid’

(=‘draw ? aside). ?

tir-ke-mek ‘to scold, reprove, call to account

(compare the German : durchziehen, durchhecheln).

CJUjyy dir-in-mek ‘ to creep, to glide ’ (=draw along on
the ground).

dir-in-is-mek ‘ to cower, to crouch’ (=draw one-
self together). . , , , f ,

tir-na-maq ‘ to scratch ’ (=draw quickly to and fro),

‘ to scrape together.’

m/s sit ^

examine the name also trom a Tartar pomt of view.

152 ON TARTAR AND TURK.

Jjjff tir-naq c a claw, talon 5 (sc. as scratching).

CJijfZ tir-ik or dir-i ‘ alive 5 (= spontaneously drawing,
or moving).

Ur 4 or der-i 4 skin, hide, husk, shell 5 (sc. as

drawn off, peeled).

CSj+s tir-ek or dir-ek 4 pole, pillar, mast 1 (as drawn

out long).

Ur 4m 4 stalk, ear of corn, thread 5 (icl.).
tir4nk or ^jA der4n c deep 5 (id.).

CJ4sj 4 tir-sek or dtr-sek 4 elbow, knee ; bent,

curve ; a broken off piece 5 (=what can be drawn to and fro,
what is drawn off).

\j4 tir-a 4 family, clan 5 (sc. as drawn together, drawn away
from others, advancing, moving, wandering together).

jl sja tir-qaz 4 a bar, bolt 5 (sc. as drawn to and fro).

jl*Ap Hr-k-faz 4 a wandering about ; robbery; robber. 5

CJj tiir-k , tir-k, is thus rendered in the latest Turkish
dictionary, by Zenker : C4 A Turk from Asia; a Turcoman ,
a Nomad (in contradistinction to lL&J VJ t&z-ik or
tti-jik 4 the settler, the tradesman 5 ); a vagabond ; a soldier
of the body-guard, a satellite; an uncivilized person, a
clown. 55

The two words, Turcoman and Nomad , which seem here to
be added as a sort of illustration, are in my opinion the
lingual equivalent or literal translation of the word Turk.
So much is unquestionable and indubitably certain that the
name Turk, or Tirk, or Toork is a verbal noun, derived from
its monosyllabic root by the affix k, and that one of the fore-
mentioned verbs must be its base ; but it is of no great
moment to determine which particular verb it is, they being
all cognate in matter and meaning, so that every reader can
be left free to judge for himself and to draw his own conclu-
sion. This name, like Tartar , was originally and properly
an appellative noun, and only in course of time passed into
a proper name. After its etymology and original signification
had become lost, the Chinese and the Mohammedans began to

OK TARTAR AND TURK. 153

account for the name in their own ways, the former (e.g, the
historian Ouei-tehim in the seventh century) by affirming
that it is derived from a helmet-shaped mountain, near which
they originally lived, called in their own language Tou-kme
( =Tur~ku ) ‘a helmet’; and the latter by attributing to Japhet
a son named Turk, the ancestor of both Turks and Mongols.
Thus the Arabs treated the name as if it were Arabic, and
formed of it the plural Air cik by which they designate

the different Turkish tribes. But by the side of the above
etymological elucidation of the name, this sort of interpreta-
tions can only appear in the light of groundless guesses. The
Turks, as is well known, are now ashamed of this name and
call themselves Osmanlis or Ottomans, after their renowned
ancestor Othman or Osman, whilst they apply the word Toork
to an uncivilized person of their own race.

III. — The Tartars and Turks in the light of

THEIR NAME.

It results, then, from what precedes that in Tartar and
Turk we have two names, kindred in origin and of essentially
the same signification, which in a general way answer to the
terms: Nomad, Turcoman, Bedouin only with perhaps
this distinction, that Tartar , as a reduplication, expresses
more particularly the repeated, ceaseless moving to and fro,
the restless wandering about from place to place ; and Turk,
the verbal noun, the energetic readiness to start, the untiring
migratory disposition, the independent, bold and enterprising
wanderer. Hence, as Tartar , so also Turk is used for courier,
swift messenger ; and in poetical language the sun, e.g* is
called ‘ the Turk of China ’ (because for the Tartars he begins
his course in China), * the Turk of the sky, ‘ the Turk of
noon/ etc. ^

It is by no means astonishing, but quite explicable, that the
exact nature of the grammatical form and the true etymologic
cal import of these names should have become obscure and
lost to the later generations, and now untold itself only to

154

OX TARTAR AND TURK.

4 '

M-*

penetrating research. ; for the words themselves most probably
do not date from the age in which Tartars and Turks first
entered into known history, but from a much remoter time,
when the occasion first arose to distinguish the roving
Nomads from the agricultural settlers, or from the commercial
citizens. Hence these names met with the same fate as
other national names whose etymology had become lost, and
which then passed into the domain of myths, and were re-
garded as patronymics. The ancient Mohammedan histo-
rians of the Arabs and Persians, seeking to imitate the
records in the Book of Genesis, have recourse to mythical
ancestors, in order to explain national names the origin and
meaning of which they did not know. According to them,
Japhet had two sons, Turk and Tchin, the respective ances-
tors of the Turks and Chinese ; and they are only not quite
agreed as to which of the two brothers was the senior and
w hieh the junior. Again, Alindsha or Ilindsha Khan, a
descendant of Turk in the fifth generation, and Kuler of
Turkestan, had likewise two sons, Tartar and Mongol, from
whom the Tartars and Mongols are descended. But that all
this is nothing more than gratuitous attempts of Mussulman
scholars to explain what they did not understand, is so self-
evident that it can only be wondered how Christian writers
could be found credulous enough to record such fictions as
facts ; for this fabrication of history was even carried so far
that they ascribed to Noah a son named Andalus, in order to
invest the Spanish Andalusia with a proper Mohammedan
halo.

On account both of the generality and affinity of the mean-
ing of the words Tartar and Turk, it was not easy to keep the
nations and tribes thus named ethnologically quite distinct ;
and we cannot be surprised that the very same tribes appear
sometimes as Tartars and sometimes as Turks and Turcomans.
Only after these nations had settled down in definite locali-
ties, and their primitive general appellations had passed into
proper names, their promiscuous use could cease. But then
the appellation had become as unsuitable as that of £ Nor-
mans ’ for those who settled in southern countries ; and

ON TARTAR AND TURK.

155

therefore, it was really natural and reasonable for the Turks,
when they began to settle down in Asia Minor and other
parts, to drop their original name and adopt a new one from
their distinguished chief and ancestor Othman.

The etymological derivation and lingual import of the
names Tartar and Turk, as they have now been set forth,
derive a powerful confirmation from the fact that authors who
had not the remotest idea thereof, yet described the main
characteristics and distinguishing peculiarities of the tribes
and nations which bear these names in a manner for which
Nomad, Bedouin, wandering shepherd, is the concisest and
fittest term. History presents these nations to us, from
their first appearance, as roving hordes, confirmed wanderers,
Nomads, Bedouins, Turcomans. Personal inclination and
prevailing custom, inherited by the successive generations
from their earliest ancestors, must, under the favourable
influences of nature and soil, have gradually produced in
these tribes a marked national character, a sort of national
instinct, which dominated all their ideas and movements,
shaped their entire history, and was expressed in the pecu-
liarities of their whole national existence. Nomadic life, with
its independence of the restrictive laws of civilization and
culture, and with its unlimited domination over the vast
extent of countries through which it roams and which it
has to guard against hostile encroachments, is especially
adapted to produce an ardent love of liberty, an exaggerated
appreciation of independence, an enterprising, indomitable
courage, a manly, bardy fortitude, those useful and necessary
attributes of the warrior, — and this is its noble feature. But,
on the other hand, Nomadism, with its incessant depasturation,
its perpetual draining of the land, which it does not make
a real home, and from which it will always only take,
without giving it anything in return, — is also a perfect
school of greediness and selfishness, where they learn to
regard the whole world as one vast pasturage for flocks, and
the flocks as mere means for the gratification and enjoy-
ment of the roaming Turcoman. The famous geographer,
0. Ritter, has in this respect most strikingly and truly

154

ON TARTAR AND TURK.

penetrating research. ; for the words themselves most probably
do not date from the age in which Tartars and Turks first
entered into known history, but from a much remoter time,
when the occasion first arose to distinguish the roving
Nomads from the agricultural settlers, or from the commercial
citizens. Hence these names met with the same fate as
other national names whose etymology had become lost, and
which then passed into the domain of myths, and were re-
garded as patronymics. The ancient Mohammedan histo-
rians of the Arabs and Persians, seeking to imitate the
records in the Book of Genesis, have recourse to mythical
ancestors, in order to explain national names the origin and
meaning of which they did not know. According to them,
Japhet had two sons, Turk and Tchin, the respective ances-
tors of the Turks and Chinese ; and they are only not quite
agreed as to which of the two brothers was the senior and
which the junior. Again, Alindsha or Ilindsha Khan, a
descendant of Turk in the fifth generation, and Ruler of
Turkestan, had likewise two sons, Tartar and Mongol, from
whom the Tartars and Mongols are descended. But that all
this is nothing more than gratuitous attempts of Mussulman
scholars to explain what they did not understand, is so self-
evident that it can only be wondered how Christian writers
could be found credulous enough to record such fictions as
facts ; for this fabrication of history was even carried so far
that they ascribed to Noah a son named Andalus, in order to
invest the Spanish Andalusia with a proper Mohammedan
halo.

On account both of the generality and affinity of the mean-
ing of the words Tartar and Turk, it was not easy to keep the
nations and tribes thus named ethnologically quite distinct ;
and we cannot be surprised that the very same tribes appear
sometimes as Tartars and sometimes as Turks and Turcomans.
Only after these nations had settled down in definite locali-
ties, and their primitive general appellations had passed into
proper names, their promiscuous use could cease. But then
the appellation had become as unsuitable as that of ‘Nor-
mans ’ for those who settled in southern countries ; and

ON TARTAR AND TORE.

therefore it was really natural and reasonable for the Turks,
when they began to settle down in Asia Minor and other
parts, to drop their original name and adopt a new one from
their distinguished chief and ancestor Othman.

The etymological derivation and lingual import of the
names Tartar and Turk, as they have now been set forth,
derive a powerful confirmation from the fact that authors who
had not the remotest idea thereof, yet described the main
characteristics and distinguishing peculiarities of the tribes
and nations which bear these names in a manner for which
Nomad, Bedouin, wandering shepherd, is the concisest and
fittest term. History presents these nations to us, from
their first appearance, as roving hordes, confirmed wanderers,
Nomads, Bedouins, Turcomans. Personal inclination and
prevailing custom, inherited by the successive generations
from their earliest ancestors, must, under the favourable
influences of nature and soil, have gradually produced in
these tribes a marked national character, a sort of national
instinct, which dominated all their ideas and movements,
shaped their entire history, and was expressed in the pecu-
liarities of their whole national existence. Nomadic life, with
its independence of the restrictive laws of civilization and
culture, and with its unlimited domination over the vast
extent of countries through which it roams and which it
has to guard against hostile encroachments, is especially
adapted to produce an ardent love of liberty, an exaggerated
appreciation of independence, an enterprising, indomitable
courage, a manly, hardy fortitude, those useful and necessary
attributes of the warrior,— and this is its noble feature. But,
on the other hand, Nomadism, with its incessant depasturation,
its perpetual draining of the land, which it does not make
a real home, and from which it will always only take,
without giving it anything in return, — is also a perfect
school of greediness and selfishness, where they learn to
regard the whole world as one vast pasturage for flocks, and
the flocks as mere means for the gratification and enjoy-
ment of the roaming Turcoman. The famous geographer,
C. Bitter, has in this respect most strikingly and truly

156

OX TAB-TAR AXD TURK.

characterized the Bedouins, by saying of them, that if
they could, they would transform the entire habitable earth
into one vast wilderness and therein find their Paradise.

Now whether it be owing to a certain natural compatibility,
to a kind of mutual adaptation and attraction, or whether it
be merely accidental: a matter of fact it is that the Nomad
races of the Tartars and Turks have adopted a religion which
took its origin and has its spiritual centre, its holy temple, in
the land of the Bedouins,— -the religion of Islam. Moham-
medanism entirely corresponds to the fundamental traits of
the national character of these races, just as if it had been
expressly made for them. According to its ruling principle,
the whole earth, with all it contains, exists only for Islamism
and the Mussulmans, in order to be subjugated by them, and
this not with the rightful weapons of the spirit, by doctrine
and example, but with the carnal weapons of violence and war,
and in order to be afterwards selfishly used and drained by
them, ] ust as the Bedouin thinks of nothing else, but how he
may always find sufficient pasture. These fundamental prin-
ciples and leading views of Islam are not something unintended
and accidental, but belong to it essentially and from the first.
Already its founder, the Prophet-Emir Mohammed, seized
and subjugated in this spirit all Arabia. After his conquest
of the Jewish tribes of Khaibar, it was first intended to force
them to emigrate and to leave all their possessions in the
hands of the victors ; hut afterwards, apparently on their own
proposal, a formal agreement was entered into — (which, how-
ever, was annulled by the Caliph Omar, because thenceforth
none except Moslems were to live on the sacred soil of Arabia) —
according to which they were allowed to remain and to culti-
vate the land, on the condition that half the produce should
he handed over to the conquerors, and the other half serve
for their own sustenance. Thus it was a rule from the very
first, sanctioned by the highest authority in Islam, that all
the conquered lands should become the property of the Mos-
lems, to which the former owners had lost all their claims
m& on which they could thenceforth be only tolerated for the
advantage and utilization of the professors of the new faith.

ON TAETAE AND TTJEE.

It can be easily imagined what a result the ingrafting of
such a religion on hardy, greedy Nomad races must have pro-
duced Their national peculiarity, their natural instinct and
inbred habit, received the sanction of religion, the mighty
impulse of a direct mission from heaven ; and as by magic the
leaders of flocks became commanders of armies, the inde-
pendent hordes of Nomads irresistible hosts of warriors, who
found in the subjugated nations, as it were, new pasturage of
a richer and a more enjoyable kind. Not flocks of sheep and
cattle but families and tribes of men furnished now meat
and milk and wool for these warrior shepherds. _ As a proof
that the subjugated nations were really regarded in this light
and systematically treated from a Nomadic stand-point, the
one fact may suffice, that in Mohammedan states the non-
Mussulman subjects are called Rayas to the present day. For
Bay a lilij is the plural of whose import is thus rendered-
in Lane’s Arabic Dictionary : “ Cattle pasturing, cattle kept,
tended or pastured ; especially cattle kept or pastured for thej
Sultan, and upon which are his brands and marks. It ti ue
that theoretically it would be possible to attribute to the word
Baya the meaning of ‘ subject ’ in general, as educated lurks
freauently do in their conversation with Europeans, because
in ancient times kings and rulers were often called shepherds ;
but practically this is not the case, and the actual division
of the population of Turkey is that into Moslems and Rayas
so that a Mohammedan naturally says: “I am a Moslem an

n °Hisfory a tells ns what terrible commotions _ and violent
chants were produced in the world by the union of a reli-
gion like the Mohammedan with the Nomad spirit of Asiatic
nations. Besides its victorious advance eastward, wheie it j
completely swept away Christianity, then already professed]
by whole Tartar tribes, Mohammedanism made two supreme
thrusts, two mighty onslaughts westward, for t e °

transforming Christian Europe into another grazing ground for
Mussulmans. These were, so to speak, two inverse Crusades,

1 The Arabic plural Saga, like that of Ulema ‘ the learned,’ and many others,
hv t-L a Turks also constantly used as a singular.

■

jgg OK TARTAR AKD TURK.

■vrith opposite ends. As the proper Crusades aimed at keeping
the Cross (that sublime symbol of Christianity as a trium-
phant power, by purely spiritual means, notwithstanding
apparent defeats) erect in the countries of the east where it
had first been planted, so these Mussulman Crusades purposed
to pull it down wherever it was found established throughout
all the west. The first of these formidable onslaughts, proceed-
ing from the Mohammedan Bedouinism of Arabia, passed over
Northern Africa, overwhelmed the Pyrenean Peninsula, and
was only successfully parried by the overmatching vigour and
manhood of the Franco-Grermanic races, who, by those san-
: g U inary battles in the heart of France, prevented the progress
of the hot-blooded Asiatic hordes through Central Europe,
and sent them back across the Pyrenees completely defeated.
The second determined onset of Mohammedanism against the
' heart of Europe, sustained by Tartar-Turkish force, proceeded
from the shores of the Bosphorus and spread death and deso-
lation over the lands of the Danube as far as Vienna, where
it also was stemmed by the superior national strength of
Central Europe.

If these well-planned, determined attempts of conquest had
succeeded, and if, as the east, so also the west had been forced
under the yoke of this politico-religious Nomadism of Islam,
then the industrious Christian nations of Europe would have
offered a new pasturage of sufficient richness to keep the
Mussulman shepherds in ease and plenty for generations to
come. But inasmuch as the truly human and truly divine
spirit of Christianity, coupled with the love of liberty and
the physical vigour of the nations of Europe, would not be
trampled in the dust by mere rude force, and victoriously
maintained itself against the Mussulman onslaught, both of an
Arabian Bedouinism and an Ottoman Turcomanism . nothing
remained for the Islamic system of domination, but nolens
vo len& to rest content with its former grazing grounds, which m
consequence it had now afresh and with increasing thorough-
ness to depasture, so that more and more every pushing
sapling, every sprouting blade of grass had to be razed, as
soon as it appeared; and what those in power had at first

ON TAETAE AND TURK.

159

learned and practised with, regard to the Rayas, was at last
extended also to the subject Moslem population. The certain
and unavoidable result of all this could be nothing else than
that complete general exhaustion of the entire world of Islam,
which now lies patent before the eyes of all. But where,
according to the laws of nature, Nomadism brings about its
own end°and renders itself impossible, there the place seems to
be prepared for advantageously superseding it by the higher
and more profitable state of agriculture.

180

1 r:

Art. XII . — Notice of the Scholars icho have Contributed to
the Extension of our Knowledge of the Languages of
Africa . By R. 1ST. Gust, Honorary Secretary R.A.S.

In the Journal for 1879 I was permitted to insert a notice
of the scholars who have contributed to the extension of our
knowledge of the Languages of British India during the
last thirty years ; and upon the occasion of its being read at
one of the Society’s meetings, considerable interest was
shown in the subject. I venture now to intrude upon the
Society with a kindred notice upon those great scholars who
have devoted their talents, and in many cases their lives, to
enlarging our knowledge of the Languages of Africa.

To the Botanist the wild flower is of greater interest
than the more beautiful development which is the result of
culture. So to the Linguist, the unwritten forms of speech,
caught alive as it were from the lips of uneducated savages,
who are totally unaware of the wonderful organism which
they are handling, supply deeper lessons than can be found
in those languages whose spontaneous development has been
restricted by becoming the vehicle of a written literature.
The continent of Africa, year by year, supplies new and
wondrous forms, the examination of which will upset many
favourite theories, based upon the very limited phenomena
supplied by the Arian and Semitic families. I trust to be
able in a few months to publish such an account of our
1 existing knowledge of the Languages of Africa, accompanied
fby a Language-Map, specially prepared from the latest data,
|and a Bibliographical Appendix showing where the language
is spoken with reference to the - Language-Map, to what
group or family it may provisionally be assigned, and in
what separate work, serial, or general treatise, information may
at once be obtained, which will enable an inquirer to know

LANGUAGES OF AFRICA.

what his predecessors have done, and start off rejoicing upon
a course of further investigation. This generation will pass
Iway long before we are in possession of anything approach-
knowledge of the Languages of Africa,
bject is to pass lightly over the whole
record with a loving hand names, ■which
•e known and honoured. It is very well
Professor to sit in his arm-chair, and talk
;uages, not one of which he has ever heard
s individuals whose names I propose to
jrgone perils and discomforts, and in many
heir lives, in the attainment at first hand
: e, which they have communicated to the

elcomed
>assed

y a conviction of the
which exists, and has
indicating how utterly hopeless
ion as to the origin of Language,
favourite theory of a Language
structure, the germs of which were, as it
And two or three great Scholars have
a consideration of the revealed pheno-
the axiom of the impossibility of the.
Mixed Language, and to propound a new

learned world. The feeling of astonishment, which w
the earlier revelations of unknown tongues, may have pi
away, because it has been replaced by
boundless stores of language-variety, \.
existed for countless ages,
and visionary is the specula
and how unfounded is the
altering that organic
were, born with it.
already been led by
mena to question
existence of a
system of Classification based on the existence or

existence of Gender.

There are four classes of contributors to our know led |

I. In the first order as regards time, and in the 1
order as regards value, are those travellers, often unscie
and always untrained, who have recorded Vocabularies,
gratefully accepted half a century ago such crumbs oi 1
ledge, and in many cases a language is still only reprei
by a Vocabulary ; but care has been taken to indie
modern explorers the particular classes of wor s
should be selected, and the proper mode of uniform,
pressing the sounds. Many books of Vocabularies and
spnt.f>nces. nrenared in this way, are of the big est va ue,

LANGUAGES OF AFRICA,

II. In the second order come those who undertake to
write a Grammar, a Dictionary, or a lengthy Grammatical
Notice on one or more languages ; such are not always trained
scholars, and many have not the genius for that particular
work. Others have come to the work with excellent
training; or have found themselves possessed intuitively
of the faculty of grasping the real elements of the particular
organism. We have two or three scores of such Grammars
and Dictionaries, some of the highest merit, others which make
the path ready for a skilled grammarian to follow. In all cases
the work is honest, and done upon the spot, to be used at once
in schools, and by fellow-labourers, who will immediately
bring the work to the test. This is a formidable check on
any imposture, which might have passed current in Europe
undetected, when the grammatical treatise is written to pass
under the eyes of those only who are even more ignorant
than the compiler.

III. In the third order come two or three great scholars,
masters of the principles of Comparative Philology, under
whose eyes these Grammars and Dictionaries, as well as the
less valuable Vocabularies, pass. Here begins the process of
inter-comparison of forms and methods, as well as of words,
and the isolated work of many becomes a part of the great
scheme of classification. In this category must be included
the compiler of such Vocabularies as the Polyglotta African a.

IV. In the fourth order come the popularizers, or dishers
up of the knowledge acquired by others in a palateable form
suited to the taste of an unlearned public. In tbe form of
Lectures and Essays the raw materials of hard-working and
unknown scholars are boiled down and served out, and pass
current as the result of original inquiry, instead of being mere
assimilations of the work of others. This renders necessary
an occasional reminder of the names of such original in-
quirers, which I now propose to make.

My attention has been more particularly called to this
I subject in the course of the preparation of my Sketch of the
(Languages of Africa. Such a book could not have been com-
piled thirty years ago, simply because the material had not

LANGUAGES OF AFRICA.

Wn worked out by many scores of workmen, acting without
any communication with each other. I drew attention to the
amount of good work done by Continental chiefly German
scholars, and recorded their names, m the African Section o
the Oriental Congress at Berlin last September, remarking
how little would have been known had not German industry
and acumen been available, to carry out the work commenced
by English energy and resources.

English, French, Germans, Swiss, Norwegians, Swedes
Spaniards, Portuguese, Italians, citizens of the United
States of North America, and African negroes, have con-
tributed to this great work. Some have been servants
of the English or French Colonial Governments, but by far
the greater portion have been Christian Missionaries, for no I
other earthly consideration could have induced men to W
am0 ng the people, and acquire their language, but the {
highest motives of Benevolence. Many have visited Africa
for purposes of general science, or explory, and have ma e
contributions to knowledge, more or less perfect, but such
have rarely attained to an accurate knowledge of any lan-
guage themselves, still less have they been able to prepare
scientific treatises. Lepsius, Almqvist, Munzm
and Fred. Muller are splendid exceptions. The Dutch, in sp
of their long settlement in South Africa, have not contribute
one line to Linguistic Science, and their uncouthjanguage, still
further debase!, has trodden out some of the primeval vehicles
of speech of the indigenous inhabitants. _ , . ,

Of the one ancient language of Africa which has died
leaving no lineal living descendant— the old gyp »
Ooptic-it would be impertinent in a paper Se this to
attempt a proper notice, and yet it would be -omplete not
to nofice that it is designedly omitted. The -me remark
applies to modern Arabic, which with more f

spoken over such wide regions m Africa. Its elder sister,*
Phoenician, represented in Africa by numerous Inscriptions,
“ o,l English, French, Dnteh, -WJ ;
are sometimes an additional, sometimes the sole ve
of speech of large native communities, but require n

164

LANGUAGES OE AFRICA.

here. Our remarks are restricted to the work done in
indigenous modern Vernaculars ; and as an instance of the
slight appreciation hitherto extended to this work, it may be
mentioned, that in two celebrated series of Lectures on Lan-
guage, and the Science of Language, in its widest sense, by a
learned German and American Professor, a few lines are deemed
sufficient to illustrate the marvellous phenomena of African
languages, and the praiseworthy labours of African scholars.

It may be convenient for our purpose to divide Africa
north of the Equator into two regions, stretching one north
of the other east to west nearly across the continent ; the
territory south of the Equator forms a third region ; and in
each region there are two entirely distinct groups of lan-
guage, making six in all for the whole of Africa.

The most northerly region comprises the Semitic and
Hamitic groups. In the Ethiopic subdivision of the Semitic
we must note the grammar and dictionary of Ludolf, dating
as far back as 1698 a.d. ; Dillmann’s grammar and dictionary,
dated 1857-62, of the old Ethiopic or Geez ; Prsetorius’s
grammar ; Massaia’s grammar ; Isenburgh's grammar of the
Amharic. Abbadie and Isenburgh have contributed diction-
aries. There exist also learned contributions by Beke,
Munzinger, Gesenius, Renan, Sapeto, Schrader, and Krapf.
Of the sister-language, the Tigre, we have a grammar by
Prsetorius, vocabularies by Beurmann and Munzinger. Of
the less well-known Harari, we have grammatical notices by
F. Muller, Mallet, Burton, and Prsetorius.

Passing to the Hamitic group, and the Libyan subgroup,
we come in contact with the work of the French scholars,
to whom the conquest of Algeria gave great opportunities.
The Berber language is the representative of the old Mauri-
tanian and Humidian in its numerous dialects. To Du.
Ponceau, Faidherbe, Halevy, Venture de Paradis, F. W.
Newman, W. Hodgson, De Sian e, and Delaporte, we are in-
debted for grammars, vocabularies, and grammatical notices.

The well-known dialect of the Kabyle, with its sub-
dialects of Showiah, and Zowaiah, is illustrated by the
grammar of Hanoteau, the dictionary of Brosselard and

LANGUAGES OE AFRICA. 165

isat, and the grammatical notices of F.
wsky, and W. Hodgson. Of the dialect
fomads, known as the Tamashek, we have
anoteau and Freeman Stanhope. Of the
nown as the Shelluh, we have
‘ s, and texts by some of the
well as hy Ball, Jackson, and

Jaubert; of Orel
Newman, Sierako
of the Towarik I
grammars by H
dialect spoken in
grammatical notices, vocabularies,

above-mentioned scholars, as - 0 , ,

Basset. Of the Zeimga dialect, south of the Sahara, on
Senegal frontier, we have a grammatical notice by Faidkerbe.
Far away to the east, on the confines of Egypt, the kindled
language of Siwah, in the Oasis of Ammon, is revealed to us

J aino- to the Ethiopic subgroup of the Hamitic

-an°point with satisfaction to a grammar of the
nguage hy Hunter, a great advance upon the

guage JLut-
ancl another
Krapf, Schmidt, and F.

grammatical
ear has pro-
by Almqvist, of TJpsala,
mmatical notices by Lepsius, Munzinger,

1 the vocabularies collected by
Of the Falasha, or language of
_ - mmatical notice hy Halevy ;
ublisbed a grammatical notice
grammar and a translation of a
Of the Dankali, Reinisch promises a grammar and
Isenburgh, many years ago, published a
"Waldmeir has published a vocabu-
. Of the Barea language
Reinisch has also pub-
Irob Saho, and

- andEnglund,
one "of the last-named
inger, Halevy,
• knowledge
dialects of lan-

a-rammatical notice hy Rigby. Of the Galla lan
schek has published a grammar and dictionary,
is attributed to Massaia ; Lottnei
Newman have also contributed vocabularies, or
notices. Of the Beja-Bishari language, this y
duced a most complete grammar 1

supplementing the gram

Fred. Muller, and Halevy, and
Seetzen and other travellers. <
the Abyssinian Jews, we have a gram
and of the Bogos Reinisch has pu
and a text, and promises a,

gospel. C *

a collection of texts
vocabulary. Of the Agau,
lary, and Halevy a grammatical notice.

Reinisch has published a grammar,
lished a grammatical notice of the Saho,
Xunama languages in the G
a Swedish missionary, has ]
in the Swedish language,

Abbadie, and Beke, have also contributed to our
of the other less well-known languages^ or (

16 6

LANGUAGES OP AFRICA.

guages, of this group, towards which a great deal more
labour must be devoted.

The second, or central region of Africa, is occupied bj two
groups of languages, totally distinct from each other, and
only associated for geographical convenience: the Nuba-
Fulah and the Negro.

In the Nuba-Fulah there are two well-defined subgroups,
the Nubian and the Fulah. In the Nubian subgroup
Lepsius has illustrated the Nubian or Barabra language with
his Monumental Grammar, a vocabulary, translation of a
gospel, and a disquisition on the languages of Africa gene-
rally. Reinisch has also published a grammar. Nerucci, an
Italian, has published a dictionary by a Roman Catholic
missionary of the seventeenth century, found in manuscript.
In the case of an unwritten language, such peeps at the
word-store used two centuries ago are most valuable, as mark-
ing the degree of fluctuation in the ordinary terms of daily
life. Brugsch Bey has carried the language back, and worked
out a comparison with the old Egyptian. Of the Tumale,
one of the languages of Kordofan, Tutscliek has supplied a
grammatical notice. Of the Masai, Erhardt has contributed
a vocabulary, and Krapf has done the same for the Kwafi.
To Schweinfurth we are indebted for our scant knowledge of
the Monbutto, Niam-Niam, Kredi, Golo; and Petherick,
Wilson, Long, Marno, and Ruppell have contributed to the
still fainter idea that we can form of other languages indis-
tinctly heard of. Of the Shangalla we know more from the
writings of the Italian Beltrame, Beke, Marno, and Halevy.

In the Fulah subgroup Reichhardt and Faidherbe have
supplied grammars of the only language, of which there are
several marked dialects.

The Negro group, on the other hand, comprises scores of
languages, perhaps hundreds, thrown together merely for the
purpose of convenience of treatment, all other attempts at
classification in the present state of knowledge being hopeless.
This may be roughly divided into three geographical subgroups :

I, Western Negroland along the Atlantic shore, viz. Sene-
gambia and the Guinea Coast.

LANGUAGES OF AFBICA.

167

II. Central Negroland, viz. the Basin of the Niger and Lake
Tchad.

III. Upper basin of the Nile.

In the first subgroup, under

zeal, many great scholais hav e c
of the highest interest, and the

Mandingo
Serawale

Grammar.

(French) Grammatical
Notice.

Grammar.

Grammatical Notice.
Grammatical Notice.
Grammar, in the press.
(French) Grammar.

(do.) Grammar.
Grammar.

Grammar.

. Vocabulary and Text.

. Grammar, Dictionary,
Text.

, Grammatical Notice.

(Spanish) Grammar.

, Grammatical Notice.

. Grammar.

. (German) Grammar.

. Grammar.

Grammar andDictionary .
. Grammar.

(German) Grammatical
Notice.

Koelle . .

Norris , .

Duport
Schon . .

Xohez . .

La Moise .
Nylander .
Schlenker
Schon .
Schon .

Su.su . . •

Mende . . .

Wolof . . •

Sereres . . •

Bnllom . . .

Temne . . .

Sherhro-Bullom
Hausa . . •

Basa

Ewe

Yoriiba

168

LANGUAGES OE AFRICA.

Orowther, In Ms Diaries of Yoyages up the Mger, has
given us vocabularies and grammatical notices of a dozen
additional languages, the existence of which cannot be
doubted, but the illustration of which will be the work of
the next generation. Passing on to Lake Tchad, we have

Kanuri or Bornu Koelle . . .

. Grammar.

Norris . . .

. Grammatical Notice.

Baghirmi .

. . Nachtigall

. (German)

do.

Tibbu . .

. . Nachtigall .

• (do.)

do.

. . Barth . . .

do.

Budduroa .

. . Nachtigall .

. (German)

do.

. . Barth . . .

do.

Logone .

. . Barth . . .

do.

"Wandala .

. . Barth . . . .

do.

Maba . .

. . Barth . . .

do.

Sara . .

. . Nachtigall

. (German)

do.

Bacli Baele

. . Nachtigall .

. . (do.)

do.

Kuka Lisi

. . Nachtigall .

. (do.)

do.

In the third subgroup we know little.

Dinka . .

. . Mitterreutzner

. (German)

Grammar.

)) • •

. . Beltrame . .

. (Italian)

Grammar.

,, . •

. . Sehweinfurth

. (German)

Grammatical Notice.

Shilluk

. . Sehweinfurth

. (do.)

Grammatical Notice.

Bari . .

. . Mitterreutzner

. (do.)

Grammar.

. . P. Muller .

. (do.)

Grammar.

Bongo . .

. . Sehweinfurth

. (do.)

Grammatical Notice.

Other first-hand investigators, Long, Marno, Yon Heughlin,
and Ruppell, have contributed to our scant knowledge of
the languages of this region.

The long roll-call of names may to some minds suggest no
thoughts, but to me it suggests many. Many of the gallant
soldiers of science fell in the conflict with the pestilential
climate; more than once painfully collected stores of linguistic
knowledge have perished utterly in the burning of a camp,
the sinking of a boat, the loss of a trunk or box. Many of
these languages have been spoken by generations of men for
centuries, but until the present century they have left as
little trace as the humming of the insects, and the chirping
of the birds. If we are to believe credible evidence, languages

LANGUAGES OF AFRICA.

have died out, or been crowded out, and new languages, new
dialects have come into existence. Some of these wild lan-
oaiao-es’ evidence a most intricate and elaborate organism,
which if they prove nothing else, at least point to the existence
in the’ brains of the speaker of a logical power of reasoning.

In some idioms, spoken by apparently similar people, and
in fact in cases of bilingual individuals, spoken by the same
people there exists a totally distinct and opposite order of
conceptions. What a priceless service have these honest and
intelligent collectors rendered to science ? One remarkable
feature is admitted by all, that, though Agglutination
may be the prevailing type, any notion of affinity between
particular groups of languages spoken by negroes, ethnically

identical, may be set aside.

South of the Equator we enter into a woild ot totallj
distinct phenomena. There are two groups, the Bantu and
Hottentot-Bushman. The latter occupies a comparatively
small inclosure ; the former are the offshoots of one common
stock, the children of one common mother. Year by year
new tribes have come into view, and new languages into the
region of hearing, and as yet but half the field has been
explored. For convenience of description, I have devised the
following geographical distribution, so as to meet present
requirements, and provide for future expansion.

Southern Branch, below the tropic of Capricorn. _

Eastern Branch, the East Coast from the Victoria
IsTyanza to the same tropic.

Western Branch, from the Cameroon Mountains to the
same tropic.

In each branch there are three sub-branches, crowded with

languages. „ -»

The scholars of the Southern Branch are numerous, and

have pretty well exhausted their subject. There are three
great dominant lauguages : Kafir, or Xosa. Zulu, and
Chu&na. It must be remembered that this region is m
the Temperate Zone, and without derogating from the merit
of the scholars, it must be admitted that their reputa-
Keen purchased at the tremendous sacrifices

170

LANGUAGES OF AFRICA.

to which their contemporaries have been exposed in the

Equatorial regions.
Zulu

. Schxeuder

. . (Norwegian) Grammar.

. Grout . .

. . Grammar.

. Colenso .

. . Grammar ancLDictionary.

. Perrin . .

. . Dictionary.

. Dohne . .

. . Dictionary.

JS 14

. Eoberts .

. . Dictionary.

. Boyce . .

. . Grammar.

Kafir or Sosa . . .

. Davis . .

. . Dictionary.

. Boyce . .

. . Grammar.

7 7

. Apple yard

. . Grammar.

7 7

. Huberts .

. . Grammatical Notice.

77 .

fill nana

. Archbell .

. . Grammar.

. Casalis. .

, . (Drench) Grammar.

. Endeinann

. . (German) Grammar.

Many of these are

philological

works, which future genera-

tions may improve, but scarcely surpass.

The circumstances of the Eastern Branch of the Bantu
family are very different. Within this region there have been
no oreat missionary Protestant settlements ; a heavy shame
lies upon the Portuguese Government, that for more than
three centuries they had settlements, and Roman Catholic
missions, from Cape Delgado to Lorenzo Marques, and far up
the Zambesi basin to Tete and Zumbo; that they should
have been able to send at rare intervals expeditions across the
Continent to their settlements on the Western Coast; that on
the Western Coast they have left linguistic monuments, of a
certain amount of value, and yet on the Eastern Coast from
the Equator downwards they have contributed nothing towards
the knowledge of the people of the interior. Within the
last twenty years this field has been thrown open by the
enterprize of Livingstone, Burton, Speke and Stanley to
Protestant missions, and the result is a crop of small
linguistic efforts ; in only one language do such efforts reach
the dignity of a grammar and dictionary.

Swahili . .... • Steere .... Grammar.

Krapf . . . • Dictionary, in the press.

. ” - Krapf .... Grammar.

LANGUAGES OF AFRICA.

171

Manganga
Makua .
Yao . .

Nyassa .

Hakonde
Nyamwezi
Sbambala
Grado .
Zaramo .
Angazidja
Gogo .
Boondei

( Comoro I.)
\ /

Buganda

Pokomo
Nika .
ELarnba .
Chaga .
Teita .
Nyoro .
Tete. .
Sena. .
Quilimaue
Maravi .
Inhanbane

Procter
Maples
Steere .
Bebmann
Biddell
, Steere .

, Steere .

. Steere .

. Clark . .

. "Woodward

Grammatical Notice.
Grammatical Notice.

, Grammatical Notice.

. Dictionary.

, Grammatical Notice.

. Grammatical Notice.

. Vocabulary.

, Vocabulary.

. Vocabulary.

. Grammatical Notice, in
the press.

"Wilson . . . Grammatical Notice, in

the press.

Xrapf . . » . Vocabulary.

Xrapf . . * • Vocabulary.

Xrapf , . . * Vocabulary.

New . . . . Vocabulary.

New ...» Vocabulary.

Emin Bey. . - Vocabulary.

Bleek and Peters Vocabulary.

All these are but the budding promises of a future harvest,
as from every quarter the report reaches me of translations
of the Scriptures preparing, and grammatical notices being

C ° In the Western Branch we come face to face with a totally
distinct state of affairs. Three hundred years ago the
Portuguese authority and the Roman Catholic religion were
established in the great kingdom of Kongo and the province
of Angola, which last remains as a Portuguese province
to this day. Brusciottus di Vetralla published at Rome
a grammar of the Kongoese in the Latin language in
1699 a.d. I was able to examine a copy of this work at the

172

LANGUAGES OF AFKICA.

Angelica Library at Lome last October ; most probably no
one\ad asked for it for a century. My inspection led to my
friend, Mr. Grattan Guinness, looking for it in the British
Museum Library, finding it, having a copy taken of it,
translating it, and publishing it. Thus Brusciottus has
obtained a new life, and will become the seed-plot of new
grammars. Desirous of leaving no stone unturned to dis-
cover the works of the J esuit missionaries, X called on Mi .
Desborough Cooley, a veteran author on African subjects,
who had closely examined the Portuguese authors. I found
him. at the age of 87, stone deaf, but ready to help me . he
produced a box full of manuscripts, written by himself with
wonderful clearness, which represented the mateiials foi
works which he once intended to publish. Among them
was a voluminous dictionary of Kongo and French, copied
as far as letter E; upon inquiry where the original was,
I was referred to the Grenville Library of the Biitish
Museum, and there Mr. Grattan Guinness found a manuscript
volume containing ten thousand words, which is being at
once copied, and printed.

In the neighbouring province of Angola, the language
spoken is called Bunda ; in the year 1697, Pedio de Dias
published a grammar in this language, copies of which
are in existence. In 1804 the Capuchin Cannecuttim
published a grammar and dictionary in the Portuguese
language. This is the extent to which science has to thank
the Portuguese lay and clerical authorities during the many
centuries of their jealous occupation of the West Coast.
Within the last forty years, since English Protestant and
French Catholic missionaries have established themselves,
the following books have appeared : —

. . (German) Grammar.

. . (do.) Dictionary, in

tlie press.

. . (German) Grammatical

Notice.

Kongo . . . . . . Craven . . . Dictionary, in the press.

Kongo Grattan Guinness Grammar, in the press.

Herero (Damaraland) . Hahn .

.... Kolbe .

? ? • •

Loan go . . ... . Bastian

LANGUAGES OF AFRICA.

Mpongwe . . American Protestant Board Grammar, 2nd edition,

of Missions

Mpongwe French Roman Grammar andDictionary.

Catholic Mission

Delaporte. . . Vocabulary.

Bakele American Board Grammar.

of Missions

Benga Mackey . . . Grammar.

Dualla Saker .... Grammatical Notice.

„ Saker .... Vocabulary.

Isubu - Merrick . . . Grammatical Notice.

v Merrick . . . Vocabulary.

Fernandian(FernandoPo) Clarke .... Grammar.

In this Region also each year will bring additional
languages to our knowledge from the exploration of the
German African Society and the labours of the Livingstone,
English Baptist and American Missionary Societies.

In the region south of the Equator there is a second
group of languages, the Hottentot-Bushman, comprising two
languages, totally distinct from each other, that spoken by
the Hottentots, and that spoken by the Bushmen. Of the four
Hottentot dialects, that of the Nam aqua is the only survivor ;
the others seem to have succumbed to Dutch. In the Namaqua
or Nama we have a grammar by Hahn (German), Tindall
and Wallman (German), a grammatical notice by Charency
(French), besides vocabularies and notices included in other
works. The Bushman language is still only imperfectly illus-
trated by grammatical notices by Hahn and others. In this
group must be included the Dwarf or Pigmy tribes found in
different parts of Equatorial Africa, of one description of
which only we have certain grammatical notices in the study
by Beltrame of the Akka language in Italian.

Independently of the particular works devoted to one
language, many most valuable works have been published
in a collective form, containing information sometimes at
second-hand, sometimes at first-hand ; or at least written by
persons who have sojourned a certain time in Africa. Such
authors are Bleek, Beke, Munzinger, Halevy, Koelle,
Abbadie, Lepsius, Eredk. Muller, Lottner, Reinisch, Barth,

VOL. XIV. — [NEW SERIES.]

174

LANGUAGES OF AFEICA.

Steinthal, Schweinfurth, Naehtigall, Bastian, Baikie, and
many others. Thanks are also due to those who have con-
scientiously worked at second-hand, with an entire ignorance
of any one of the languages spoken ; such as Latham, Hove-
lacque, Julg, Balbi, and the authors of Mithridates, and the
Dictionary of Languages. In most cases one author has
repeated the other, oftentimes without notice of the original
source of information, forgetting that the entry in such
compilations depends upon the authority quoted for its
value. The real motive power has been supplied by the
Missionary Societies, or the British and Foreign Bible
Society. Nothing but Christian zeal would have induced
scholars to spend long periods, at the risk of their lives,
among a most uncongenial people in a detestable climate.
When the utility of Foreign Christian Missions is questioned,
let scholars say a good word in their favour. The majority
of the languages alluded to have no literature, and had
never been reduced to writing. There was therefore no
question of learning an existing form of script. At the
request of some of the Missionary Societies, Lepsius devised
a Standard Alphabet ; but in dealing with German scholars
(and the majority of Bible translators are German) the
maxim applies— Quot hominura, tot sententiarum ; the con-
sequence is, that there is a plurality of the adaptation of the
Boman alphabets, and the use of a common alphabet is as
distant as ever.

It remains to notice that in the Library of the Royal
Asiatic Society is a promising collection of African philo-
logical works, the nucleus of which was supplied by Sir Bartle
Frere, when Governor of the Cape, through the kind offices
of Miss Lloyd, sister-in-law of the lamented Dr. Bleek. In
the Library of the Royal Geographical Society are some very
choice African philological books. In the Library of the
India Office are some African books relating to the East Coast.
The Church Missionary Society, the Wesleyan Missionary
Society, the British and Foreign Bible Society, the Christian
Knowledge Society, in their libraries or depots, possess works
which are to be obtained nowhere else. Those who require

LANGUAGES OF AFRICA.

more than the above libraries supply, must purchase, as I
have had to do. From the stores of Triibner, Quaritch, and
Williams & Nor gate, in London ; of Maisonneuve at Paris,
and of Kohler at Leipzig; by applications to friends in Portu-
gal, Spain, France, Switzerland, Italy, Germany, Austria,
the United States, and every part of Africa, the books
required have gradually come in, and many a kind present
has to he thankfully acknowledged. Where a printed copy
could not be obtained, I have received copy of the whole work
in manuscript. The same trouble will not occur again in hunt-
ing out existing works, as new books, or omitted books, will
drop into their right places in the Bibliographical Appendix
which will accompany the forthcoming “ Languages of Africa.”

Only a small portion of the work that has to be done has
as yet been accomplished. Another generation must die
out before our knowledge of the languages of Africa reaches
the level of our knowledge of the languages of Asia, and it
is notorious that even that is far from complete. However,
till we have approached nearer to an idea of the number and
nature of languages actually spoken at tbis moment, it is
mere waste of time to speculate on the origin of Language,
or. to spin idle cobwebs about the existence of a primeval form
of speech. Let that rest, until we have more reliable data.

It may be objected that Africa is not part of Asia, and
that this subject lies outside the orbit of the Royal Asiatic
Society ; but papers relating to African languages have been
from time to time admitted into our Journal, the earliest
being in Yol. III. Old Series, in the year 1835. When
a Royal African Society comes into existence, the duty, now
undertaken in the interests of the neglected and trodden-
down Continent, will he readily surrendered to its proper
representatives. At any rate, I am only treading in the steps
of my distinguished predecessor, Edwin Norris, of whom it
may be said:

- hie est, quem non capit Africa, Mauro

Pereussa Oceano, Niloque admota tepenti :

Rursus ad iEthiopum populos, aliosque elephantos.

Juvenal, Sat. X. 148.

176

Art. XIII. — Grammatical Sketch of the Kama Language .
By the Rev. J. F. Schox, F.R.G.S. ; of the Church
Missionary Society, and Chaplain of Melville Hospital,
Chatham.

The word consists of three ' syllables, and must not be
tortured into Housa as is frequently done. Ka-ou-sa
conveys the correct pronunciation. The meaning of the
word itself is not quite certain. From two expressions in
the writer’s collection it may be inferred that it means
c language. 3 The first is, “He speaks another ha-u-sa ,” that
is, another language ; and the second, in answer to the ques-
tion, “Do many people speak Hausa?” The reply given
was, “ How can they be Hausa unless they speak Hausa ? ”
Barth also admits that it means ‘ language/ although it is not
confined to that meaning. The word itself was probably
unknown to Leo Africanus, who says that Zaria Kano and
Katsena speak the language of Gfober, instead of Hausa,
Gober being at Leo’s time the most prominent and noble
among the provinces of the North. Whether the name
Ausa given to the northern side of “the great river” in
contrast to Gurma on the southern side, has anything to do
with Hausa, is left undecided by Barth. Sultan Bello de-
rives the Hausa from a Bornu slave, named Bawu. This
Bawu has a real historical existence in the traditions of the
Hausa people, though not as a slave, the Hausa word for
‘ slave ’ being Baiva not Baivu, a fact of which Sultan Bello
could not have been ignorant ; and besides this, it must be
argued that, if the Hausa derived their origin from the
Bornu or Eanuri, there would exist a greater similarity
between these two languages than is found to be the case.
Both languages have a few words in common, but the
grammars are most distinct.

The nation speaking Hausa may be said in a general

SKETCH OF THE HAUSA LANGUAGE.

way to Inhabit the regions between the Niger and Lake
Tshad. The Elver Benuwe, uniting with the Niger at
Lokojah, is there called Tshada by the Hausa. Barth
questions the correctness of this ; but the writer has
heard the word TsJidda , and rua bate, i.e. e black water/
applied to the Benuwe at the confluence of that river, and
the Niger there called Kwbra, as also fari rua, 6 white water/
Dr. Barth’s discovery of the Benuwe has set aside the con-
jecture that it issued from Lake Tshad. From the great
extent of country it must be inferred that the Hausa lan-
guage is spoken by a great number of persons. The Hausa
themselves speak of seven provinces “ Hausa bokoi.” The
above-mentioned Bawu who figures in Hausa traditions is
regarded as the founder of most of these states ; and is said
to have been the son of Karbagari. Karbagari, signifying
the taking of a town, would indicate a person of character
and power, and not that of a slave. The town referred to as
being taken may have been Biram, situated between Kano
and Khadega, often called Biram “ ta ghabbes /’ i.e . * of the
east/ to distinguish it from another town of the same name
more to the west. Bawu, the son of Karbagari, is said to
have married a woman of the Berber nation, by whom he
had seven sons, who are regarded as the founders and rulers
of the Hausa bokoi, i.e. the seven Hausa provinces. Among
the Hausa themselves disputes are heard on this subject, as
to which constitute the real seven provinces, and another
seven states set up a counter-claim to the name, but are
called by others bdnza bokoi , which means * bastard or ille-
gitimate bokoi/ ‘ seven/ The legitimate seven are —

178

SKETCH OF THE HAIISA LANGUAGE.

7. Katsena. The town had once a population of at least
100,000 ; at present about 8,000 ; the whole population of
the province may be said to be about 300,000. At Katsena
the Haiisa language has attained the greatest richness in
form and the most refined pronunciation, and has been
selected by us as the standard, notwithstanding Barth’s
assertion to the contrary.

The seven other provinces which are called bdnza bohoi ,
i.e. c bastard or illegitimate/ are — Zanfara, Kebbi (a pro-
vince between the two empires of Grondo and Sokotu),
Nupe or Huffi, Grwari and Yauri, Yoriba or Yoruba, and
Kororofo.

To these we must add the province of Mosi, to the north
of the kingdom of Ashanti, and tributary to the same, where
Haiisa is likewise spoken. The capital of the province is
called Gonsha. An extensive trade of the favourite Gbro,

. that is, Kola-nut, is carried on with the Hausa country
and Gonsha. There are many Hausa slaves in Ashanti,
who are to this day exposed for sale at Salaga. Hausa
fought in the last war with Ashanti on both sides ; on our
side such as were enlisted by Sir John Glover at Lagos, and
on the Ashanti side Hausa slaves, chiefly Mosi.

In all these provinces it is a fact that Haiisa is ex-
tensively spoken, though it is not the language of the
original inhabitants of those countries. The mention of all
these names shows how widely the language has spread.
The slave trade has been the means of bringing Haiisa
people to Tunis, as Barth speaks of meeting with Haiisa
slaves in that place; and in Tripoli there is a colony of
2,500 or 3,000 Haiisa from every province of the interior,
and Mr. Krause is prosecuting his Haiisa, besides other
languages, under most favourable circumstances there ; and
from the description of Dorogu, one of the late Dr. Barth’s
servants, I learned that Hausa seamen, whether slaves or
freemen, served on the steamer in which he embarked at
Tripoli for Malta, who also informed him that there were
many Hausa at Constantinople and in Egypt. It is, more-
over, not merely owing to the dispersion of Hausa people

SKETCH OF THE HAUSA LANGUAGE.

into so many parts of Africa that the language is known ;
another circumstance of no small importance must be men-
tioned, namely, the adoption and acquisition of it by indi-
viduals of other nations. I myself have met in Africa Fulani,
Bornu, Yoriba, hfupe, and others, who spoke Hausa fluently ;
and from Mr. Krause at Tripoli I learn that he has frequent
opportunities of conversing with learned Fulani and other
pilgrims coming from Mekka, in Hausa. This circumstance
mav in a great measure be attributed to the beauty, sim-
plicity, and easy pronunciation of the language itself, as well
as the, as it were, ubiquity of Hausa people. Hence also
Barth, on being asked in my presence, as to which of the
various languages spoken in the regions in which he travelled
he considered the most useful for travellers to acquire,
replied, “The Hausa.” The Hausa is not a written lan-
guage ; though I have often heard the Hausa assert that
they had books in the interior, I have never been able to
obtain a sight of any. Some papers were shown me, but
they were in Arabic, not in the Hausa ; and the late Dr.
Barth has been unsuccessful in his endeavours to discover
any writings. But notwithstanding our failures, it is not
impossible that discoveries may still be made. And this hope
is encouraged by a statement of Mr. Krause, who was in-
formed by African travellers that they possessed books in the
Hausa language, as well as in the Fulde, and that a son of
King Bello, at Sokotu, had written a grammar of the latter.
It is very desirable that Mr. Krause should be enabled and
assisted to make every inquiry, and to obtain, if possible,
copies of such manuscripts, if really in existence. Attempts

180 SKETCH OF THE HAXJSA LANGUAGE.

were all lie met with as then in existence. Since that
he has had the satisfaction of consulting the labours of
the late Drs. Barth and Baikie. The former had the great
advantage of travelling the length and breadth of the Hausa
country, and of being surrounded with Hausa servants and
others speaking the language, and has given us the results of
his inquiries in his travels and linguistic works. Dr. Baikie,
for several years British Consul at Lokojah, has written
translations of portions of the Holy Scriptures and the Book
of Common Prayer in Hausa. His contribution to our Hausa
literature consists of no less than about 1,400 closely- writ ten
4to. pages. I am indebted to him for many new words, for
which I give him credit in the Dictionary. Nothing has
been published of all Baikie’s labours, except the Psalms, by
the British and Foreign Bible Society.

The language, as far as published, is published in the
Roman, or rather in the Italian character, and the ortho-
graphy adopted is that of Professor Lepsius’s Standard
Alphabet, and only about seven chapters of the Gospel
of St. John are accompanied by a transcription in the
Arabic character, kindly prepared by Archdeacon Henry
Johnson. It was not considered desirable to print more
in that form at present, but to wait until an alphabet can
be furnished which meets all the difficulties of the case.
Our translations, and other books in the European dress,
are now used in the Niger at Lokojah and Kippo Hill
or Egan, and are taught in schools, and the Gospel is
preached in the Hausa language in those places, and it is
gratifying to know that European and African mercantile
agents make good use of those books. In stations where the
Arabic character is but little known this may be done, still
there can be no doubt that the language ought also to be in
the Arabic character, with some modification of the alphabet,
especially in the vowels, to adapt it to the Hausa. If all
these things were done, I am confident that we should best
consult and promote the interest of the Hausa nation in the
interior of Africa, as well as the progress of science and the
introduction of art.

SKETCH OF THE HAUSA LANGUAGE. 181

The Hausa, it is true, have to some extent adopted
Mahomedanism, the religion of their conquerors, but are
neither attached to the one nor to the other, and would
oladly shake off the yoke of both.

° Coming now to speak of the character and nature of the
Hausa language itself, we would first of all observe that the
question, as to whether it belonged to the class of Hamitic or
the purely “ Negro ” class of languages, is not yet decided.
Professor Lepsius (Nubische Grammatik) seems inclined to
number it among the latter, not considering the fact that it is
a gender language, in perfect harmony in that respect with
Semitic languages, of sufficient importance to assign it another
position than that of the Negro languages by which it is
surrounded. Dr. Frederic Muller, on the other hand, is still
in favour of classifying it among the Hamitic languages.
And he argues from the identity of the pronominal stems,
from the suffixes and affixes (which will soon come under
consideration) employed in the derivation of words, and the
passive form in u, etc., o. No notice is taken of the numerous
coincidences which the Lexicon supplies, and which cannot
fail to refer to previous intercourse with Semitic nations,
wheresoever and whensoever that intercourse may have taken
place. The Arabic element is very prominently manifested
in the importation of words. I would especially refer to
such as are embodied in the language with the alov el Arabic
article, unconsciously, as though it formed but one word, as
alkama, alkorana, alkaueli, almaziri, alkamura, a-lchana, and
many more. We will now mention certain words and ex-
pressions in the Hausa and Hebrew languages, and then
leave it to others to account for their existence in the
language. They are —

asabe, asabu, azuba and asaba DJ# and fhSJJ ‘ pain, trouble,
snare, danger/

azumi 'fasting/
amanfse ‘ forget.’

atisa n^'tpy 4 sneezing/
afaclara fTTliD 'mule/

fi A

1. /'I

IS B

I u

’ ; i

SKETCH OF THE HAUSA LANGUAGE.

annabi ‘ prophet.’

annabia ‘ prophetess.’

alfin ‘thousand.’

arbain ' forty/

laria rHS 'mouse/
hurumta D13 'to spin, to twine/
batta NtDi ' talk, conversation/

T T

b ug a m ' to strike upon/

berka V* c blessing/

biise ' dry/

da Egyptian = da Hausa 'son/

daffa MS-K ' to cook/

dahka pjTI 'tread, trample, thrash/

dolma VHi c lead/

dasi ' desert, field/

doppa, pi. dopobi '21 pi. ti'21 ' bear/

dubbara and dabbara lil ' to plot against/

gafera 133 ' forgive, excuse/

gawa n 4 corpse, expire/

gona p 4 farm, garden/

guzu 'loins, trunk/

halal SSll ' ceremoniously clean, lawful/
haram Dill ' ceremoniously unclean, unlawful/
hahumtsi and hakumta ph,ppll and hanna JJJJJ and
' hinder, restrain/

hamsin D'E^bPl ' fifty/

isirin ' twenty/

iko (113 ' strength, power/

kabri ‘lip ' grave/

kaddn and katan Jlpp 4 little, few/

kafada , pL kafadu spa pi. nisni ' shoulder/

SKETCH OF THE HATTSA LANGUAGE. 183

Jccm da Icaza T\ T31 HT3 ‘so and so, thus and thus.’

karatu K*lj5 ‘ to read.’

lama iM ‘ like, like as.’

kamcini as I, like me.’

kamaka 'SpM * as thou, like thou.’

kamanu tti&3 ‘like us, as we/

lira fcOj? ‘ to call.’

ta Urani 'KTpn ‘ she called me.’

kora and kwora D*13 ‘ baldness.

like ppS ‘to lick.’

maclse Pllfl3 ‘to squeeze.’

makaranta XT JpD ‘school, assembly, conversation.’

makogoro r? ‘ throat/

malaiki ‘ angel.’

malaka c reign, rule, govern/

mar aid p!pD ‘calf/

metin KB ‘ two hundred.’

mi 'D ‘ who, what.’

nwtutn HD and tp i rtb and WB pL mutane D'JTO ‘
i.e. mortal.

mitu ItlD ‘ to die.’

made 7KN ‘ to roll up, wrap up.’

oba and uba ‘ father.

rage, ragewa, ragua JTU ‘take away, diminish.’

rami rH5?p ‘hole/
rana> ra in Egyptian, ‘ sun.
rimoni ‘pomegranate/

ruqba ipp ‘ decay, rot/
settin vjaih** 4 sixty.

sainye p¥ and n3¥ 4 C00 ^ co ^‘
sarilci and serki Tb ‘king, chief/

SKETCH OF THE.HAUSA LANGUAGE,

su, Ancient Egyptian, also Hausa, * they/
mida 6 witness/

* T

sebbain ‘ seventy/

tamanin ^jU;r ‘ eighty/

Mssain ‘ninety.’

ya ' ‘ he.’

yao QV ‘ to-day /
yama f sea, west/

yahude and yafude '*TlPl' ‘ Jew.’
zuba 5-ii ‘ issue, flow, flowing.’
zefci IjSb’ ‘ cast out, throw out, at.

We come now to the language itself.

The general char act er of the Ida usa language. — ■ VV e may be
permitted to quote the estimate formed as to the sounds of
the Ha usa by Dr. [Frederic Muller, Grundriss der Sprach-
wissenschaft, I. Band, II. Abtheilung; Vienna, 1877: “In
reference to sound, the Hausa shows a rare symmetry of sound,
and consequently a great harmony of the forms of words.
There are few languages which could compare with it, much
less surpass it.” We exhibit the sounds in the following
Table, and in the form generally adopted by Prof. R. Lepsius in
the Standard Alphabet. The dialect chosen as the Standard
is_that of Katsena.

Vowels.

I. Simple vowels : a, d ; e, e, e\ i, J, f ; 0 , 0 , 0 ; u, h, u.

II. Compound vowels (diphthongs) : ai, ei, au, oi.

III. Consonants, simple and compound: ho, g, gb, h; ts,
ds, dz, s, s ; ts, dz, y; t, d, s, s, r, l, n ; p, b, f, w ; m .

The Noun.

_ Nouns are divided into Proper and Common, and Primi-
tive and Derivative nouns. Proper nouns are the names of
persons or countries, rivers, etc. : Adam , Yaruba, Kicdra.

SKETCH OE THE HATJSA LANGUAGE.

185

Common nouns denote a class of objects, as mutiim , doki, dim;
and Primitive nouns, or sueb whose origin cannot be traced
any further, as rua, sindria , zdmna . Derivative nouns are
such as are formed by prefixes or suffixes to the root or
stem, and can be traced to their original source or primary
parts, as mai-cgbna , compounded of mai and gona ; ma-zdmni ,
compound of ma and zamnL

1. Abstract substantives are derived from concrete nouns
by means of the suffix fsi m. and ta £, which are frequently
preceded by n, as n-fsi, n-ta , and the final vowel of the noun
is changed or ejected.

Examples.

annabd-n-fsi ‘ prophecy/ from annabi ‘ prophet 5 ; bara-n-fsi
and bara-n-ta, from bdra ‘ serve 5 and ‘ servant 5 ; bdwo-n-tsi
‘ slavery/ from haw a ‘ slave 5 ; so likewise bau-tsi, bau-ia ;
male of- fsi m. and makof-td ‘ blindness 5 ; makdfia ba aicorike-ta
ba da mdgani sat da iko-n ‘ Alla 5 ; bako-n-isi , yi-n bdko-n-tsi
‘ alienship, to be in the condition of an alien 5 ; bambdm-tsi
m. bambam-ta £. ‘difference, distinction’; bdriko-n-fsi ‘jest-
ing, gesticulation 9 ; yara-n-tsi ‘ boyhood 5 ; yari-n-ta ‘ girl-
hood 5 ; yawa-n-tsi, m. yaica-n-ta ‘ multitudinous. 5 Add to
these words framed with ka, as ; barantd-Jm 4 servitude, ser-
vice 5 ; bakontd-ka ‘ an entertainment given to strangers 5 ;
yabontd-Jea ‘ witchery, sorcery 5 ; baivantd-ka ‘ servitude, ser-
vice 5 ; seganta-ka ‘ idleness 5 ; makafanta-ka ‘ blindness 5 ;
mdzafanta-ka ‘ bravery 5 ; mallaman-fsi ‘ priesthood/ from
mallam ‘ priest 5 ; hausd-n-fsi ‘ what belongs to the Hausa
nation 5 ; fula-n-tsi ‘what belongs to the Fulde nation 5 ;
areivd-Ui ‘northward, northern 5 ; gaba-tsi ‘ eastward, eastern 5 ;
kusii-Ui ‘ southward, southern 5 ; yamd-isi ‘ westward, western. 5

2. Words ending in a and wa form also abstracts with
other changes, as : diau-tsi or diyaufsi ‘ liberty/ from da m.
and dia £ ‘free-born, free 5 ; bautsi and baii-ta ‘slavery/ from
hdiva ‘ slave. 5

3. The prefix ma (&) forms nomina loci and instrument^
as well as nomina agentis. a) The suffix fsi being retained :
mahaukd-Ui m. mahaukasia £ ‘ lunatic, foolish person, simple-

186

SKETCH OF THE HAUSA LANGUAGE.

ton 5 ; maMf-Ui m. makofta f. 5 neighbour, neighbourhood 3 ;
mahdri m. mahdra f. ‘ end/ from hare 4 to finish 3 ; mafarihatU
m. mafarikatsici f. ‘ hypocrisy 3 ; magudautsi ‘ slave 3 (P) ; ma-
keri m. maheria f. ‘blacksmith 3 ; mqfau-fsi ‘ slaughtering 3 and
‘ place of slaughtering/ from fdwa ‘ to slaughter. 3 b) The
suffix fsi is dropped : madubi ‘ glass, looking-glass/ from
duba ‘ to behold 3 ; makami and mariki ‘ handle, holder/ from
hdma ‘ to lay hold on 3 and rike ‘ to hold 3 ; mazdmni ‘ seat/
from zdmna ‘ to sit down 3 ; mafudi ‘ borer, gimlet/ from juda
6 to bore 3 ; masdrtM m. masartsia f. ‘ comb 3 ; marufi 6 cover/
from rufe ‘to cover 3 ; mabudi ‘key, 3 from bade ‘to open 3 ;
mdtuki ‘ rudder, oar/ from tuka ‘ to steer, pull 3 ; mcmdi ‘ inn/
from sida ‘ to encamp, sojourn, alight at a place 3 ; masbyi m.
masoya f. ‘ beloved 3 ; maslgi ‘entrance/ from suga ‘to enter 3 ;
madaffi icuri enda a he ddffa ‘ the place where cooking is done
= kitchen 3 ; mahdyi ‘ something to mount on = steps, ladder/
from luma ‘ to mount 3 ; mahiazi or mahiyazi ‘ one who refuses
to hear/ from hi ‘ refuse 3 and Si ‘ hear 3 = ‘ disobedient ’ ;
masbyi m. masoya f. masoyu pi. ‘lover. 3

4. Abstract nouns are formed by the suffix ta (H), from
nouns and adjectives, as : bau-ta ‘ slavery/ from bdwa ‘ slave 3 ;
gaser-ta ‘ shortness/ from gdsere ‘ short 3 ; haria-ta ‘ false-
hood/ from karia ‘ false 3 ; mahdf4d ‘ blindness/ from mahdfo
‘ blind person 3 ; tsiwu-ta ‘sickness/ from tsiivo ‘sick. 3 One
word must be added : hdma ‘ dienerschaft = staff of at-
tendants. 3

5. Substantives are formed a) by combining the word abi-n,
abu, pi. abubaa ‘ thing 3 with the Infinitive of verbs, as :
abz-n-tsdro ‘ something inspiring with fear 3 ; abz-n-sa ‘ some-
thing to drink, drink 3 ; abi-n-tsi ‘ something to eat, food 3 ;
abi-n-worigi ‘ something to play with, plaything 3 ; abi-n-sara
‘ some cause of accusation, accusation. 3 b) wuri ‘ place/ with
the Infinitive, as: u'uri-n-kwdna ‘place to sleep = bedroom 3 ;
wuri-n-hiwo ‘ place where cattle are feeding = pasture, field/
c) By means of the prefix ma% pi. mdsu, of common gender.
Most intimately connected with an action, so that a word
thus formed may be always resolved, at least as to its origin,
into a relative preposition, as : mai-gona ‘ one who possesses

SKETCH OP THE HAUSA LANGUAGE.

187

or cultivates a farm = farmer/ from gona 4 farm 5 ; mai-hdlbi
« marksman/ from hdlbi 4 to shoot 5 ; mai-doki 4 one who owns
or attends to a horse 5 ; mai-ki-icuya 4 molestation/ from hi
* to hate 5 and wvya 4 trouble . 5 d) By the noun del 4 child,
offspring, breed, native 8 of a place/ as : da-n-birni 4 native of
a town/ ; da-n-dawura 4 native of Dawura 5 ; doki da-n-asbon
6 a horse of Asbon breed . 5 e) To form Diminutives, both of
human beings, animals, and things, as : da-n-akmja 4 child of
the goat = kid 5 ; da-n-diimkia 4 child of the sheep = lamb 5 ;
da-n-zald 4 child of the lion = lion 5 s whelp 5 ; da-n-zumua
< child of the bird = young bird 5 ; da-n-uwana 4 child of my
mother/ an expression of endearment and affection ; da-n-
imble 4 son of the lock = key 5 ; da-n-gdram-kofa 4 the thresh-
old of the door 5 ; da-n- gar unfa 4 trader 5 ; da-n-tsatsa
6 gambler/ and da-n- gut sia 4 child of the nut/ because gam-
bling is carried on by means of nuts ; da-m-baria 4 the child
of the crevice = mouse 5 ; da-n-yaJd 4 child of war = soldier 5 ;
da-n-itse 4 child of the tree = fruit . 5 /) By the prefix ga , as :
garikwa ‘that which holds the arrow— quiver 5 ; garlke-n-sdnu
4 a place where cows are kept = cow-house/ from rike 4 to
hold 5 ; garlka ‘inclosed place, inclosure, garden . 5 g) Nomina
partrimonia are formed by the prefix ba, as : ba-hause 4 a man
of the Hausa nation 5 ; ba-hausia 4 a woman of the Hausa
nation , 5 pi. hausdwa ; ba-baribdri m. ba-barbara f. baribdri pi.

4 of the Bornu nation 5 ; ba-gobiri m. ba-gobira f. gobirdwa pi. ;
ba-nufi m. banufa f. nufaiva pi. ; ba-yalmde m. ba-yahudia f.
yahudaioa pi. ; ba-turi m. baturia f. turaica pi. 4 European 5 or
4 Arab . 5 h) The affix ha forms another class of substantives,
as : baranta-ka 4 service/ from bara 4 to serve 5 ; nagertd-ka
■ 4 goodness/ from nagan 4 good 5 : sabonta-ka 4 newness/ from
sclbo 4 new 5 ; and many more, chiefly supplied by my friend
Krause.

Gender.

The Hausa language differs from most of the Negro lan-
guages as regards the distinction of gender. Almost all of
them know of no distinction except a physical one, that is,
where it exists in nature, and then it is expressed by different

' - I ,
1 ;

C ‘ :

f : ’ J, " J

: : : ' ! " ’

■ i I

« %

t : |AA?§p

HP * l/Sk* ® 4 ! J ‘ll

fa' flRpi

188

■: ■■ ■ ■"!

words ; the same method also exists in the Hausa, as will be
seen by the following examples. There are but two genders,
the masculine and the feminine. They are indicated by —

1. Different words, as : oba and nba 4 father * ; mm
£ mother ’ ; wa s elder brother ’ ; yd and iya 4 elder sister ’
and 4 female ’ ; kdne 4 younger brother ’ ; kanua 4 younger
sister’; mutum ‘man/ ‘homo 5 ; mdtse and mutumnia ‘woman’;
rdkumi 4 camel ’ ; tdgna 4 female camel ’ ; bunsuru 4 he-goat 9 ;
akuya and dkwia 4 she- goat 9 ; cloki 4 horse 9 ; gbdia 6 mare ’ ;
Sahara 4 cock ’ ; Mza 4 hen ’ ; sd and bizimi 4 bull 9 ; sania
4 cow 9 ; bingi 4 male ass ’ ; zdhi 4 ass 9 ; toro 4 male elephant 9 ;
gma 4 female elephant ’ ; da 4 son 9 ; dla 4 daughter.’

2. Gender is distinguished by explanatory words, as mm
and nd-mizi 4 male/ and mat's e 4 female ’ ; as : dd-ndmzzi
c male child ’ ; yd mdtse 4 female ’ (ta ha'ifi dd-nd-mizi; ia Jictifi
yd ‘mdtse ; ydyci-n-ta fiidu , bid maza biu mdta ) ; dla mdtse
4 female child = girl’ ; da-n zdhi m. da-n zakainya f. 4 lion’s
whelp’; na-mmn gddo m. mdfsen-gado 4 sow’; da-n-uwa
4 mother’s child = brother.’

3. Gender is distinguished by different terminations ; the
masculine may end in any vowel, while the characteristic
termination of the feminine is a , which, influenced by eupho-
nical laws, may be ia, anici , ina, or unia, as : babe m. babdnia f.
c locust ’ ; mutum and mutiime 4 man/ mutumnia 4 woman ’ ;
sariki and serlti 4 king/ saraunia 4 queen ’ ; ydro 4 boy/ yarlnia

girl’;

da 4 son/ dla

; daughter ’

kdne ‘younger brother/
kanua 4 younger sister ’ ; maraki m. mar aka f. 4 calf’ ; bar do m.
baraunia f. 4 thief’ ; kare m. kdria and kdriya f. 4 dog, bitch ’ ;
bdra m. bardnia f. 4 servant ’ ; sarin m. sarirci f. 4 infant ’ ;
rndyi m. 4 wizard/ mdyia f. 4 witch ’ ; zbfo m. zofua f. 4 old ’ ;
gddo m. 4 pig/ gadonia f. 4 sow ’ ; alfddari m. alfadara £.
4 mule ’ ; maizuntifi m. maizuniifia f. 4 sinner 9 ; ziinsu m.
zdnsua f. 4 bird.’

.../ Number.

The Hausa has developed a plural form, of a dual no traces
are found. The plural is formed in various ways, of which
we give here but the most essential, and would refer to the

■SKETCH OF THE HAUSA LANGUAGE.

SKETCH OP THE HAUSA LANGUAGE

Grammar (1862), where extensive lists are given of nouns
and adjectives. The principal means employed are the
suffixes una, emu , cine, and their abbreviated form u ; besides,
ye shortened into i> and the suffixes si and ki ; and lastly, the
reduplication of the final syllable.

Formation of the plural by a) una anu cine : riimbii , pi.
nimbuna ‘ store-house 3 ; sanfo, pi. sanfuna 6 basket 3 ; siirdi,
pi. surduna 6 saddle 3 ; gang a, pi. gang Ana * drum 9 ; iclo, pi.
iclanu ‘ eye 3 ; oba, pi. obane and ubdne ‘ father/ b) By u :
aJzifa y pi. alzlfu c sack 9 ; siekara and sekdra, pi. sekdrii ‘ year,
age'; tanddbera , pi. tanddberu 6 dove/ c) By ye : hum, pi.
kiirdye ‘ hyrnna 5 ; giwa, pi. giicaye c elephant 3 ; Mfi, pi. kifdye

* fish 3 ; her do pi. bercldye c pigeon/ cl) By i: donna , pi.
ddrinai * elephant 9 ; fdkara , pi. fakarcii ‘ partridge 9 ; tagua f.,
pi. tdguai ‘ camel/ e) By se : gidci , pi. giddse ‘ house 3 ; Usa ,
pi. bisdse ‘ creature 9 ; kiida, pi. kiiddse * fly 3 ; gado, pi. gadose

* bed/ /) By ki : kivdna , pi. kwdnciki ‘ day 3 ; gona 9 pi. gbnaki
< farm/ g) By means of the reduplication, chiefly of the last
syllable : ydsa , pi. yasosi c finger 3 ; albada , pi. albadbdi , and
algdba, pi. algabobi ‘ seam 3 ; detnga, pi. dangbgi ‘ garden 3 ;
Mska, pi. hiskbki ‘ wind 3 ; tufa , pi. tiifofi ‘ cloth/ (Comp.
Hausa Grammar, § 21.) Note.— I t is hardly necessary to
observe that the same word can take two, three, and even more
pi. forms ; we will give an instance in the word albasa e onion, 3
which can take nearly every form possible : albasa , sing., pi.
albdsai, albdsdna , albasu , albasdye, albasi , albasase.

Cases.

The Hausa has not developed cases, either by terminations
or otherwise, in the noun itself ; the latter remains unaltered.
Cases are known by the position the word occupies in the
sentence.

The Genitive is expressed by net, demonstrative pronoun ;
but the a is invariably dropped, so that n only remains ; and
whenever na m. and ta f. appear, they retain their original
demonstrative meaning of 6 that of, 3 ( those of. For instance .
nqa~n~Abega f Abega 3 s coat 3 ; but rlga ta Abega is ‘ that

190

SKETCH OF THE HAUSA LANGUAGE.

which belongs to him, and to no one else/ standing, as it
were, in apposition.

The other cases are indicated by prepositions or postposi-
tions. The following paradigm may serve to show the use of
them :

Norn, gida .

Gen. gida-n-ubd c father’s house/

Dat. da, ga, ma gida ; tdfi ga gida .

Acc. gida; ni gdni gida-n-sa dagd nesa .

Yoc. 0 and ke gida ! ke matse !

Pkonouns.

The Hausa language has developed six classes of pronouns,
viz. Personal, Reflective (Relative), Interrogative, Demon-
strative, Indefinite, and Reflexive Pronouns.

Independent Form. Compound Form.

m. nd-ica f. ta-wa c my, my own’ ma-ni

gare-ni

6 to me/ etc.

na-ka

ta-ka ‘ thy/ etc.

ma-ka

gare-ka

nd-ki

ta-ki

md-ki

gare-ki

nd-sa

na-ta

md-sa

gare-sa or gard-sa

ma-ta

gave 4a or gard4a

pi. na-mu

nia-mu

gare-mu

nd-ku

md-ku

gare-ku

nd-su

ma-su

gare-su

Subjective.

Objective. Adjective.

Possessive.

sing. 1st ]

per, na, i-na

•na, ta

2nd

„ m. ka, kai

- n-ka

„ f. ki , ke

- n-ki

3rd

„ m. si (ga)

si ( sa )

-n-sa ‘

„ f. ta , ita

•n-ta

-pi. 1st

„ mu

- n-mu

2nd

„ ku

-n-ku

3rd

99 ***

•n-su

Adjective

and Possessive

Pronouns,

being

abbreviated

forms of the Absolute or Independent Pronouns, are treated

SKETCH OP THE EATTSA LANGUAGE.

191

Vs.

as suffixes to nouns, and hence we receive the following de-
clension of nouns : cloki ‘ horse ’ ; ddwaki ‘ horses ; icuzia-n-
dold-na ‘ the tail of mv horse.’

Abjective Declension

sing.

Possessive Declension.

dbki-na

doki-ka

dbki-n-ka

doki-ki

dbki-n-ki

doki-sa

doki-n-sa

doki- 1 a

dbki-n-ta

doki-mu

doki-n-niu

doki-ku

dbki-n-kit

doki- 8ii

ddwaki ‘ horses 5

doki-n-su

ddwaki-na

ddwaki -ka

ddwaki-n-ka

ddwaki-ki

ddwaki-n-ki

ddwaki-sa

dawaki-n-sa

ddwaki-ta

ddivaki-n-ta

ddwaki-nm

ddxoaki-n-nm

ddwaki-ku

ddivaki-n-ku

ddwaki-su

ddivaki-n-su

■

In the same way are nouns declined with the Independent
or Separable Pronouns na-wa m. ta-wa £, as : ndma nd-ica
< m j y i.e. my own meat, 5 and tdgia ia-wa ‘ my, i.e* my own

cap. 5

ndma na-wa
ndma nd-ka
ndma nd-ki
ndma na-sa
ndma nd-ta
ndma nd-rnii
ndma na-ku
ndma nd-su

tdgia td-iva
tdgia ta-ka
tdgia td-ki
tdgia td-sa
tdgia td-ta
tdgia ta-mu
tdgia td-ku
tdgia ta-su

Among Personal Pronouns we must mention the word
‘ self.’ It is expressed in Hausa by the word kal ‘ head,
accompanied by Personal Pronouns; ‘myself’ is therefore

SKETCH OF THE HAUSA LANGUAGE,

‘ my head 5 ; and when more emphatically pronounced, it
takes the verb da ‘to have/ and ni da kai-na ‘I myself’
literally means ‘I have my head/ The i is frequently
dropped.

kai-na ni da kai-na ‘ I myself ’

kd’-n-Jca kai da kd'-n-ka

kd 9 -n-ki M da kd’n-ki

ka’-n-sa si da ha? -n-m

kd'-n-ta ita and ta da ka’-n-ta

kaz-mw and kd’-mu mu da kaz-mu and ha -m u
ka’-n-ku hu da ka’-n-Im

kd’-n-su su da kd’-n-su

Demonstratwe Pronouns .

These are numerous, some occurring in one, some in another
dialect, nga , com. gend. without a pi. form, ‘ this, that 9 :
doki nga m. ‘ this horse’ ; muria nga f. 6 this voice/ na and
nan ‘ this, that,’ neither distinguishing gender nor number :
yaki nan ba na-beri ha ‘ I did not give up that war J ; miiiane-
n-garz nan ‘ the people of that country/ wo-nan , referring
to persons and things, ‘ this, that ’ : wo-nan da-n-sdrihi ne, ha
dd-n-bawa ne ‘ this one is the son of a king, he is not the son
of a slave ’ ; wo-nan rua bdbu kedo ‘ this or that water is not
good’; too- nan da-n-M ne? ‘is this thy son?’; wo-nan ba
wo-nan ba ‘ this, not that ’ ; gida wo-nan keaida-tse ga tdlakdwa
‘ this house is a gift to the poor/ wo-nga m. wo-ga f. wo-dd-
nga pi. ‘ this, that, these, those ’ : wo-nga ydro ‘ this boy ’ ;
wo-ga yarznia ‘ this girl ’ ; wo-ga matse mayia-fse ‘ this woman
is a witch/

Note.— The ena (na-tva, na-ka , etc.) of Barth, is not
as rendered by him, ‘this (is) mine/ but ‘where is mine?’
His a-wonan is unintelligible. The Jco-me (kdmi) of Barth is
not the “ the relative pronoun of ko-waP 1 The difference be-
tween the two is, that one refers to persons, the other to
things.

1 Collection of Central African Languages, Compiled and Analysed by Henry
Barth, C.B., D.C.L. Gotha ; Justus Perthes, 1862.

SKETCH OF THE HATTSA LANGUAGE.

198

Interrogative Pronouns .

Referring to persons : wa ? ‘ who ? ’ ; n-icd ? ‘ whose P
tea si ne ? ‘ who is he ? ’ ; tumaki-n~wa su Ice ? ‘ whose sheep
are they P 9 ; a gida-n-wd ya zam-m ? ‘ at whose house did he
stay ? ’ ; wa ya fadd ma-ka ? ‘who told thee?’; wa-ne , ra.,
ivd-tse, £, combined with the substantive verb ne and tse to
be = who is, or who was it that; wd-ne ya dauka dukia-mu ?

( who took our goods ? ’ ; wd-tse-tse mdfse td-fdri ? ‘ who was
the first woman ? ’ ; wa-fse ga fszkUn-mu ta he da kedo ? ‘ which
of us is beautiful ? ’ ; icdne-ne, m., wafse-fse, £, ‘ who ? who is
it ? ’ ; wdne-ne ya fadd md-su ? ‘ who, or who was it that told
them P 9 ; wdne-ne suna-n-ka ? ‘ what is thy name ? ’ ; worn, m.,
wotse, £ ‘ what ? which ? what sort or kind ? ’ ; wone aha
mamaJd ya-gdrd ? ‘ what wonderful thing did he see ? ’ ; wofse
did-ki ta-na-kuldi? ‘which of thy daughters is playing?’
worn, m., wota, f. ‘something, a certain’; ivonUtconi ‘the
one, the other ’ ; w6ni miitum sina da mdta hiu , iconi miittim
s Una da dulda da ydwa ‘ the one had two wives, the other had
much property ’ ; tvota yarinia ta-tafo na-nd , wota yarinia ta -
tdfi fsan ‘ the one girl came here, the other girl went yonder 5 ;
wota hdsa ‘ another country 9 ; Dla ta woni mdtse (?) ‘ the
daughter of the other woman.’ mi? ‘what?’; mi ya-sdme-
ka ? ‘ what has happened to thee?’; mi ka-hd-ni ? ‘what do
you give me ? ’ ; mi zd-ni yl ? ‘ what shall I do ? ’ ; wa suna-
n-ka ? suna ‘ name, being masculine.’

Relative Pronoun.

There is, in fact, no word in Hausa which, strictly speak-
ing, answers to qui, quae, quod; demonstratives supply its
place, as in the following sentence : ha si sdni ha iconda ya
daiihi kurdUn-sa ‘he did not know who had taken his money.’
Compare also the words compounded with the prefix mat pL
mcisu - as : mai-aiki , mdsu-aiki ‘ he who works,’ they who are
working= working man.

Indefinite Pronouns .

Gender is for the most part distinguished in these pro-

P„ i$i I

SKETCH OF THE HAUSA LANGUAGE.

nouns ; kb we regard as an intensive particle connected with
other pronouns ; as a conjunction it will be mentioned below.
kb-ica see: nd-wa and ta-ioa (remains unaltered) ‘any one,
every one, all * ; kb-wa ya-Uika hmcliga-n-sa ‘ every one loaded
bis gun 9 ; ha ta-gani ha ko-iva. Kfr-wa-ne ‘ every one, every
person, each, whosoever he is or was ? ; kb-wa-ne ya-zaka , ya-
gdni , ya-tse : ha ni ne ha ‘ every one (without any exception)
came, looked on, and said: it was not P; ko-iva-tse f. f the
same meaning ? ; kb-wo-ne m. kb-ico-ise f. ‘ every J ; kb-wo-ne
dd si-na-da na-sa suna ‘ every child had its own name 9 ; kb *
ivo-tse sdfia si-na-yi ma-ni-haka ‘ every morning he did the
same to me 5 ; kb-ivo-da-ne ‘ any sort or kind it may be 9 ; don
kb- wo-da-ne masu-fatau-tsi su-na-sida dagd nan ‘for all sorts
of merchants alight at that place * ; kb-yame ‘whenever,
whensoever, always 9 ; ko-yause i-na-fadd-md-ka ‘ I am con-
stantly telling thee * ; habu ko-wa * no one, no body ’ ; wo-su
in the dialect of Sokotu, in that of Katsina, woda-nsu ‘ some/
correlative — some — some ; woda-n-su su-na-kiwo rakuma , woda-
nsu su-m-nomo ‘some attended to the camels, some to the
field/ So likewise : woda-nan, mu ivoda-nan iikua n-haife-mu
ga gart daia ‘we all three were bom in one (=the same)
country ? ; haka < so, thus/ is also used for ‘ the same 9 ; ydro
ya-sz haka magana-n-zakdra ‘ the boy heard the same word of
the cock/ It is used like such, such a one ; doh dd-dai ha -
n-gdni ha haka gizlhi da girima ‘ because I had never before
seen a sea of such size/

Reciprocal Pronoun .

There is but one Reciprocal Pronoun as : zuna and dzuna
(einander) ‘ each other * ; su-na~rdba kiirdi ga zuna-n-su ‘ they
divide the money amongst each other ’ ; su-nafada da dzuna -
n-su ‘they fight amongst each other ’ (Barth),

Adjective.

Adjectives are either simple, that is, such as are derived
from no other part of speech, as, garz c good * ; kabri ‘ thick 31 ;
tauri c hard ’ ; dogo ‘ tall ? ; zbfo ‘ old 5 ; or such as are derived

SKETCH OF THE HAIJSA LANGUAGE,

from verbs, and generally of a passive or medio-neutral
signification. Of the latter kind there are two classes. The
first is formed by the prefix a before the Infinitive of the
verb, as : a-sage ‘ drawn/ from sage ‘ to draw 5 ; a-kwdnfse
‘ laid down/ from kwantse ‘ to lie 5 ; a-yenke ‘ cut/ from yenke
‘to cut 5 ; a-sare ‘swept/ from save ‘to sweep 5 ; a-iodnke
‘washed, cleaned/ from icdnke ‘to wash/

The second class, corresponding in signification to our
Perfect Participle Passive, is formed by some kind of
irregular reduplication of the last syllable of the verb, and
indicates by the terminations the grammatical gender and
number ; the former, of course, applies to the singular only,
because the ph knows of no distinction of gender. Of such
are: dqfafe m. dqfafa f., pi. dafafu ‘cooked/ from ddfa ‘to
cook 5 ; haifdfe m. hdifdfa f., pi. hdifdfu ‘ born/ from hdifi ‘ to
bear 5 ; matdfse , matdtci> pi. matdtu ‘ getodtet 5 ‘ dead/ from
mutu ‘ to die 5 ; tausdse, tails as a> and tausdsa s pi. tamos u
‘ squeezed, pressed, from tame ; icankake , wankdka , pi. wankdku
‘ washed, cleansed 5 ; mu-ka-tube-nginna mu ma-su-daMa , muka-
sa woda-n-su wankdku ‘ we took off our dirty garments, we put
on others (gewaschene) clean ones 5 ; ncima dqfafe da rua ko
gasdse da wiita 6 meat (cooked) boiled in water or roasted by
fire 5 ; masoyi m. masoya £., pi. masoyu ‘ beloved/

The adjective, both as predicate and attribute, can precede
or follow the noun, but the former more generally follows
the noun, as : baba sdrlki ‘ a great king/ but sdrlki babd-ne .
In the pi. sardkuna ‘ great kings/ and babdbu sardkuna babdbu
su-ke ‘ the kings are great 5 ; minium nd-gari ‘ man (the) good/
pL miiiani ndgarigarii ‘ good people 5 ; mutane farufaru mutane
nd-gari ne ‘white people are good people 5 ; mdtse ta-gari
‘woman (the) good/ pi. mala na-garigaru; mdtse tdfari, id bid
‘ the first, the second 5 ; nd-lele m. td-lele f. ‘ the beloved/

The gender is expressed by the termination of the adjective.
zbfo m. zofua f. pi. zofi ‘ old 5 ; sabo m, sdbua f. pi. sdbi ‘ new 5 ;
fari m. fard f. pi. fariifarii ‘white 5 ; g aster e m. g aster a f.
pi. gdsieru 6 short 5 ; nga-fara, pi. rlguna fardyu ‘ white gar-
ment 5 ; kudunia kdrama ‘ little mountain 5 ; Undiga gmieria ,
pi. bindigogi gasieru ‘short gun 5 ; dbgo dusi f pi. dogdye duasu ,

SKETCH OF THE HAUSA LANGUAGE.

‘high rock’; dogua-baka tagia pi. dogudye tdgiaz ‘high black
cap 5 ; zofo-n-gari he nan, mun-siga ga sabua-dunia ‘ we have
entered upon a new world 5 ; abiibna diika sdbi su ke gare-ni
6 all things were new (ones) to me/

The adjective is used substantively, and is placed before or
after the noun, to denote the attributive relation ; always in
the genitive. Yaiva-n-rai ‘length of =: long life 5 ; dogo-n -
dusi ‘ height of = high rock’; tsaivo-n-kafoni ‘long horns 5 ;
uiizia- n~ gaMeria ‘ short tail 5 ; daki-n-dufu ‘ dark room 5 ; rua-
n-zdfi ‘ hot water 5 ; gida-dogudye (?) pi. gidase dogoyeyu; kuka *
n-yaro ‘boy’s cry 5 ; kasa-n-blko tributary country 5 ; ndma -
n-dasi ‘ bush-meat/

The verb da ‘to have, to possess, be possessed of, to be,
to exist, to be inherent in/ and as conjunction ‘ with/ forms
adjectives denoting the possession or existence of the thing
the word implies to which it is prefixed ; as, da ahfdni 6 having
use, being of use, with profit, benefit, advantage, advan-
tageous 5 ; ba-si-da-anfani ‘ it is of no use or profit 5 ; da
yuhwa ‘ having hunger, being hungry 5 ; su-na mutua da
yuhwa ‘ they are dying of hunger 5 ; da rua ‘with water =
watery 5 ; da rai ‘ alive 5 ; da hahkali ‘ having sense, sensible 5 ;
da wdyo ‘ being cunning 5 ; si-na-da wdyo kama-n-kurege, ‘ he
is as cunning as a fox 5 ; da gas i ‘having hair = hairy 5 ;
nd-mizi da matse ‘a man having a wife=married man 5 ;
dunici ta-na-da sdbo-n-wdta ‘ the sky having a new moon, i.e.
there is a new moon 5 ; mai, pi. mam (in some dialects mi),
forms adjectives denoting the occupation or doing of the
thing which is implied in the noun or verb ; mai-aiki, pi.
md-m-aihi ‘one who labours — working man 5 ; mai masu-
kzwo ‘one who leads cattle = herdsman 5 ; doki mai-gudu
maitmwa ‘ a swift high horse/

The negative is expressed by ba~ (which is repeated as
ba-ba, whenever it negatives an indicative), ba ha sdni ha
‘ you do not know 5 ; bdbu, and maras, pi. mardsa ‘ indicating
absence 5 ; ba ta-da-keao ba ‘ she is not beautiful 5 ; bdbu mm
da bdbu uba ‘ without mother and without father = mother
and fatherless 5 ; bdbu mai-tdfia ga rizia da dere ‘no one goes
= there is no going to the well when it is night 5 ; maras -

SKETCH OE THE HATJSA LANGUAGE.

197

Imikalh pi. mardsa-hankali ‘ senseless * ; maras-lafia ‘without
health. 3

jSfoTE. — The brief exposition of Dr. Muller (in the work
above quoted) of the adjective seems to us to be calculated
to mislead. He writes, “ The adjective remains as a rule
unchanged, and only when used substantively it follows the
analogy of the noun ; it is but in a few cases that the gram-
matical gender of the substantive to which it belongs is
indicated.” Against this we must maintain that the adjective
invariably agrees with the substantive in gender and number,
and that consequently his rule forms the exception, and his
exception the rule. It may be that we have to blame our-
selves for this misapprehension, as the rule laid down in
§ 38 of the Haiisa Grammar may not be definite enough.
There we say : The characteristic termination of the feminine
gender is a, but influenced by euphonical laws it may be ia y
na , una, unia . Nd-gari ta-gari , etc., Indicating the gender at
the beginning of the word by net and ta seem to be the only
exceptions of this rule, others however have since been added.
In fact all adjectives used substantively, and requiring in
English the definite article, or in other words stand in apposi-
tion, as na»bisa , ta-Msa ‘the one above 3 ; na-fari , m-biu ‘the
first, the second/ come under this rule.

Comparison of Adjectives.

There being no distinguishing forms to indicate gradation
of adjectives, the language endeavours to make up for the
deficiency in several ways*

1. By the mere positive, as : Mri, from Mra 6 to add to=
addition = more 3 ; ba na-sd kdri ya issa 6 1 do not want more,
it is enough/

2. goiima in the sense of * rather, it is better, more
advisable/ as : kaclan Im-bd-si , si-ydro~ne, 'si-na-gbatdsm,
goiima ku-bdsieta ga Tehib ( if you give it to him, he being
but a boy, he may lose it, it is better to give it to Tebib. 3

3. cldma , signifying (with or without harm) £ the right
hand 3 we may perhaps think of strength .= stronger and re-

198

SKETCH OP THE HAUSA LANGUAGE.

If :

f 1

!iv '

iii

ferring to healths better ; ka-zl clama kaddn ‘ dost tbou
feel strength = better ? 5 na-zi ddma ya-fi zza ‘ I feel strong,
it surpasses yesterday == better than/

4. rongomi is used in the same sense, as : na-zl rohgomi \
ydo ‘ I feel better to-day/

5. The comparative is expressed by the verb ft ‘to surpass, !

to excel/ with or without da , with that in which it takes I

place, as: ya-fl-ni da kdrifi ‘he surpasses me as regards ■
strength = stronger 9 ; ya fi kurege da wdyo ‘he is more
cunning than a fox* ; mbsi-n-hdske ya-fi kdra-n-Undiga da \
zamri ‘the motion of light surpasses the sound of a gun

in swiftness “is swifter’; mu-na-da abi-n-tsi ya-issa ya fi
‘ we have bread enough and to spare, i.e. more than enough/

Superlative.

The superlative is expressed by fi with ditha ‘ all ’ ; sariki
ya-fi su ditha ‘ the king is the greatest of all ’ ; iccme-ne
iszhi-n-su ya fi su ditha ? compare Hausa Grammar, §§ 124- *

125.

Numerals.

The Cardinal Numbers are as follows :

1 data.

goma sa skla, or sa sida .

2 H it .

goma sa bokoi, or sa bokoi.

3 ithiL

goma sa tokos, or sa tokos .

4 fitdu, or k udu.

goma sa tarn, or sa tarn .

5 trial, or bidr, or Mat.

Isirin; or dsirin;

6 sida.

7 bokoi.

isirin da data .

8 tokos .

isirin da bid .

9 tdra.

isirin da uku .

10 goma, pi. gomia.

isirin da fudu .

11 goma sa data, or sa data ,

isirin da bial, biar, biat.

12 goma sabiu, or sa biu .

isirin da sida.

13 goma sa iiku, or sa itku .

isirin da bokoi.

14 goma safudu, or sa fudu .

isirin da tokos .

15 goma sa bial, or sa bidl.

isirin da tdra .

Mar, Mat.

talatin

SKETCH OF THE HAUSA LANGUAGE.

68 setin da tokos.

69 setin da tdra.

70 sebdin , or sabdin

81 talatin da data .

82 talatin da but.

33 taldtin da uku.

84 talatin dafiidu.

35 talatin da btal , Mar , Mat

36 talatin du sida .

37 talatin da bokot.

38 talatin da tokos.

89 talatin da tdra .

40 arbdin

41 arbdin da data .

42 arbdin da bid.

43 arbdin da uku.

44 arbdin da fudu.

45 arbdin da bial, biar , Mat.

46 arbdin da sida.

47 arbdin da bokoL

48 arbdin da tokos.

49 arbdin da tdra.

50 hamsin

51 hamsin da data.

52 hamsin da bid.

58 hamsin da uku.

54 hamsin da fudu.

55 hamsin da Mai , biar. Mat,

56 hamsin da 'sida.

57 hamsin da bokot.

58 hamsin da tokos.

59 hamsin da tokos.

60 setin D*W ;

61 setin da data.

62 setin da bid.

63 setin da uku.

64 setin da fddu.

65 setin da bial, biar , Mat .

66 setin da sida.

67 setin da bokot .

71 sebdin da data.

72 sebdin da bid.

73 sebdin da uku.

74 sebdin da fudu.

75 sebdin da bial, biar , Mat.

76 sebdin da sida.

77 sebdin da bokot.

78 sebdin da tokos.

79 sebdin da tar a.

80 tamdnin t j

81 tamdnin da data.

82 tamdnin da bin.

83 tamdnin da uku.

84 tamdnin da f udu.

85 tamdnin da bial, Mar, Mat,

86 tamdnin da stda.

87 tamdnin da bokot.

88 tamdnin da tokos.

89 tamdnin da tarn.

90 tisdin

91 tisdin da data.

92 tisdin da Mu.

93 tisdin da uku.

94 tisdin da fudu.

95 tisdin da bial, biar , butt.

96 tisdin da sida.

97 tisdin da bokot.

98 tisdin da tokos.

99 tisdin da tdra .

100 dart.

101 dari da data.

110 dari da goma.

111 dari da gbmd sa data .

SKETCH OP THE HAUSA LANGUAGE.

400 dari fudu ; arbaminya.

401 dari fudu da dam .

410 dari fada da goma.

500 dart bial, and hamsinonta;

hamsa niinya ,

600 dart sida.

700 dart bokoi .

800 dart tokos .

900 i^am.

1000 or samber, or
zamber .

1001 efe r&zm, or

her da data .

1010 efo or sow?-

her da goma.

1110 r/wfrw dari &

1111 dwSw data da goma sa

data .

1999 dub a daft da tisdin da

tara.

2000 dubu biu . or dltin.

i^u dart da isirin.

121 dart da isirin da data.

130 dart da talatin.

131 dart da talatin da data.

140 dart da arbain.

141 dart da arbain da data.

150 dart da hamsin .

151 dart da hamsin da daia .

152 dart da hamsin da biu.

160 dari da setin .

161 dart da setin da data.

170 dart da sebain.

171 dari da sebain da data.

180 dart da tamdnin .

181 dart da tamdnin da dam.

190 dari da tisdin.

191 dari da tisdin da daia.

200 metin DTl&ft ;

(also, dsaugu biu and
dart Mu).

201 metin da data ( dsaugu Mu

da daia) dart biu da
data.

210 metin da goma.

220 metin da isirin , or dsirin.
230 metin da talatin.

240 metin da arbain.

250 metin da hamsin.

260 metin da setin.

270 metin da sebain , or sabdin.
280 metin da tamdnin.

290 metin da tisdin.

300 dari uku.

301 dari hku da daia.

310 dari hlcu da goma.

311 dari him da goma sa data.

312 dari him da goma sa MU.
319 dart uku da gomo sa tar a.

2001 dubu biu da data, or
alfin da daia.

2010 dubu biu da goma , or
alfin da goma.

3000 dubu uku , or zamber

hku, or taldta.

3001 dubu hku da daia , or

zamber him da data.
or taldta da daia.
3010 dubu hku da goma, or
samber hku da goma,
or taldta da goma.

4000 dubu fudu, or samber

fiidu.

4001 dubu fudu da daia.

SKETCH OF THE HAUSA LANGUAGE.

4010 clubu fudu da goma, or 80000 clubn tamanin, or
zamber fudu clagoma . zamber tamanin .

5000 clubu Mai (Mar, Mat), 90000 dubu tisdin, or zamber

or zamber bial. tisdin .

5001 dubu bial da data , or 200000 dubu dan hid, or

zamber bial dci claia . zamber dan ML

5010 clubu bial da goma, or 300000 dubu dan uku, or
zamber bial da gomci . zamber dan uku .

6000 dwitt szc/tf, or zamber 400000 rfw&M c/m or
safe* zamber clan fudu .

7000 5o/iOz, or zamber 500000 r/w5w c/m 5 m/, or
bokoi. zamber dan bial.

8000 dubu tokos, or zamber 600000 dubu dan sida, or
tokos. zamber clan sida.

9000 dubu tdra, or zamber 700000 dubu dan bokoi , or
tar a. zamber dan bokoi.

10000 dubu goma, or zamber 800000 dubu clan tokos , or
goma . zamber dan tokos.

20000 dubu isirin, or zamber 900000 dubu clan tdra, or
isirin. zamber dan tdra.

30000 dubu talatin, or zamber 1000000 dubu dan goma.

tala tin. 2000000 clubu dan goma hiu.

40000 dubu arbain, or zamber 3000000 clubu dari goma uku.

arbain. 4000000 dubu dan goma fudu.

50000 dubu hamsin, or zamber 5000000 dubu clari goma bial
hamsin. ( biar , Mat).

60000 clubu setin, or zamber 6000000 dubu dari goma sida.

setin. 7000000 clubu dari goma ko-

70000 dubu sebain, or zamber hoi.

sebain. 9000000 dubu dari goma tdra .

Note 1. — In the common way of counting, the numerals
from 11 to 19 appear in a contracted form ; as, instead of
goma sa claia, merely sa claoa, 11, sa bid 12, sa uku 13, etc.

Note 2.— 18 and 19 ; 28 and 29, and in the same way all
decades up to 98 and 99, are also expressed in a different
manner ; as, isirin bid bdbu c twenty less two/ and isirin data
bdbu , or bdbu daia ‘ twenty less one 7 ; talatin bin bdbu ‘ thirty
less two/ etc.

SKETCH OF THE HATTSA LANGUAGE.

For tlie tenths from 20 to 90, some use a plural form
of gbma, 10 ; as, gomia , with the units to 9, and say : gomia
bhi 20 ; gomia iiku 30 ; gomia fuclu 40 ; gomia bial 50 ; gomia
sida 60 ; gomia bokoi 70 ; gomia tokos 80 ; gomia tar a 90.
There can be no doubt but that this method is the original
Hausa way of counting, as it is still used among slaves
and the lower classes ; and that the other method has been
adopted by the higher classes, and especially by merchants,
from the Arabs.

Ordinal Numbers.

The Ordinals are formed from the Cardinals by means
of the prefixes na and ta, which combine two offices,
viz. the formation of the Ordinals, and the distinction of
Gender. ‘ The first 9 has no connexion with the Cardinal
* data’ but is irregular, as, nafdri m., tafari f., and is
probably derived from the verb fdra ‘ to begin/ hence,
as it were, the beginnings the first. In this sens e nafdri
is * the first-born son/ and tafari the * first-born daughter/
When it signifies superiority in rank and position, c the
second/ unless followed by other Ordinals, is not nabiii,
but nabdya , derived from bdya ‘ back/ behind/ that is,
the one that comes after another, or is below in rank or
position, as it were, e the one behind/ and hence, also,
c the last/

The 1st m. na fdri, f. tafari .

2nd m. na biu , f. ta Mu, and na bdya, ta bdya .

3rd xn. na uka, f. ta dim.

4th m. na fudu , f. tafiidu.

5th m. na bial , f. ta bial.

6th m. na sida, f. ta sida.

7th m. na bokoi, £ ta bokoi.

8th m. na tokos , f. ta tokos.

9th m. na tara , £ ta tdra.

10th m. na gbma, £ ta gbma .

11th m. na gbma sa data, £ ta goma sa data .

12th m. na gbma sa biu, £ ta gbma sa biu.

SKETCH OE THE HAUSA LANGUAGE.

203

Note. — In the numbers above ten, a preference is mani-
fested in the language for the use of the Cardinals instead of
the Ordinals, though the latter do also occur ; it is very
likely, however, merely from inattention*

Adverbial Numbers.

The Adverbial Numbers, in answer to the question, How
often ? are formed from the Cardinals by means of the
word sda or sd ‘ time/ prefixed. The second a is changed
into o or u, as saadala , or saudaza :

sau data or sao data , * once . 5

sau Mu, £ twice . 5

mu uku, £ three times . 5

sau fudu , 4 four times . 5

sau bull, Mar, Mat, ‘ five times . 5

sau sida, £ six times . 5

sau bokot, £ seven times . 5

sail tokos , 4 eight times . 5

sau tdra £ nine times . 5

sau goma, ‘ ten times . 5

sau goma sa daza, e eleven times . 5

sail gomasa Mu, c twelve times . 5
sau mrin, £ twenty times . 5
sau taldtin, i thirty times . 5
sau arbdin, £ forty times . 5
sau Jiamsin , £ fifty times . 5
sau setin , £ sixty times . 5
sau sebdin, £ seventy times . 5
sau tamdnin, £ eighty times . 5
sau Usdin, £ ninety times . 5
sau dart, £ hundred times . 5

Distributive Numerals.

The Distributive Numerals in answer to the question
c how many to each ? 5 are expressed by a repetition of
the Cardinals, as, ya-aikesu Mu bin 4 he sent them two and two 5 ;
ya~bada data data ga kbwaMnsu £ he gave one to each of
them . 5

Fractional Numbers.

No other Fractional Numbers have been discovered by
the writer than such as may be formed by the word sdse
‘ half , 5 more properly, £ part or portion 5 ; as, ya-bani sdse
1 he gave me half 5 ; and sun-bani sase-n-uku ( they gave me
(the third part) three parts . 5

204 SKETCH OF THE HATTSA LANGUAGE.

Verb.

There are in Hausa, like in every other language, Primitive
verbs, as: tsi ‘to eat* ; sa ‘to drink * ; zz ( dzz ) ‘to feel/
and Derivatives. We might also divide them into mono-
and polysyllabic verbs, as, roho, noma , dawoyo , fa&kare , etc.,
etc. The nature of their different component parts has not
as yet been ascertained by us ; we therefore refrain from
offering any conjecture; of so much, however, we are
satisfied that polysyllabic verbs will never be found consist-
ing of two or more verbs, like in the Yoruba, Ewe, and
Mende languages ; if such were the case, it would have been
discovered long since. We shall never find a sentence in
Hausa like in Mende, where we say : ‘ go lay hand pipe on
come with it me to/ for ‘fetch me the pipe/

Substantive Verbs .

The substantive verbs are ne, he, and tse ; they appear in
no other form, that is, there is no eram and fid connected
with them. Ne is masc. tse fern, and he is com. gender, and,
besides this, is always preceded by the Subjective Pronouns,
like the verb in general. It is necessary to mention (it being
of importance in the formation of the Tenses) that the same
verbs also appear, as na, ha, and ta, in the dialect of Sokotu,
Gobir, and probably in others. 1 It will be observed that
these verbs only figure in the 3rd person, he only making an
exception. Some examples : ubd-n-ha sdrihi ne ? ‘ as to thy
father, is he a king ? ’ ; act, tdlaha ne, ha sdrihi si-he ‘ No,
No, he is a poor man, he is not a king * ; ni ne ba hai ha-he
1 it is I, it is not thou 5 ; Kaz mugu mai-magani ha he ‘ 0 thou
art a bad doctor ! 9 ; Ydro nan hdrami ne ; yarinia nan hdrama
tse . Ni ba hura ba tse ni uwd-n-hi tse . Ea-haiise ne ? i ba-
haiise si he. Yanzu hai da ha-he , ba bdwa ba. See Dr.
Muller, p. 229, in the work above quoted.

1 This difference in the use of na, ha, ta, instead of ne, he, tse , is a fruitful
source of confusion in fixing the Tenses, because in writing ha for he you form a
perfect instead of a present tense. You must always remember on reading your
manuscript from whose lips you copied ; had I remembered that a ha- Gobir spoke
the sentence ; M bahisuka zdhka (Hafisa Gram. p. 139), I should have written
su-he, and the sentence would be correct.

SKETCH OE THE HAUSA LANGUAGE-.

205

Formation of Verbal Stems .

The formation of -verbal stems may be said to take place
in several ways : 1) by changes taking place in the form of
the verb itself, and 2) by the use of separate verbs, and 3)
by the addition to, or combination of particles, with the verb
in its primary form.

I. Internal changes.

1. This sort of change takes place by changing the final
vowel of the transitive verb into u, o, to form stems of an
intransitive medio-passive or reflective signification, as :
hiida ‘ open * ; buclu ‘ to be open * ; clade ‘ increase * ; ddclu ‘ to
be increased, enlarged*; goda ‘to show*; gbclu ‘to be seen,
to appear * ; gdma 4 to join * ; gdmu ‘ be joined, join oneself* ;
cgbbye ‘to hide* ; gboiju ‘be hidden, hide oneself* ; mdtse ‘to
squeeze*; mdtsu ‘to be squeezed’; rdssa 6 to lose, miss*;
rctssu ‘ be lost, etc. * ; nacle ‘ to roll or fold up * ; naclu, ya nachi
tsiki-n-taberma ‘he rolled himself up in a mat.*

2. Changes into o point to different meanings in the verb,
for instance, as regards motion to or from a place, etc., etc.
cake ‘ to send to * ; aiko ‘ to send from * ; dauka ‘ to take * ;
daiiko ‘ take up * ; ddivoya ‘ return to * ; ddwoyo ‘ return from * ;
koma ‘ to go back * ; homo ‘ to come back * ; fit a ‘ to go out * ;
fito ‘ to come out * ; siga ‘ to enter, go in * ; sigo ‘ to come in * ;
slcla ‘ to ascend * ; sido ‘ to descend * ; Jcoya ‘ to teach * : kbyc
‘ to learn * ; German lehren and lernen ; hoy a - n - m agdna Icanuri
da tvuya ‘ to teach the Kanuri language is difficult * ; koyo-n-
magdna Ehliz da wuya ‘ to learn the English language is
difficult.*

3. Another class of verbs, varying more or less the mean-
ing of the simple form, may be mentioned at this place. The
examples will best explain the nature of them, kai ‘to
carry, to take to, up * ; kdo and kgivo ‘ to bring, bring back * ;
kira ‘to call, to name*; kirdtoo and kirdye ‘to call for one,
to summon* ; la ‘to draw,* and zidye; sa ‘ to drink,* German
‘ drinken * ; scdnye ‘ drink greedily, swallow eagerly,* German
‘ saufen * ; fsi ‘ to eat,* German essen ; tsainye ‘ to eat greedily,
to destroy completely/ German ‘ fressen * ; ba su-ka-beri ba har

VOL. XIV.— [new SEMES.]

206

SKETCH OE THE HAIJSA LANGUAGE.

$u-ka fsaznya gari nan claim 4 they did not leave until they
had destroyed the whole town ’ ; tdya {taiga) tcnnye 4 to help/

4. Kaica, sama, saiiya and rikzda, form verbal stems of an
intransitive signification. I-na hdwa tdlaka 4 I am becoming
poor’; Jmiva-gdni ‘ become clever’; ta-na-kdim zunsiia 4 she
transformed herself into a bird ’ ; z-na-sd-n-kdico mdllami , don
ina SQ-n-koya ga m utane- n-lmsa- mu 4 I wish to become a priest,
that I may teach the people of our country/

II. Composition of words, verbs with nouns and adjectives
to form verbal stems of a transitive meaning; as well as
in transitives,

1. yl 4 to do, to make’; yi-magana 4 to speak’; yz-tdya 4 to
help ’ ; yi-kukci 4 to cry ’ ; yi-girima 4 to make or to become
great, intr. to grow ’ ; yi-mdza and ybzdmri 4 to make haste,
be quick ’ ; yl-yawa 4 to multiply/

2. The verb zi ( clzz i to feel, to hear, to obey ’), combined
with nouns and adjectives, forms verbal stems of a passive
and reflexive signification, zl-magana 4 to hear, understand,
listen to, L e. obey (the word) ’ ; zi-tsdro 4 to fear’; zi-kumia
4 to be ashamed’; zi-tausayi ( to be compassionate’; zi-ldfia
4 to be well, in health.’

3. Sa, 4 causative, to make or cause to do ’ ; Nz sa si si tdfi
fsiki-n-zirlgi 4 1 will make him go in the boat/

III. From Simple or Primitive verbs others are derived
by adding certain particles to the root ; in this way some
modification and extension of meaning is expressed, in the
same way as in the Hiphil, Piel, etc., in the Hebrew.
These suffixes or particles are: da, sze (se), yes, yesda and
asda, sa, and ta. By these means we obtain the following
seven forms of the verb : 1st ba , 2nd bdcla, 3rd basic, 4th bdyds
and b&yesua, 5th basa, 6th bayesda, 7th tsorata. The number
of forms produced depends upon the nature of the primitive
verb ; in some verbs special forms are altogether wanting,
in others only a few forms are in use, and others again
appear in every form the verb is capable of producing.
The same difference prevails with regard to the significa-
tion of the verb in the separate forms. Jn our Grammar
of 1862, in the Dictionary of 1876, and in the Beading-

SKETCH OF THE HAUSA LANGUAGE.

Book of 1877, we have fully explained these forms; and
although more have since been collected, no new forms
have been brought to light ; we will therefore not dwell
upon them now any longer, but content ourselves by giving
the signification of one verb through every form.

I. tsai or tsaye (intransitive) ‘to stay, stop, remain at a

II. tsakla (reflexive) ‘ to place oneself, to make a stand
against/

III. tsaisie (causative) ‘to cause to stand, to detain, to
restrain/

IY. tsdyes, tsayesua ‘ to stop on one’s own accord 5 ; also
(transitive) ‘ to hinder, to prevent/

Y. tsaisa (transitive), ya-Uaisa-sa ‘he stopped him/

YI. tsayescla ‘ to detain by force, to hinder, to oppose 9 :
ko-wone zdsi tsayescla iconan mutum zd-d-kdsse-si ‘any one
that shall detain this man by force shall be put to death/
VII. The seventh form is made from nouns and adjectives
by the suffix ta , as : tsdrata ‘ to frighten/ from tsdro ‘ fear 5 ;
taurdta ‘ to harden/ from tauri ‘hard 5 ; sawomta ‘to hold a
consultation/ from Mwora ‘consultation, deliberation 5 ; barata
6 to serve, do service/ from bam ‘ servant 5 (Barth) ; gdskidta
‘to assure, persuade/ from gashia ‘truth 5 ; ddvtdta ‘to ridi-
cule/ from ddria ‘ laugh, laughter 5 ; kurunita (intransitive)
‘ to become dumb 5 ; makdfta ‘ to be or become blind 5 (it is

208

SKETCH OF THE HAUSA LANGUAGE.

action of a bird picking up seeds; sosoke c to pierce muck,
fiercely/ etc.

Moons.

Moods are expressed by particles or conjunctions which
produce no change in the form of the verb. These particles
are : en 4 that, in order that/ embracing the 1st pers. sing.
‘ that 1/ etc. : en kbya mutant 4 that I may teach . . . * ; kaddn
m-sd-hdhkali-na 4 if I set my mind on it/ saz 4 1 must needs
go 5 : saz m tafi , nz Icira maz-mdgani. All these are forms of
the Future tense. We may say that the Subjunctive is
expressed by the Future. So also in the Negative, Mda
< lest, that not ’ : Mda su-mutu 4 that they should not die/

Permissive or Concessive are implied in the verbs kan
can , 4 be used to, in the habit of/ and iya 4 be able " : M kan
tdfi , ki kan tsi 4 thou canst go, thou canst eat/ The Negative
is expressed by the verb kz 4 to refuse * : ta-kz zdkua 4 she
refused = would not come/

Infinitive.

The Infinitive is, as said above, the mere stem of the
verb, nz tdfi kivana 4 1 go to sleep"; su-n-taft fsi-n-tuo-n-m
‘ they go to eat their food/ It invariably follows verbs that
do not express a complete predicate, as : fdra gudu 4 begin to
run"; la ya kara la kuka 4 he did not continue to cry = he
cried no more"; su-tafo su tdya-mu 4 they come, they help
us=to help us/

Imperative.

The Imperative is declined in person, number, and gender
by means of the subjective pronouns ka, ki, ku tdfi. It is
only when person, number, and gender are otherwise ex-
pressed that they can be omitted before the verbal form :
ya tse mdni, tdfi 4 he said to me, go/ but ya fse, ka tdfi 4 go
thou/ The language is very distinct on this point, in ex-
hibiting gender and number ; so much so, that traces of it
are found even in interjections, as : kdl ydro ! 4 0 thou boy ! ;
ke mdfse ! 4 0 thou woman!"; ku tdfo mu kdmu kzfi 4 come
(ye), let us catch fish/

SKETCH OF THE HAUSA LANGUAGE,

The Hausa has developed five tenses — the Aorist, Present,
Imperfect, Perfect, and Future. The Present, Perfect, and
Future tenses appear in a finite and a participial form, and
the latter is inflected in person, number, and gender, and
o-overns an object, and expresses all the relations of the finite
verb.

I. The Aorist is the simplest form of the verb, consisting
of the personal pronoun and the verb ; it exhibits a momen-
tary event, without regard to present, past, or future time.
The passive is formed by the prefix a :

sing. 1st per. na-bci e I give,
2nd „ in. ka~ba
„ „ f. ki-ba
3rd ,, m. ya-ba
„ „ f. ta-ba

mir

by the same term. The characteristic sign ui tm©
sists in the letter n, an abbreviation of the net of the Present
tense, affixed to the subjective pronouns ; but it is only to
the 2nd person, in the singular, and all the persons of the
plural that can take the n in the Active, the other persons
are the same as in the Aorist. This n appears again in the
Passive form, combined with the a, characteristic of the
Passive, in the form of a prefix wfi (likewise also aih *

210

SKETCH OF THE HAUSA LANGUAGE.

Active.

Passive.

sing.

na-ba-

an-aike-ni 6 1 was sent/

ka-ba-

an-aike-ka m. ‘ thou/ etc.

M-n-

an-aike-ki f. „

ya-

an-aike-sl s he was/ etc.

ta-

an-aike-ta 6 she/ etc.

pi.

mu-n -

an-azke-mu

ku-n-

an-aike-ku

su-n-

an-aike-su

Present .

III. — The Present tense is formed in two ways : both
substantive- verbs na (=ne) and he (-=.ka) are used in the
Active voice, combined with the subjective pronouns; and in
the Passive voice, combined with a, they form the prefixes
a-na and a-ke. In the Participial form the verb undergoes
some changes, that is, the Finite form is changed into the
Participial ; hence, tdfi becomes tafia , and tafia- tea > zdmna be-
comes zdmne ; fita—fztawa ; bayes — bdyesua , etc.

Finite Form,
sing, i-na-tafi
ni- he- tdfi
ka-na-td.fi
ha-ke-tafi
hi-na-tdfi
ki-ke-tdfi
si-na (ya-na) tdfi
si-ke-tdfi
ta-na-tafi
ta-ke-iafi
pi. mu-na-tdfi
mu-ke-tdfi
ku-na-tafi
ku-ke-tdfi
su-na-tdfi
su-ke-tafi

Active.

Participial Form.
i-na- tafia or tafia-iva
ni-ke-tsewa
ka-na-tdfowa
ka-ke-fltoim
M-nd-zi-n kumia
hi-he-da hdnkali
si-na-zamne
si-ke-yl
ta-na-tdyesua
ta-ke-yi-n-kuka
mu-na-zamne
ku-ke-kdmawa
ku-na-fdrawa
Im-ke-ktvana
su-na-da-abm da su he so
ku-ke-da kiirdi

SKETCH OF THE HAUSA LANGUAGE,

Passive.

a-na-hd-ni

a-ke-ba-ni c I am given/

a-na-bd-ha

a-ke-ba-ha

a-na-bd-hi

a-ke-bd-ki

a-na-ba-sa

a-ke-bd-si or sa

a-na-bd-ta

a-ke-bd-ta

a-na-ba-mu

a-ke-bd-nm

a-na-bd-su

a-ke-bd-su

a-na-bd-hu

a-ke-bd-hu

Perfect .

IV. The Perfect Tense is formed by combining the
particle ha (—he, also ha in some dialects) with the Subjective
Pronouns. The first person forms an exception, being ni-na
instead of ni-ha, as in the expression ni-na-kdssie Boclo ! ‘ I
have killed Dodo!'; Kail mi ni-na-yi? 1 0 ! what have I
done ? ’ The Passive is formed by the prefix a-ha in analogy
with a-na of the Present Tense.

Sing,

1st Pers.

2nd Pers. m.
2nd Pers. f-
8rd Pers. m.
3rd Pers. f.

Active Yoice.

ni-na-bada ‘ I have given up.’
ha-ha- tse hdha ‘ thou hast said sod
ki-ka-mdida e thou hast turned.’
si-ha-t salsa- sa ; he has detained him/
ta-ha-hawdsda ‘ she has removed/
mu-ha-tarsie-si i we have overtaken hit
hu-ha-haiida ddha ‘ye have taken aw
the law/

m-ha-tsayMa-su c they have detain
them/

an-ka-zuba-ni

an-ka-zuba~ka

an-ka-kds&e-si

an-ka-sdyes-ia

an-ka-kira-mu

an-ka-kird-ku

ah-ka-sayesda-su

212

SKETCH OF THE HATTSA LANGUAGE.

Participial Form .

Y. This form might probably bear another name, as
Pluperfect or Indefinite Past Tense. We will not quarrel
about the name. It is formed by a combination of the
characteristic form of the Imperfect and Perfect Tenses,
together with the ever-necessary Subjective Pronouns, and is
in the Active n-ka, and in the Passive, where the same
combination will be observed, an-ka, ah-ka , arn-ka , and
presents the following form :

Active Yoice.

Sing, ni-ka, da ni-ka yi haka i when I had done so/
ka-nka yi wonan c thou having done this/
ki-nka, mi- ki-nka fse ? e what hast thou been saying ? 5
si-nka-aike-ni i he having* sent me/
ia-nka-bada-ma-sa 6 when she had given him/
mit-nka-zdmna nan ‘ having resided there/
ku-nka , mi ku-nka tse ? 1 what have ye been saying ? *
su-nka-basi bdyi biu ya tdfi i when they had given him
two slaves he departed/

Passive.

Future .

YI. The Future Tense is formed in two ways, 1) The
verbal stem has the final vowel of the Subjective Pronoun
prefixed (not always distinctly perceptible) which we express
by the lengthening of the final vowel, regarding it as a
contracted form ; we thus obtain the scheme for the future,
m, kd , ki, si, ta , mu, ku , sic.

2. The verb za (from zua 6 to go ’), followed by the Pro-
nouns, is used, as : za-ni, zd-ka , zd-ki, zd-si, za-ta ; zd-mu , zd-

SKETCH OF THE HATTSA LANGUAGE,

] ai zd-su , and in the Passive form zd is followed by .
combined with the verb, as: zd-a-ba-ni ‘ 1 shall be given,
< man wird mir geben/

Passive.

Active.

Participial Form.

The verb undergoes the same changes as in the Present
mse Participial form ; we obtain hence the following
flection : zd-ni-tafia , claiooijoica, kdma or kdmawa , zd-ka-tdfia,

The Prepositions in the Hausa language are like the
Prepositions in the Semitic languages of nominal origin;
they take (with the exception of a few, as: a (=ga) da,
ga , ma ‘ to, with, at, by, for/ etc., etc.) the substantive to
which they belong in the genitive, and can throughout be
combined with the Possessive Suffixes and the Objective
Pronouns.

1. a, ‘ in, at/ In the Katsina dialect it occurs but rarely,
ga being used for it, da ‘ with/ instrumental ; da wuka ‘ with
a knife 9 ; da sanfo ‘ with a basket/ For, yayl-si da-ni ‘ he did
it for me 3 ; ya rniitu da-mu ‘ he died for us 5 ; ga ‘ to 5 ; ya yl
md-su ndgari * he treated them well * ; ya tse ga abdki-nsa 6 he
said to his friend’ ; ya zdka ga nd-sa ‘he came to his own ;
ma ‘to, for’; ga icuri nan ‘to this place’; ya yl roko md-sa
‘ he prayed for him ’ ; dagd is a combined preposition, but

214 SKETCH OF THE HAIISA LANGUAGE.

used as a simple one, from and to depending on the kind of
motion from or to or rest at a place; gare, originally a
substantive, meaning ‘ place, side, part, etc., etc./ always or
mostly accompanied by other Prepositions; da get gare-ni
‘ from me * ; ya hawa him ga , ya sido dagd hisa ‘ he went up,
he come down 5 ; $u tdfi nesa dagd g are-mu ‘ they went far
away from us 5 ; su tdfo kusa g are-mu.

2. Substantives are employed as Prepositions, but they
generally maintain their original character, taking one of
the original Prepositions or Postpositions with them. The
principal of these nouns are (members of the human body),
bdya ‘ back = behind/ after adv. ya-tdfi gdba ina bi-nsa dagd
bdya ‘ he went before, I went behind him 5 ; him 4 top,
summits on, upon, above 5 ; ya-hdtm hisa, no slda kdsa ‘ he
went up, I down 5 ; tsaka and tsakdni ‘ midst, middle =
between 5 ; ba ya-sd-bambamta ba tsakdni-mu da su ‘ he made
no difference between us and them 5 ; ftiska ‘face, front =
before 5 ; ya-tdfi gdba-ga fiiska-nsa ‘ he went before him 5 ; gdba
‘front, chest = before 5 ; ya azie-sa gdba gare-sa ‘he laid it
before him 5 ; kdsa ‘ground, earth = down 5 ; ya kwdna kdsa
‘ he laid himself down 5 ; tWti ‘ belly, inside=in, into 5 ; wane-
ne-si-na siga tsiki-n-rizia ‘who is it that is going into the
well ? 5 ; ni 9 na siga ga tsiki-n-gida ‘ I, I am entering in the
house 5 ; kalkasi ‘bottom, lower part = under, down 5 ; su yl-
gzna ga kalkdsi-n-kdsa kdma-n-kurege ‘ they are digging under
ground like foxes. 5

Adverbs.

What we said of Prepositions may he said of Adverbs;
the same word appears sometimes as an Adverb, sometimes
as a Preposition, and sometimes as a Conjunction. There
are pure Adverbs, and, on the other hand, the adverbial
notion is expressed by nouns, exactly as is the case with
Prepositions. We will follow the usual division of Adverbs
of place, of time, and of manner, and give examples of a few,
for the rest we must refer to the Grammar.

Pure Adverbs are : bai and baibai 4 backwards, back 5 ;

SKETCH OF THE H AXIS A LANGUAGE,

luma ‘ again ; banza ‘ m yam, looiisniy ; mam ana maza-
mdza ‘ quickly 5 ; dabdm ‘ separately, by itself 5 ; Mka ‘ thus,
in this way and manner. 5

1. Of place: nan ‘here 5 ; tsdn ‘there, yonder 5 ; dagdnan ,
dagd tsan ‘ here, at this place, there at that place 5 ; so also,
wuri nan-tmn, kusa c near ; 5 nesa ‘far 5 ; tvme ‘outside 5 ; tare
da ‘together with 5 ; enna and enda ‘where and whence. 5

2. Of time : — dbadd ‘for ever 5 ; dadai ‘heretofore, never
before 5 ; har, or hal ‘ until 5 ; kdna 6 before, than 5 ; tun
‘ since 5 ; tunda 6 wdiile, while as yet 5 ; ydnzu ‘ now 5 ; yame
‘ when. 5

(a) Compounds with da : — da-fari ‘ at first 5 ; da-bay a ‘after-
wards 5 ; da safe ‘ in the morning 5 ; and, da sdfia ta yl ‘ when
morning came. 5

(ft) Compounded with Kouns : — Iota nan ‘ that time, then 5 ;
sda nan ‘ then 5 ; sao-daia ‘ once 5 ; etc.

8. Adverbs of manner : — at and amin • verily, truly, really 5 ;
asle 6 verily, truly 5 ; dabdm ‘ differently 5 ; kdma ‘ as, like as 5 ;
sand and sand-sanu ‘ softly, quickly. 5

(a) Compounds with substantives : — by da , da dadi ‘ with
peace = peaceably 5 ; da hdnkali ‘ with sense, wisely 5 ; da
hdnkuri ‘ patiently. 5

(ft) With kb :-ko-hdka ‘ any how 5 ; kb-ydnzu ‘ even now. 5

Interrogative Adverbs have been mentioned above.

are connexions and relations aiiectea oy mem , as,
tive, Adversative, Oausative, Concessive, Exclusive, C
parative, Conclusive, etc.

1. Copulative Conjunctions. These are, da ‘ and ;

‘ also 5 ; kb ‘ even 5 ; ko-ko ‘ neither, nor 5 ; da ydnzu ha ?.
uwa ko uba ‘ and now I have neither mother nor fat
Da connects two propositions when each proposition
its own subject ; as, ni zdni tafia ga kdsua , da kai kua k
tafia ; but ina tsi, ina sa ‘ I eat, I drink, not I . . . and
ni idfi } da ni t$e ‘ I go and I say. 5 Two or more predr

216

SKETCH OF THE H AITS A LANGUAGE.

of the same subject are not connected by Copulative Con-
junctions. Mutum ya-tasi, ya-dauki, ya-giidu, ya-tdfi, ya-
kdssie maislzi. Da is used correlatively, as da ni da ha,
da sanu , da awaki , da tumahi. Da at the beginning of a
sentence is merely a connective particle, like 4 but, now 5 ;
Jma 6 also, likewise * ; i-na so-nsa, da si bid sina so-na . Ko
4 even 3 ; ko ni da kai-na ina tafia da kdfa ; kd-ko 4 whether, or
neither — nor/

2. Adversative Conjunctions : — ama or dmma 4 but, yet,
however, nevertheless 3 ; ima duba-tva , ama ban gane-sa ha.

8. Conjunctions expressing cause, ground, purpose, and
motives : — Don or don 4 for, because, in order to, that, to 3 ;
and, kadd negative 4 that not, lest’; don hdlsi-nka ba kdma
na-mu ne 4 because thy speech is not like ours 3 ; don ya sdni
4 because he knew 3 ; kadd en tdfi liar 4 that I should not go
until . . . 3 ; doh-iconan fa 4 for this reason therefore 3 ; sdbadd
tvonan 4 on that account, for the sake of 3 ; ya ba-ni diika don
too nan fa na yi murna nayi kuka sdbadd gasia 4 1 cried because
of fatigue.

4. Concessive : — koda 4 although, though 3 ; koda ta he kedo -
kediva ba ta-da dukia 4 although she is very beautiful she is
not rich 3 ; koda na-sani ba si-bada ma-ni kurdi-na , na-yi md-sa
aiki .

5. Exceptive and exclusive Conjunctions: — bamda 4 besides,
except, and 3 ; sai, saidai. Mi ka-na so en sdivo md-ka bdmda
wonan ? sai saidai 4 except, 3 but it has a great many meanings
besides ; bdbu bawa ko daia sai ni. Sai (but) ubd-na ya-tse
ma-ni. Mu-n-kira-ka saidai ba ka dzi-mu ba. Sania ta-na-bd -
ka no no da mai saidai (provided) ka-bd-ta fsidiva da ydiva.
Mutant sai (will be sure) su tasi. Mi ba na so zua gida-nki
sai (all I want is) na-hdma ydro nan> etc.

6. Comparative Conjunctions: — kdma , kamada 4 as, like,
like as 3 ; hdka and hdkana or hdkanan . Saha si he 4 so it is 3 ;
ba hdka ba. Kifadi hdka. Ina fadd ma-ka kamada ake-yl-n-
tuo. Fuska-nta fdra kama-n-atti.

7. Temporal or Consecutive Conjunctions : har 4 till, until 3 ;
ka-sira-ni har en zdka; 6 while/ ka-rike wdka-ta har en tdfi en
Ml tuo-na , har en dawoya. Tunda 4 while 3 ; dmma tunda

SKETCH OF THE HAUSA LANGUAGE,

su-na t silt a bmdiga-nsu dorina ya tdfi. Tunda mu-na nan na-
il a-ka-Ue, Imdd kowayci tdfi ga bdki-n-rua gobe da safe ; na~
tdnibaye-su, domi, mutane kadd su-tdfi? su-ka-fsc, en Ica-gani
yaya-n-rua nan ka mutu. Tunda- dewa i long since.’

8. Conditional : — kaddn , (if) kaddn ban- fSe ba Jtdria ‘if I
am not telling a story.’

218

Art. XIV .— Buddhist Saint Worship. By Arthur Lillte,

M.R.A.S.

A student of Buddhism cannot proceed very far in his
inquiry without being confronted with a tremendous contra-
diction. Perhaps I may be allowed here to speak from
personal experience,
by M. Barth elemy St. -Hilaire, and

I read Le Bouddha et sa Religion,

1 one or two well-known

: works ; and soon learnt that annihilation (sunyat&) was the
Jot of the Saint when he had reached the Bodhi or Highest
‘ Wisdom, and freed himself from the cycle of new births.
I then came across Schlagintweit’s Buddhism in Tibet,
which contains a sort of litany called The Buddhas of
Confession. In it is the following passage

“I adore the Buddha Sa-la’i-rgyal-po. Once uttering
this name shall purify from all sins of theft, robbery, and
the like.” This puzzled me. This being was a Buddha. In
consequence he had suffered, or enjoyed, complete annihila-
tion. Why then should the pronouncing the name Sa-la’i-
rgyal-po purify from all sins of “theft, robbery, and the
like ? ” Then I remembered that in old religions very holy
names like I.A.O., A.TJ.M., etc., had often got to be thought
more potent than the God himself. I mention all this to
show that I am not at all surprised at people clinging to the

I idea that the Bodhi in the earliest Buddhism meant annihila-
tion in spite of the strong evidence that can be brought
against it. I myself for some time did the same.

But a further study of Buddhist litanies convinced me
that my theory about holy names by no means met all the
facts of the case. I will write down a few extracts from
their litanies :

“ I worship continually
The Buddhas of the ages that are past,

I worship the Buddhas, the all-pitiful,

I worship with bowed head .” — Ancient Ritual of Ceylon . 1

1 Patimokkha (Dickson), p. 5.

' '

BUDDHIST SAINT WOESHIP,

tc ah frail ! Buddhas of the ten quarters.” — Chinese Ritual.

« I adore the Tathagata Ts’hi-pag-med, who dwells in the Buddha
region Devachan (Sukhavati or Paradise).” — Tibetan Ritual . 1
<< I have no other refuge ;

Buddha is the best refuge !

By the truth of these words

May I conquer and win the victory !

I bow my head to the ground and worship
The sacred dust of his holy feet ;

If in aught I have sinned against Buddha,

May Buddha forgive me my sin.” — Ancient Ritual of Ceylon?

(i l regard the sacred altar as a royal gem. In the midst of it
appears the Shadow of S'akya Tathagata.” — Chinese Ritual?

In the presence of these quotations, my theory about the
potency of a mere name breaks down ; for the Buddhas of
the past that are supposed to be annihilated dwell in Sukhd-
vati ; are able to forgive sin ; are able to come down to the
altar during worship. The Buddhism of the Sutras in their;
present form and the Buddhism of the Ritual are plainly,
irreconcileable. We are in the presence of two philosophies!
essentially antagonistic and internecine. This fact seems I
to have struck Eugene Burnouf, and he settled that the
Saint Worship was an addition.

As far as our limited space will admit, let us examine this
question, beginning with the Brahminism of the date of
Buddha. If we accept Lassen’s chronology on the subject, j|
the non-Vaishnava portions of the Mahabharata may be I
accepted as a fair guide here. It will give us a sketch of the J
creed that existed in India when the Buddhist movement
occurred.

Readers of that epic must be astonished on first perusing
it to find no mention of temples. Forests with Rishis or
Prophets dwelling in them, and performing the initiation
of yoga under trees, are mentioned in almost every episode ;
but even in the long descriptions of sumptuous towns religious
edifices seem conspicuous chiefly by their absence. Alongside

1 Schlagintweit, p. 129.

3 Patimokkha, p. 5.

3 Catena, p. 404.

220 BUDDHIST SAINT WOESHIP.

Of the RisMs and their forests, there is, however, the Tirtha.
What is a Tirtha? Our lexicographers tell us that ^ is
la sacred tank. Col. Tod, who studied natives a 1 his Me
I amongst natives, calls it a shrine At any rate, the Tirtha
!was of dominant importance m the ancient religion, or we

read thus of it:

“It is the greatest mystery of the Kishis, excdlen. son of
Bharata. The holy pilgrimage to the Tirthas is more
important than sacrifices to the gods.” 1

In another verse it is stated that five nights’ sojourn at the
Tirtha of Jambum&rya is equal to the fruity of a Horse
sacrifice. 8 The Horse sacrifice was the most important of
Aryan rites. A hundred performances of it raised the
I sacrificer to the level of Indra, the Supreme.

Assisted bv the Mahabharata, let us try and make out
what was a Tirtha. Without doubt pilgrims bathed there
« May the pfigrim bathe, 0 son of Bharata, in all the Tirthas.” 3

Illustrious Saints resided in Tirthas, the dead as well as the
living. 4 Kapila has his Tirtha, the Rishi Matanga, the

Saint Bhrigu. 6

« Go where the greatest Rishis Yalmiki and Rasyapa, Runda-
iathara, the son of Atri, Yisvimitra and Gautama, Asita
Devala, Markandeya and Galava, Bharawa 3 a and the
Solitary Yasishtha, TJddalaka, S'aunaka, and his son Yyasa,
the greatest of ascetics, Durvasas, the most virtuous of
anchorites, Bvali of the terrible macerations ; go where these,
the greatest of Saints, rich in penances, are waiting- for thee.

To sods, to dead saints, to ancestors, rites were performed
in Tirthas. “ The shining hero (Bhishma),” it says m one
nassao-e “feasted the ancestors, the gods. He feasted the
&*£ after the manner laid down in the Sastraa.” • All dree,
passages occur in the book of the Mahahharata where Emg
jYudhishthira, the eldest of the four sons of Pandu, is enjoined
to make a round of pilgrimages to the Tirthas.

x Haliab. Yana Parva, v. 4059.
2 Ibid. 4083.

2 Jbid' 4074.

4 Yana Pam, 8056.

BUDDHIST SAINT WORSHIP.

We liave shown that Tirthas were places of pilgrimage
with tanks. They were also shrines of dead saints. Does
this mean that they were stone circles and sepulchral mounds
like the Stennis stones in Orkney, like Avesbury, like
Stonehenge ?

I think this question must "be answered in the affirmative
for the following reasons :

1. The Western Aryas, the Norsemen, Goths, etc., invari-
ably used the stone circles and the sepulchral mound (hang)
for worship and also for burial.

2. In many parts of India these circles and mounds are
still used by sections of the Hindoos, as an interesting set of
papers by Dr. Stevenson in our Journal has shown.

8. These two institutions figure very prominently in
Buddhism. And when one religion breaks away from
another, it may make many changes, but must be credited
with having retained a large number of the institutions of
its parent creed. To dispose of the dead is a pressing need.
This is scarcely the point at which a religious reformer
would begin.

I think also that there are passages in the Mahabharata
that bear me out.

“ When King Suhotra governed this globe according to the laws
of justice, columns of sacrifice and sacred trees were
planted about the surface of the earth (jalonnaient la terra.
Eauche) in hundreds of thousands. They shone every season
with an abundant harvest of men and grains.” 1

“He offered then, 0 most virtuous son of Bharata, an hundred
solemn sacrifices, bidding gods and Brahmins. There were
columns of sacrifice in precious stones and Chaityas
(sepulchral mounds) of gold.” 2

“ The Long-Haired God gave by thousands and millions columns
of sacrifice and Chaityas of great splendour.” 3

It seems to me that these columns of sacrifice planted ^
about by hundreds of thousands must be standing stones.:
Professor Whitney publishes the translation of a V edic hymn %

1 Mahabh. Adi Parva, y. 3717.

2 Ibid. Sabba Parva, v. 69. 3 Ibid. v. /4.

YOL. XI Y. — [NEW SEMES.] ^

222 btjddhist saint worship.

-which shows that in the early days the body was buried
without cremation.

« For th from about thee thus I build away the ground,

As I lay down the clod may I receive no harm ;

This pillar may the Fathers here maintain for thee,

May Tama there provide thee with a dwelling.

The sacred tree considered in the light of a shrine and
■place of worship is also prominent m the Mahabharata.
Indeed the word Chaitya, usually applied to a sepu chral
mound, is also used to designate the tree “A tree m fact
spread with leaves and fruits, if it be solitary m a village
becomes a venerable Chaitya, without successors honoured
with the offerings of all.” 1 2 3 In the narrative of which I am
oping to quote a passage, superstitious importance is plainly
attached to it ; for the heroes, when they find themselves m
an enemy’s city, at once run and demolish the sacred tree,
probably to annul the charms and hostile influences of their
enemy’s household gods and patron saints.

« Then they (Krishna, Bhtma and Dhananjaya) rushed upon the
splendid Chaitya of the inhabitants, of Magadha, and smote
it on the crest as they wished to smite Jarasandlia.

And with the blows of their great arms they felled that ancient
tree, vast, firmly rooted, with airy top, respected by all, and
ever honoured with incense and garlands.

The sacred tree was plainly an important accompaniment of
the Tirthas, for it figures in the description of . those that
Yudhishthira was advised by tbe Brahmins to visit.

“Where, as Brahmins tell, was born that Indian fig tiee
> of which tbe cause is eternal ? ” This was at.Ga.ya. 4

At Yamouna too it is announced : “ There is the beautiful
and tbe holy Tlrtha, named tbe Descent of tbe Holy Fig
Tree.” 5

Here is another passage: “Where the heroic sons of

1 by. X. 18, cited from Whitney’s Oriental and Linguistic Studies, 1st
Series, p. 55.

2 Adi Parva, v. 5913. .

3 Mbh. Sabha Parva, v. 816, 817.

4 Vana Parva, 8307.

5 Ibid. 8375.

BFDDHIST SAINT WORSHIP.

Panda celebrated the Four Months’ Sacrifice with, deep
knowledge of the scriptures, at a place where grows the
imperishable and great Indian Fig Tree.” 1

When Buddhism first emerges in history, it certainly starts
with standing stones, and Tirthas, and Chaityas, and holy
trees. Let us see if there is any evidence of saint worship
likewise. M. Burnouf thought there was not ; but he wrote
before the discovery of the Stupa of Bharhut.

In the British Museum, as you are aware, are the marbles
of the Araaravati Tope. I see strangers, with puzzled look,
stop before certain tablets that represent marble worshippers
crouching before a small throne or table placed before a
marble tree. On the altar are often two footprints. Other
inquirers have been equally puzzled. But the recent ex-
humation of the remains of the Stupa of Bharhut has placed
the meaning of these emblems beyond the region of contro-
versy. Similar designs have been there discovered, and \
they are furnished with explanations incised in the Pali |
character. One, it is said, is the throne and tree of Kasyapa,
another the throne and tree of Kanaka Muni, and so on
through the list of the Seven Great Buddhas. Every great
Buddha has his tree and his worship. And here I must
mention a curious piece of Chinese-puzzle adjustment, which
shows how closely the ritual fits the ancient temple and the
temple the ritual. In vol. xvi. of the Asiatic Researches,
Professor Wilson gives a ritual from Nepal, called the Praise
of the Seven Buddhas . 2 Each Buddha is “ adored ” in a
separate paragraph, and it is announced that he found eman-
cipation under a special tree. Comparing the list of these
trees with that of the Bharhut Stupa, as given by Generali
Cunningham , 3 we find that five of the trees exactly correspond, i
The sixth, that of Viswabhu, is obliterated. Sakya Muni^
tree in one list is the Asvattha and in the other the Pippala,
synonyms I believe for the Eicus religiosa. This seems to
give great antiquity to the litany.

1 Yana Parva, 8523.

s P. 453.

3 P. 46. V •

« Glory to the Arhantas ! Glory to all Saints ! ” says the

Ivhandagiri rock inscription. • 1. i n ++ a A

“ Furthermore the people m the night shall attend the

o-reat myrobolan and the holy fig tree,” says the Delhi Pillar.

S “ In “the middle of the village or m the forest, on
ocean or land, wherever the Saints collect, full of joy is
that place ” Thus B uddha in the Dhammapada.

« i bow in adoration to those bosom-reared sons of Sugato,
who overcame the dominion of death (Maro).” Buddha-
j ghosa’s invocation to the “ three treasures at the com-

1 mencement of his Atthakatha. . m .

Let us try and restore this saint worship. The early
Chaitya was a rude sepulchral mound, placed in a jungle if
one was available. Bound it were erected a few monoliths ;
and one or two large trees were appropriated. The living saint
sate under a tree on a Bodhimandi, a rude stool probably m
the first instance. This became the altar of the dead saint.
Incense was offered upon it, we see this from the sculptures ;
food too, on one altar is what I take to be a globular rice
pudding about tbe size of a football. Garlands were hung
ion the'branches. Other offerings are in the hands of the
! worshippers, probably the scented water which from time
! immemorial in India was the drink of the ghosts, and which
I in Buddhism is still used. I now come to a piece of evidence
f whose importance I had not appreciated when I wrote my
work Buddha and Early Buddhism.

“ I regard the sacred altar as a Royal Gem. In the midst
of it appears the shadow of Sakya Tatbagata.” PI. A. is
portion of a sculpture that I have roughly copied from the
Amaravatl tope at the British Museum. Here we have
Buddha in person coming down to the altar at the moment
of worship. Each Buddha in the Ceylon scriptures has two
favourite disciples, and here we see them. The women who
are erect are the Apsarasas or nymphs of Indra that are
always by him in the Lalita Yistara. The worshippers are
distinct ; ' they are crouching and bumble. On the apparition
of a beatified Bishi in the Mahabliarata folks fling them-
selves in tbe dust, and join the palms of the hands near the

BUDDHIST SAISFT WORSHIP.

226

BUDDHIST SAINT WORSHIP.

I might mention too that the doctrine of pure and absolute
nothingness (Sunyata) is not all that a disciple of Schopen-
hauer would desire. There are, as Mr. Hodgson 1 tells us, a
Sunyata, and a Maha-Sunyata. We are dead. You are a
little Nothing. But I am a big Nothing. Also there are
eighteen degrees of Sunyata. 1 You are annihilated, but I
am eighteen times as much annihilated as you. It is possible
that the framers of the doctrine meant something different
from what the moderns suppose.

In a short paper it is of course impossible to take up all
the points that bear on this great question. Did space
permit, I could show you from the Lalita Yistara that the
Buddhas of the past, far from conceiving themselves annihi-
flated, crowd round the Prince at every turn of the story and
| act as his guardian angels. I could show, too, that the annals
of Cingalese Buddhism, if properly ransacked, by no means
bear out the theory that is popularly evolved from them. All
this would require not a paper, but a book — a book far larger
than the one I have written on the subject.

Saint worship is the religion of India when Buddha
appears on the page of history. Saint worship is his
recorded teaching. Saint worship is on the earliest monu-
ments. The Buddhist temple is an apparatus of saint
worship, and saint worship its only ritual. Saint worship is
the key of the Buddhist emblematology ; and the Buddhist
cosmology is the Brahmin cosmology adapted to saint
worship. The Buddhist Pantheon is a cohort of saints.
I Between this saint worship and the doctrine of Sftnyata
| there is a great gulf fixed ; and one of these antagonistic
1 elements has plainly been foisted on the other. Either
a complicated and harmonious religion, with its temples and
rites and symbols, has been foisted on the muddled doctrine
of Sunyata, or the muddled doctrine of SunyatS, has been
foisted on the vast and complicated religion.

227

’Gleanings from the Arabic . By H. W. Freeland,

M.A., M.R.A.S.

The Gentle Friend . 1

If I faults in friend discover,

Find him not in acts the same,

I, by friendship moved, pass over
What in him provoketh blame.

What a friend of evil doetk
I to him will never do ;

Fault which unto him accrueth
I with grace indulgent view.

To a friend’s defects the blindness
Of a friend is friendship’s part,
Friendship this preserves through kindness
Worthy of a noble heart,

1 From an anonymous xlrabic poem. — Kosegarten } p. 153.

GLEANINGS FROM THE ARABIC.

To a Tomb.

ILu- ^\j if

f jJ^\ Ai

L^jJ K J)j 5 U If
J^iUh l — %■*-*

Translation .

O Tomb, hath beauty vanished from his brow ?

Form young and fair, and hath it changed so soon ?

Nor dewy mead, nor spangled vault art thou,

Yet covetest fair branch and radiant moon !

Latine redditum.

0 tumule! ingenuam frontem lux alina reliquit?

Deserit heu ! nati mollia membra decus !

Non sunt prata tibi, neque coelum aut lumina cceli — ■
Fulgentem lunam tu salicemque cupis ?

Auf Deutsch.

Du Grab, sind seine Bliithezeit und Jugend schon ver-
schwunden,

Erbleicht die liebliche Gestalt in schweren Todes stunden?
Die Pracht des Himmels kann’st du nicht, der Wies’
auch nicht entfalten,

Willst gierig doch den Mondenglanz den griinen Zweig

229

Oisi tli © occasion of a recent visit to Oairo, i occupied sen
in ail endeavour to copy the Cufic inscriptions on the
Bah en bfasr. I only partially succeeded, but what I have
been able to decipher is sufficient to show that the inscrip-
tions are of somewhat more than ordinary interest. As far
as I am able to discover, they have never been published,

a sufficient excuse, I hope, for offering the Society the

imperfect results of my attempt to perform a task, which
some other student will perhaps be induced to take up and

complete. .

The three well-known monumental gates at Cairo, ot
which Bah en Nasr is one, are closely connected with the
question of the origin and early history of the city itself.

r>n tii psp nints. as it has Ions: seemed to me, a

230

AL KAHIEAH AND ITS GATES.

Makrizi himself, that may seem to countenance it. But his
narrative of facts is clear and consistent, and can leave no
room for doubt as to his real meaning. Jauhar, he tells us,
erected a fortified inclosure containing a place of residence
for the Khalifeh, the diwans, or principal government offices,
and quarters for the garrison intended for the defence of the
fortress. He is careful to add that its site was selected for
the express purpose of covering the approaches to the city of
Misr and of defending the capital against attacks by the Car-
mathians. 1 With that object the strength of the position was
increased by the construction of a double line of ditches,
extending from the Mukattam Hills to the old canal of
’Omar ibn al Khattab, by which, and by the Nile beyond
it, the fortress was protected on the west.

Jauhar’ s defences were put to the test by two successive
invasions of the Carmathians. The first in a.h. 361
(a.d. 972), less than three years after the commencement
of the fortress. The enemy was repulsed on both occasions,
though it must be confessed that on the second, in a.h. 363,
the final success of the Fatimis was due, not so much to their
valour, or to the strength of their fortifications, as to a
bribe, with which they won over one of the allies of the
Carmathians, and which they paid him in false coin ! 2 The
Carmathians were both times, however, held in check at
’Ayn esh Shems or Heliopolis, and although the neighbouring
country suffered severely at their hands, the city of Misr was
effectually protected by the Imperial citadel of Al Kahirah
in its front.

There is nothing to show that either Jauhar or his master,
in building the latter, intended or even foresaw what
afterwards happened. There is, on the contrary, much that
may serve to prove that the foundation of a new city, in the
ordinary sense of the word, was actually opposed to their
intentions. But the population of Misr, at a subsequent
period, gradually removed to the immediate vicinity of the
Imperial stronghold, and eventually, but not until after the

1 Kitab el Kbitat, Bulak ed., vol. i. pp. 348, 361.

2 See Ibn el Atbir, vol. viii. pp. 452 and 469.

AL KAHIRAH AXD ITS GATES,

extinction of the dynasty in a.h. 567 (a.d. 1171), overflowed
into the Imperial inclosure itself, the original purpose of
which then soon fell into oblivion. 1

The ground inclosed by Jauhar was about three-quarters
of a mile in length, and slightly over half a mile in width*
Its principal buildings were, in the first place, the two
Imperial palaces. One, the Eastern or Great Palace, composed
of a multitude of buildings, w T as the place of residence of
the Rhalifeh, of his harlm, and of his numerous slaves and
followers. Of its extent we may form some idea from the
statement, even if it be suspected of exaggeration, that at
the death in a.d. 1171 of the last Rhalifeh al ’Atlad li din
Illah, the palace was found to be inhabited by twelve
thousand persons, all, excepting the Rhalifeh and members of
the Imperial family, either eunuchs or women. The Small
Palace, as it was called, served for purposes of recreation,
and overlooked gardens and pleasure grounds, extending to
the western walls, that ran parallel to the old and still
existing canal. Close to the Eastern Palace was the Imperial
Mausoleum, in which Al Mu’izz deposited the remains of his
ancestors, which he brought with him from their places of
sepulture in the west. Further south was the Mosque, also!
built by Jauhar, in which the Rhalifeh, as Imam of his 1
subjects, conducted the Friday’s prayers. The palaces
received the name of If u stir ez Zdhircth , the Splendid Palaces!
and the Mosque that of Al Azhar , the Most Splendid, which.!

1 The short notices of the foundation of Al Kahirah given by Ibn Khaliikan,
in his biographies of Jauhar and of Al Mu’izz, are quite consistent with the
statements to he found in Al Makrizi, though not clear enough to dispel the
preconceived idea, with which modern writers generally approach the subject.
Thus, M. de Slane in rendering the statement that Jauhar marked out the
circumference (or plan) of Al Kahirah, translates of the new city. Further on
he writes that Jauhar was displeased with certain irregularities in the outline of
the future city , where in the original the pronoun is used, referring to the word
Al Ifasr, immediately preceding it, which M. de Slane himself has rendered the
citadel. . /

The author of the JOTujum es ZTihirali, Ihn Taghri Bardi, is somewhat obscure
on the subject, but one among other passages deserves to he noticed in which,

using the word Al Kasr, the palace, he adds, u that is to my>

Al Kahirah ” (ed. Juynboll, vol. ii. p. 423). Al Makrizi, I may further remark,
designates Al Kahirah in certain passages (vol ii. p. 107; by the term

232

AL KAHIBAH AND ITS GATES.

it still retains, and under which it has long been widely
known as the great seat of Muhammadan learning, frequented
by students from the most distant countries of Islam. In
addition to the garrison’s quarters, many other buildings
are enumerated, sufficient to account for the remaining
space ; such were the treasury, mint, library, audience halls,
arsenals, provision stores and Imperial stables. Several
open spaces were moreover reserved, one of which alone,
called Bayn el Kasrayn, Between the two Palaces , a name
retained by the street that now leads over the site, was large
1 enough to contain a force of 10,000 men.

A jealously regarded object in the construction of A1
Kahirah was, as A1 Makrizi tells us, the strict seclusion
of the Khalifehs from the sight of their subjects. Within
its walls, a subterranean passage was formed, as a means of
communication between the two palaces, through which the
Khalifeh could pass to and fro, unseen even by the few whose
presence within the fortress was permitted. No person was
allowed to enter the walls of A1 Kahirah but the soldiers of
| the garrison and the highest officials of the state, whose
greatest privilege was that of approaching the sacred person
,'lof the Khalifeh. Ambassadors from foreign states were
obliged to dismount at the gates of the fortress, and were
conducted thence to the audience hall on foot. 1

In this condition matters remained for fully a century,
when, in the reign of A1 Mustansir Billah, the ravages caused
by civil war, famine and plague extended even to the pre-
cincts of the palace. The Empire itself was on the verge of
destruction. It was rescued, by the fidelity and ruthless
energy of the Amir Badr al Jamaly, from the military factions
by whom the country was ravaged and plundered, and in
whose hands the Khalifeh himself was little better than a

1 Elsewhere (vol. i. p. 461) we learn from. Al Makrizi that the ambassador
was introduced into the audience hall, with an official of the court on either side
of him, each grasping one of liis bands. The custom was doubtless an imitation

( of the ceremonial observed on similar occasions at the Byzantine Court, and the
practice, as is well known, has been continued by tbe Turkish Sultans, almost down
to the present day, though erroneously stated to have been first introduced at
Constantinople, in consequence of an attempt made upon the life of one of the
Sultans by a Servian prisoner.

AL KAHIRAH AND ITS GATES,

helpless prisoner. ±>aar ai daman uecaiue, uuuec tue name ut
iVazir, the virtual ruler of the Empire, which under his
administration soon recovered its former splendour. Many
buildings within the Imperial inclosure had fallen into decay
and some into utter ruin. One of the Amir’s earliest acts*
was to give permission to certain chosen persons to build upon
their sites. But it was not, as I have already said, until after
fhe extinction of the Fatimi Khalifate, and after the removal
of the seat of government and residence of the new dynasty
of Saladin to the “ citadel on the hill,” that Al Iyahirah.
was” gradually absorbed and lost, in the city that had begun
to <nw up under its walls. Al Iyahirah, says Al Makrissi,
then fell from being a stronghold and Imperial residence
to the condition of an ordinary city and place of general
habitation, ^ ** From being

a centre of honour it sank into abasement, from reverence

into contempt. 1 ,

It is not without interest to remark that the foundation of
Al Kahirah, for the purposes described, appears to have been
simply in accordance with the already established usages
of the Fatimi Court. Al Mansurieh, the creation of the
Kb al if eh Al Mansur Billah, was doubtless the prototype of
Al Kahirah. It was founded in a.h. 336, close to Kayrawan, j
hut, unlike its successor in Egypt, it neither became . the {
nucleus of a new city nor did it supersede the ancient capital ;
but it has, on the contrary, itself disappeared.

I may add, with reference to the position of Al Mansurieh,
that Ibn Khallikan is clearly in error when stating, in his
biography of Al Mansur, that Al Mansurieh was built on the
site of the battle that resulted in the capture of Abu \azid.
It may be, however, that the author refers to a series of
obstinately fought contests that took place under the walls
of Kayrawan, more than a year, it is true, before the final |
defeat and capture of Abu Yazid, but by which the latter’s f
power was irretrievably broken up. 2 Ia one of the notes

AL KAHIRAH A KB ITS GATES.

appended to his translation of the biography of A1 Mu’izz,
M. de Slane quotes A1 Bakri’s description of North Africa, to
I the effect that A1 Mansurieh occupied the site of a suburb of
Kayrawan, of the name of Sabra, though the statement seems
.difficult to reconcile with the words of the test, in which
Sabra is spoken of as existing in the reign of A1 Mu’izz. 1

Both A1 Mansurieh and A1 Kahirah receive from Arab
writers the designation of Mediuah, or city, which, in the
case of the latter, is justified by the inscription on Bab en
Nasr. But the word * city ’ must obviously be understood in
‘•a restricted, and not in its ordinary sense.

It may perhaps be regarded as something more than
an accidental coincidence that Jauhar gave the new Egyp-
tian residence of the Khalifehs the name of A1 Mansurah,
The Victorious, so similar in sound and meaning, if not in
actual derivation, with the designation of the Imperial resi-
dence in the West. 2

On his arrival in Egypt, A1 Mu’izz changed the name
into A1 Kahirah, The Subjugator. The citizens, however,
when they removed to the neighbourhood of its walls, con-
tinued to give to their new home the name of the old capital,
■ Misr, and still do so to this day, distinguishing what little
| remains of the latter by the designation of Old Misr. The
f name A1 Kahirah, owing to its conveying a sense of sub-
jection to violence and arbitrary power, has always been
unpopular, and is still regarded by the people of Egypt with
half-superstitious dislike. 3

1 See Ibn Khallikan,. Be Slane’s translation, vol. iii. p. 377. _

2 Two gates at the A1 Mansurieh bore respectively, as at A1 Kahirah, the
names of JBab Zawiluh and Bab al Fufuh.

3 Mr. Lane, in one of the notes to his translation of the Arabian JN lglits,
I remarks that he has not found the name of Misr applied to Cairo in any Arabic
I work earlier than the Turkish Conquest. It strikes me that the circumstance
I may he sufficiently accounted for by the punctilious accuracy of style which Arab

I writers always affect in their written, as distinguished from their spoken language.
Nevertheless, Ihn Batutah, when describing the city of Cairo on the occasion of

I I bis first visit to Egypt in a. d. 1326, gives it repeatedly the name of Misr, though,

; singularly enough, in the much briefer account of his last visit, he invariably
styles it Al Kahirah.

Quatremere, in his Memoires geographiques et histonques sur I’Lgypte (vol. 1 .
p. 48), whilst referring to the fact that the Copts transferred from Al Fiistat to
Cairo the name of Bablun or Babylon, adds that they gave Cairo the further
designation of Ti Keschromi, “ qui signifie mot a mot qui brise les homines —

AL KAHIEAH AKD ITS GATES.

With respect to the derivation of the name A1 Kahirah,
Abuh Maliasin 1 says that, according to some authorities,
this designation was originally only that of one of the
domes or halls of the palace. The remark follows his
account of the well-known tradition, which he says con-
tains the more generally received version of the origin of
the name.

The tradition is related also by A1 Makrizi, but with little
pains to conceal the small degree of credit he attaches to it*
The foundations, in consequence of a sufficiently incredible
accident, were said to have been commenced, not at the pro-
pitious hour intended by Jauhar’s astrologers, but at a
moment when the planet Al Mirikh , or Mars, surnamed by !.
the Arabs Al Kahir, was, with its evil influences, in the
ascendant. Hence, it was said, the city received the name of ^
Al Kahirah. 3

Three of the old gates of Al Kahirah, as I have mentioned,
are in existence to this day. Two on the north, Bab en
Nasr, the Gate of Victory, and Bab al Futuh, the Gate of
Conquests. On the south is Bab Zuwayleh, or more correctly
according to the ancient orthography, Bab Zawllali. It derives

a nom assez etrange,” he remarks, and indeed a name of ominous sound. “<Te
croix y reconnaitre,” he continues, “la traduction un pen alteree du mot Arabe
Al Kahirah.’ ’

:V Yol. ii. p. 416.

2 An Egyptian derivation has been attributed to the name Al Kahirah, but I
do not know whether its claims to attention rest upon better grounds than that
of its ingenuity. It has been contended that the country in the neighbourhood of
Heliopolis was from early times designated Kahi-ra, the District of the Sun.
The denomination would he similar to that of Kahi-nub, the District of Gold,
generally accepted as the origin of the name Canopus.

The name Al Kahirah might perhaps with equal plausibility be connected with
certain verses, addressed to Al Mu’izz by the poet Muhammad ibn Hani, on the
eve of the Khalifeh’s departure for Egypt. Ibn Al Athir (vol. viii. p. 457)
remarks that the language used by the poet, in his panegyrics, was often carried
to the highest point of extravagance, and that it was condemned by the ’Ulema
as marked with rank infidelity. He quotes, among other instances, the following
lines, in which the poet addresses the Khalii'eh as Al Waliad and Al Kahhar r
both of them epithets applied only to the Deity : —

“ Thy decrees are nought hut the irresistible will of Fate,
Command then, for thou art the One Mighty Subduer.’ 1

An account of the life of Ibn Hani is given by Ihn Khallikan.

AL KAHIRAH AND ITS GATES.

its name from a tribe who occupied a suburb of A1 Mahclieh,
one of the sea-ports of the modern Regency of Tunis, built
by ’Obayd Allah al Mahdy, the founder of the Western
Ismaily or Fatimi dynasty. The Zawilahs furnished a con-
tingent to Jauhar’s army, and the quarters assigned to them,
on the foundation of Al Kahirah, were in the neighbourhood
of the Southern Gate.

The three existing sri
old names, are

by Badr al Jamali about a.d. 1087,

gates, though they have retained, the
not those built by Jauhar. They were erected
when he rebuilt the walls
of Al Kahirah and somewhat enlarged its limits. They do
not, consequently occupy the actual sites of their predecessors.
The Bab Zawilah of Jauhar stood some distance to the north
of the present gate. It consisted of two arches, standing side
by side, through the easternmost of which Al Mu’izz made his
public entrance into the new Imperial residence in Ramadan,
a.h. 362 (a.d. 973), three years after its construction had
been commenced. The western archway, from that eaily
date, fell under the evil repute of being unlucky, a supersti-
tion which, long after it had disappeared, continued to attach
to the spot upon which it had formerly stood. The twin gate-
way was still in existence in the fifteenth century, under the
name of JBab el Kcms.

Respecting the present gate of Badr al Jamali, a tradition
is mentioned by Al Makrizi that its architect was one of three
j brothers, who came to Egypt from Ar Ruha, and that Bab
| en ]Sf a ,sr and Bab el F utuh were each respectively built by
the other two.

Ar Ruha, the modern ITrfah or ancient Edessa, was
^according to Ibn al Athir besieged and captured from
jthe Byzantines in a.h. 479 (a.d. 1086) by Malik Shah. 1
Its strongly built fortifications and the magnificence of its
fchurches are elsewhere alluded to by the historian. w It seems
not unlikely that Greek or Armenian refugees from Edessa
may have found their way into Egypt, and the style of
architecture and construction of the three gates, but especial!}-

i Yol. x. p, 97.

3 Vol. ix.'p. 282.

AL XAHIKAH AND ITS GATES.

of Bab en Nasr, are in some degree consistent with Al
Makrizi’ s statements. 1

Bab Zuwa} 7 lah is spoken of by Arab writers in terms of
the highest admiration. Its hinges were said to turn on
glass sockets. A person who had travelled much, and who
had seen all the cities of the East, says Al Makrizi, assured
him that nowhere had he beheld a more majestic gate, or
anything to be compared to its two towers. Modern visitors,
without questioning the praise to which Bab Zuwaylah is
indeed well entitled, must perhaps hesitate before they grant |
it the palm over its two contemporaries. It is indeed one of
the noblest buildings in Cairo, but the coarse plaster and
paint with which it is daubed must sorely detract from its \
original appearance. The round towers on either side, we
are told, were originally much loftier, and were lowered
when the Sultan Al Mu-ayyad surmounted them with the
two minarets for the mosque he built in a.d. 1416, and which
adjoins the gate on its western side. 2

A small portion of the plaster a few years ago became
detached, and dropped from the stone above the archway.

1 The Church of Edessa was regarded by Arab writers as one of the wonders of
the world (see de Sacy’s ’Abd al Latif, p. 442).

2 One feels incline! to suspect that a certain degree of Chauvinism is at least
partly responsible for the laudatory terms in which Al Makrizi so generally in-t
bulges in his work on Egypt and Cairo. Passages that exhibit some diserimma-!
tipn are, however, not wanting. Thus, he quotes, with but faint protest,
certain descriptions of his native city by foreign writers, couched in no flattering |
terms. One, remarks upon the hard lot of the citizens, condemned to the use of
unwholesome water from contaminated wells, and from canals, the receptacles of
drainage from the houses on their hanks. The atmosphere itself, says Ibn Sa’id,
is unhealthy, especially during the prevalence of the hot mirhg winds, and
diseases of the eyes very prevalent. In a subsequent passage, it may be that
feelings of professional ill -humour have the upper hand. Life at Cairo, he proceeds,
is hard and poor, especially for the learned. The professors at the colleges are
paid niiserable salaries. The happiest lot, he continues, somewhat bitterly, M
that of the Jews and Christians, occupied in the practice of medicine and in the
collection of taxes. But it is an excellent place for paupers, who live untroubled
by the fear of taxes and tithes, of summonses and torments. The pauper pos-
sesses no slave whose death may he a pretext for charging his master with having
succeeded to an inheritance, followed in all probability by his being imprisoned,
tortured, and plundered. With bread cheap and abundant, lie leads a life of ease,
free to enjoy the songs and public amusements of the town. Nor is there any
one to interfere with him, even when his fancy leads him to strip himself of his
clothing before dancing in the public streets, to stupefy himself with hash hh, or
to associate openly with women of abandoned character. He has not even to
fear impressment for service in the state galleys. That fate is reserved to the
Mogharba , noted for their qualities of seamanship. A Moor, on arriving in

VOL. XIV — [NEW SERIES.] ■ 17 A

AL KAHIEAH AND ITS GATES,

A few letters of the Cufic inscription became visible, hut
they were soon again covered up.

Bab en Easr and Bab el Eutuh are on the north of the
city. They stand about two hundred yards apart, only sepa-
rated from one another by the ruined mosque of A1 Hakim
b-imr Illah.

Like Bab Zuwaylah, they do not occupy the sites of the
original gates of Jauhar. When rebuilt by Jauhar, they
were removed to their present position, so as to inclose the
mosque which A1 Hakim built outside the walls. Bab el
Futuh has no inscriptions.

Bab en Nasr is remarkable for a bracketed cornice and
frieze, decorated with beautifully executed Cufic inscriptions.
They are carried along the face of the gateway, and along
the faces and inner sides of the two massive square towers,
with which it is flanked, at rather more than half their height
from the ground.

Within the arch, and above the lintel of the rectangular
doorway, an oblong tablet is sculptured upon the stone,
containing the following words :

aj lIAka 3 A.in

^ All! J

In the name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful. There
is no other god hut God, Alone. None is associated unto
Him. Muhammad is the Apostle of God. ’Aly is the
favourite of God.

Below the tablet, and on the face of the flat relieving
arch over the lintel, the following words are added :

May God bless them both, and also the Imams their seed.

Egypt, finds himself between two alternatives : if rich, he is squeezed and plun-
| dered, and there is no happy release from his miseries hut by flight ; if poor, he
I is cast into prison, and kept there until required for service in the fleet. Such is
* a glimpse into life at Cairo in the thirteenth century.

Ihn Sa’id, him self a Spanish Moor, is largely quoted by A1 Makkariinhis Kitab
Nafhi t Tib. His extracts comprise Al Makrizi’s quotations, of which the above is
la summary (Bui. ed. vol. i. p. 407 et sqq.). Ibn Sa’id arrived in Egypt in a.h. 639.
|An account of his life and writings is included in the work of M. de Gayangos.

AL KAHIKAH AXD ITS GATES.

239

The inscription on the frieze, along the face of the gate wav,
is as follows, commencing, however, with the five words
given below, which immediately precede it on the same line,
but which are inscribed on the inner side of the western
tower, following immediately after the verses from the
Kur-an, noticed further on.

I omit the diacritical points of words I have been unable
to decipher, or of which I feel doubtful.

liub Lu ] J\*Ji \ !*,*! ^1-A! j\s? a11! ^

rJJi La>Lw>* a-wv^sM ibjbUU! <Lj aAjx*] (?) bb

ibi! dJ'ULtf A! b i b j b^^Vu

Llo! ^^^31 Ajbj^ ^jybUa!! Ajb! a A-i.i

. . . God the Great, the Mighty the city of A1

Kahirah the Mu’izzite, the protected, may God guard it,
by command of our Lord and Master the Imam al Mns-
tansir Billah, Prince of the Faithful, the Favour of God he
upon him, on his pure forefathers and on his noble de-
scendants. 1 JEdificavit hoc

The inscription is continued, on the inner side and front
of the eastern tower, with the pompous titles of the Amir al
Juyush Bedr al Jamali, as follows :

! SLaJs <Jdbi JuSi\jJu ftJi\

^jjd! Aj A] ! tX-wl-C ^ ^ jk

* . . . . ..... ! j-** \ jn

<Jjb# j Aiwa

the Commander of the Armies, the Sword of Islam, defender of
the Faith, protector of the Judges of the Muslims and guide
of the Leaders of the Faithful, AbuT Mijm Badr el Mustan-
siri. May God aid through him the Faith, and by the
length of his days grant comfort to the Prince of the
Faithful . the year 480.

1 A native friend suggested the following reading of the words at the com-
mencement of the inscription, but I feel more than doubtful of it: All! ^

j!^AJ! JiU^S uiuJ fU\

AL KAHIRAH AND ITS GATES.

The inscription on the western tower is the Ay at el Hurst,
or Throne Terse (Kuran, ii. 256) :

God! there is none other God hut He, the Living, the Watchful
Drowsiness hindereth him not (in his care of the Creation)
nor sleep. TJnto Him belongeth that which is in the
heavens and that which is on earth. Who is there (of
his creatures) shall intercede with Him excepting by his
permission ? He knoweth their past and their future, and
they encompass nought of his knowledge but that which he
pleaseth. The extent of his throne is that of the heavens
and the earth. The preservation of either is no burthen
unto him, for He is the Most High, the Most Great . 1

The inscriptions on Bab en Nasr are the only remaining
^memorials in Egypt of the fact that the Shiah heresy, now
and for many centuries past regarded with detestation, once
jreigned supreme in the country. It is no doubt chiefly
iwing to the disuse and general ignorance of the characters
In which they are written that we may attribute their pre-
servation. A profession of faith which declares of ’Aly that
he is the exclusive tvaly or favourite of God, and in which an
invocation for special divine favour is made for him in terms
applied to none but a prophet, is in the eyes of a Sunni
Muslim a proclamation of gross heresy. But a thing utterly
abhorrent to him is the attribution of that sacred formula,
not merely to ? Aly the son-in-law of the Prophet, but also to
a race of usurpers, whom the orthodox heads of Islam have
denounced as impious impostors, men of ignoble birth, the
descendants, not of the Prophet Muhammad and his daughter,
but of Magians and J ews.

1 I have ventured to depart from the rendering of the word al Kayyum ,
adopted by Sale and other English translators, namely, the self -subsisting. The
Kamils explains the word as meaning ‘ He who has no equal.’ . Both Az Zamakh-
Jfe’hari and Al Baydawi say that Al Kayyum is he who is continually engaged in
legulating the order of the Creation and in its preservation, a sense I have en-
leavoured to render by the word watchful.

In the translation of the verb , 1 have followed the sense indicated by
Ibn ’Arab Shah, who borrows the phrase in his Fakihat al Khulafa , and writes
|.y Uj j Ab 1 (Bulak ed. p. 141).

sat

i m

AL KAHIBAH AjSTB ITS GATES. 241

The assumption of the formula in question by the Fatlmi
Khalifehs, so far as I am able to discover, is not specifically
mentioned by any Arab historian, and the inscription on Bab
en Nasr is now the only one in the country from which the
fact can be proved. Certain passages in A1 Makrizi’s Khitafc ;■
may, however, be quoted in support of it, and as indicating
that the words were assumed by all the Khalifehs of the
dynasty, probably from its earliest times.

Thus in his account of the life of Jauhar, A! Makrizi quotes
a minute, written in the alliterative style of rhyming prose,
so much admired by Eastern writers, which Jauhar on a
certain occasion appended to a petition presented to him
at A1 Kahirah. It consists of bitter reproaches addressed
to the persons concerned in the case and ends with the
words : —

Let the Prince of the Faithful, the Blessings of God be upon
him, decide what shall be done unto you.

aj \j aA^ Ai \ uu \ \

Again, in describing tbe forms observed in the Majlis an
Nazri ft l Mazalim, the Court for the redress of grievances, A1
Makrizi says that on the statement of the case being returned
with a note in the handwriting of the Khalifeh, it was the
practice of the Wazir to write the following words below the
Imperial decree

Let obedience be shown to the command of our Lord the Prince
of the Faithful, the Blessings of God be upon him.

Aa 1»£ Alii \ b I

We know also that in the form of Khutbah instituted by
Jauhar, the invocation for God's special blessing or favour
was applied, in general terms, to the Imams, descendants of
? Ali and Fatimah, but this was little more than is continually
done by orthodox Muslims, in the case of the family and
companions of the Prophet.

I have recently, however, met with another and somewhat
unexpected confirmation of the fact recorded by the inscrip-

r $ :

’ ; i$

’ I B1 ■
' ii

, < : 1

| ' ' S5P KMi :

■ ' \ . V # j

£ ■ M

lbs MkMMm

fi; ifc jHI

'■is mm

t: - j

msm

AL XAHIRAH AND ITS GATES,

tion on Bab en Nasr. Among the objects Included In the Ex-
hibition last year of Hispano-Morisco Art at South Kensington,
was an ivory casket belonging to the National Archaeological
Museum of Madrid, described in the catalogue as being of the
eleventh century and as having been procured from Carrion
de los Oondes, in the Spanish province of Palencia. The
Cufic inscription on the lid of the casket, of which the follow-
ing is a copy, shows that it is in point of fact a century older
in date, and that it was made at A1 Mansurieh for the use of
the Khalifeh Al Mu’izz : —

; aJjjj AM ^ \

.. AM • jxa^\

faj b

In the name of God the Merciful, the Gracious. Yictory from
God and speedy conquest unto the servant and favourite of
God Ma’add Abu Tamim, the Imam al Mu’izz (li din Illah),
Prince of the Faithful, the Blessings of God be upon him,
on his excellent forefathers and on his pure seed. One
(of the cabinets) he hath commanded to be made at Al
Mansurieh.

The titles Kafil Kudat il Muslimin wa Hady Du’ at il Mu -
minin , which we find in the inscriptions on Bab en Nasr, are
mentioned in the short life of Badr al Jamali given by Al
Makrizi. 1 They were bestowed, he says, upon the Amir, on
this appointment as Wazir of the sword and pen, wielding
(supreme authority over the Kadis and Du’at or Da’ys. The
latter were missionaries employed in teaching and spreading
the doctrines of the Ismaili sect, and their chief was styled
Da’y ed Du’ at, the Da'y of Da’ys. It seems probable
that the word is the origin of the title of Dey, by which
the rulers of the province of Algiers have been designated
by Europeans.

Within the archway of Bab en Nasr an inscription is
carved on the western wall, which at a first glance is seen to
1 YoLi * p- 332, ■

AL KAHIRAH AND ITS GATES.

213

belong to a much later date than that of the building itself.
The following is a copy : —

^J\^\ jLiuil \ (m,. \j A) , io-1® JUS***

<.Au 4s>- twills 1

uJj Jyl o CJArsT*! Cil!j J&\ As^b ^

aJaLxJI

As commanded by the noble and exalted Vicegerent of this
illustrious Empire, Sudun es Seyh, in respect to dues upon
camels, upon each shall be levied five ; and cursed be he
that shall levy a larger sum, or be the cause of oppression
in the days of this righteous government.

There is no date, but the inscription is in the ordinary
Naskhi character and the title given to the author of the decree,
Nail) es Saltanah, Vicegerent of the Kingdom, is one that
belonged to the period of the Mamluk Kings of Egypti
Under their rule the office of Wazir was only nominally re-1
tamed. Its functions, excepting in the reign of A1 Malik en|
Nasir, were exercised by the Naib es Saltanah, who, in the
words of A1 Makrizi, was virtually the second sovereign of
the Empire, which he ruled in his master’s name. The
powers of the AVazir, on the other hand, had meanwhile
fallen so low, that one who held the office was able to com-
plain, with but little exaggeration, that its highest duty
had become that of purchasing provisions and fuel for the
use of the palace. In the course of time, however, the office
of Naib es Saltanah shared the fate of the Wazirate. It I
was abolished about the middle of the reign of the Sultan ;
ez Zahir Barkuk (a.d. 1382-1399), and its functions were \
divided among the chiefs of subordinate departments.

For the purpose of identifying the name of Sudun, I had
recourse to the comprehensive pages of A1 Makrizi, with
a confidence that was speedily justified. I find, in fact, that
Sudun was the name of the Naib es Saltanah in the reign of |
Barkuk, and that he was the last to hold the office with its I
full powers. The surname As Seyfi is rendered Ash *
Shdykhi, but the latter, it cannot be doubted, is an error of

244

AL KAHIEAH AND ITS DATES.

transcription. The date of the inscription may, therefore,
be placed between a.d. 1382 and 1390.

The denomination of the coins, of which five were to be
paid on each camel, is not expressed. We may perhaps
supply the word /ulus. We know, in fact, both from Al
Makrizfs treatise on Muhammadan coins and from the
Kitab al Khitat, 1 that copper was coined in such large
j. quantities in the reign of Az Zahir Barkuk, that it drove
' both silver and gold out of circulation. The value of all
commodities, and even that of gold dinars, was expressed by
| its equivalent in copper. The confusion and hardship thus
‘ occasioned were not effectually removed until the reform of
the coinage introduced by the Malik al Mu-ayyad in a.h. 817.

The stone walls inclosing the city of Cairo, properly so
called, were commenced by Saladin in a.h. 566 (a.d, 1176),
whilst Egypt was still under the nominal rule of the last
Ehalifeh Al *Adad li din Illah. The work was continued
after the death of the Khalifeh in a.h. 567 by Buha ed din
Karakush, the Egyptian minister of Saladin, by whom also
the present citadel was built on a spur of the Mukattam
Hills. The eastern walls of Al Kahirah were prolonged
southwards, so as to include within their circuit the large
space of ground between Bab Zuwaylah and the new fortress
on the hill. From that point they were to have been con-
tinued in such wise as to inclose the ancient city of Misr,
and thence to run northwards along the hanks of the river,
which, it will be remembered, has materially changed its
course since that period. The execution of that portion of
the design was interrupted by the death of its author, and
was never afterwards resumed.

An interesting memorial of the builders of the citadel
exists on one of its inner walls. Within a projecting quad-
rangular niche, surmounted by a plain cornice, stands an
|eagle, sculptured on the stone in high relief. The figure is
inow, and has long been, headless, but its resemblance in
almost every detail to the representation of the double-headed

1 Yol. i. p. 110.

AL KAHIRAH AND ITS GATES.

245

eagle on Ortoki coins, and more particularly to that on the
coins of the Atabek *Imad ed din Zenki of Sinjar, is very
striking. An engraving of the figure is moreover given
by M. Prisse de Avenues in his work I? Art Ardbe , in which
the eagle is represented with two heads facing in opposite
directions. It would be interesting to know at what time
the original drawing was made.

The author writes that the double-headed eagle was the f
rank or armorial badge of Saladin . 1 I have not succeeded in
finding the authority upon which the statement is founded,
but accepting it as correct, it seems hardly possible to resist f
the conclusion that the eagle on the coins of *Xmad ed din
represents his recognition of the suzerainty of the early
Ayyubi princes.

1 Quatremere, in his Histoire des Sultans Mamlouks (vol. ii. pt. i. p._14), has
collected together a number of passages, in which the word rank, or its plural
runiik, is employed by A1 Makrizi and other Arab writers to designate the badges
or armorial bearings and banners used by Muhammadan princes of the Middle

246

Art. XYII . — How the Mahabharata 1 Begins . By Edwin

Arnold, O.S.I., M.R.A.S., Officer of the White Elephant
of Siam,

The following pages offer an imperfect and unpretending
analysis of the opening portions of the Great Indian Epic,
the Mahabharata ; with a free version here and there of
striking passages, and in most of these instances the Sanskrit
text. So cumbrous an introduction to the mighty Poem was,
perhaps, compiled in days long subsequent to those of the finer
sections of the Epic. It seems principally directed to the
exaltation of Brahmans, and the glorification of Royal and
Saintly Pedigrees ; but a closer study — as, for example, of the
long catalogue which occurs in the description of the Serpent-
People — would probably give useful results to ethnology and
geography.

The Calcutta Edition of the Mahabharata, in four quarto
volumes, commences thus : —

To Harayen, Hara, best of males, give heed ;

To great Saraswati be paid her meed,

So shall this Story worthily proceed . 2

After prefatory matter, the text begins : Ugrasravah, or

Sauti, the son of Lomaharshana,

Came to the sages in the Haimish Wood,

What time they wrought the twelve-year sacrifice
For Saunaka. He, learned in Purans,

II II

rfffr i

Each Parva of the Mahabharata opens with this, or a similar, dedicatory verse.

HOW THE MAM BHARAT A BEGIHS.

247

Folded his hands before them, and said this —
u What will ye that I now discourse to you?” 1

The Sages desire him to discourse upon “ Yoga,” but
observe that the wise and holy Saunaka is at present in the
house of Sacrifice. As soon as he takes his seat, the
“ Paur&niko ” may fitly begin. The great man enters, and,
saluting the narrator, wishes to hear from him of Bhrigu’ s
family. He recites the pedigree of Bhrigu. Saunaka him-
self was grandson of Sainika, who was the son of Kuru,
who was the son of Pramati, who was the son of Chyavana.
Saunaka asks to know respecting this last named. The son
of Suta relates how Bhrigu’ s wife, Pauloma, being advanced
in pregnancy, was desired by a Kakshasa Pauloman, who,
after appealing in vain to Agni in regard of a prior claim
which he makes to her, attempts to carry her off in the shape
of a boar, but her child Chyavana, being suddenly born,
withers the demon to death by his dazzling aspect. Bhrigu
was very angry with Agni for the partial information given
to the demon, and u cursed him to be the devourer of
everything .” 2 Agni, in turn, is incensed at this serious act.
The god said :

What is this outrage, Brahman, thou hast wrought ?

I follow virtue, and I speak plain truth !

Where was thy wrong in that I answered fair
Thou absent? He who beareth witness false
And he who, knowing truths, forbeareth it,

These men shame all their ancestors in bliss
To the seventh degree, and to the seventh degree
Infect their seed. I, too, the God, might curse
Who curses me, but that I reverence
A twice-born. Hear me yet, though thon may’st know,

By yoga I divide me manifold

Dwelling in all formed things — not flame alone,

wNw i etc.

248 HOW THE MAHABHABATA BEG-IHS.

But that which flames, the sacrifice, yea, that .

"Which offereth it, man’s act. Therefore to me
Oblations fitly made soothe Gods and Shades,

By me their worship passeth at due times ;

At the full moon to Gods, at the new moon
To Pitris ; they are worshipped through my mouth,

And eat the offerings with it; . . . darest thou then
Curse me to u eat of all things ” ? 1

Agni withdraws from the world in anger, all sacrifices are
suspended, and mankind generally distressed. The Pdshis
in much alarm repair to the Gods. These accompany them

1 fwifw^ WTfW WIFI imwiwfw wt wfw !
w wwri' w^w: ww i

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HOW THE MAHABHABATA BEGINS.

249

to the presence of Brahma, who summons Agni, and gently
admonishes that deity, as follows :

Thou art in all the dweller, of all acts

The mover, of the Three Worlds and their life

Sustainer. Thou shalt still dwell, move, sustain !

Be not unwise, being so great a God ;

Thou art the purity and strength of Earth,

Thou shalt not bear th’ unlightened curse, nor eat
The belly’s draff ; save as a flame eats flesh.

The Sun makes clean whate’er he shines upon,

So shall be clean whate’er thy fires consume.

Give of thy splendour what this curse demands

Eor necessary use, but keep thy part

Of offerings with the Gods, whose mouth thou art . 1

Agni consents amid the rejoicings of heaven and earth ; and
the danger is averted.

The Reciter then narrates the story of Ruru, grandson of
Ohyavana ; how the Sage Sthulakesa found exposed the
infant daughter of an Apsaras, by Yishavasu, King of the
Gandharvas, and reared her into wonderful virtue and beauty.
Ruru sees and loves this fair Pramadvara, who is promised
as a bride to him : but, playing in the wood, she is bitten by

1 W?T ^ ^7«tT TR ^ i

w fwnirri w&s: i

rpqr f ^ fw: i

^ ¥crnpr i

fw wfw^rr% m Htwfaer m: i ^ <r«n?T

^ *r^nwf?r i ^snr wif '

’srfN' fewrera i

fhfto ?fcr: i

twT*rt wnft *rrc w i

250

HOW THE MAHABHAEATA BEGINS.

a large snake, and falls lifeless to earth amid weeping friends.
Earn, wild with sorrow, repairs to a lonely grove and there
laments :

She lies, my sweet-limbed darling, on the earth,

Grievous to see for me, kin, friends, and all.

Ah, Gods ! What woe is greater ? — Ah, high Gods !

If I have won, by penance, worship, works,

Grace at your hands, give me in one dear gift
All my reward, my love’s life back again !

Open her eyes and let my merits go !

A heavenly messenger appears and speaks :

Vainly thou weepest, Euru ! she is gone.

Tears cannot make the dead alive again ; . . .

Yet the Gods keep a secret which might give
Life to Pramadvara !

Euru exclaims :

Oh, Angel ! speak.

What must I do ? What secret ? tell me quick
That I may hear and try ,* deign to give aid . 1

1 *nr i

srpepTHTir wrr vt i

it ?rqrr i

Wfa<J fwr i
to ^ snsrwfrr ^rarwui ^jwsRr: i
TW?TT STTf^sft 1

^rnr ii TTftrr i

*r?rr^nT iiwr *r?rr: i

*JWFrt w I

twffrr: i

tt ii

ii ^ ssffr %*n; i

^SfWf TT^T ^TTOlfcT ®lt II

HOW THE MAHABHA'EATA BEGINS.

251

The Messenger informs the Prince that if he bestows one
moiety of his remaining existence upon the dead maiden,
Yama, the God of Death, may accept the price, and restore
Pramadvara. Rum joyfully consents, and his betrothed is
restored to life, and married to him. But, ever after, his
enmity against serpents becomes insatiable. He kills all he
meets remorselessly, until, one day, in entering a forest, he
sees an old Dundubha snake asleep and seeks to put

it to death. The snake wakens up and remonstrates in a
human voice, pleading that he is of a harmless kind, and has
done no one any injury. Ruru, astonished, qustions the
reptile, and learns that it is a Rishi, named Hara, long ago
changed into snake-form by a Brahman’s curse. Hara had
one day in sport frightened his friend the Brahman, while at
sacrifice, with a wisp of straw twisted to resemble a serpent ;
and in his terror the angry sage had cursed him to take that
shape. The curse could not be retracted, but it would pass
away — said the Brahman — when its victim met with Ruru.
Accordingly the Dundubha now resumes his human form,
and instructs the Prince in the true duties of a Twice-Born.
So far from destroying any such creatures, such a one ought
to be compassionate and heedful, specially after having heard
the story of Janamejaya, how he engaged to kill all the
serpent-people at a sacrifice, and how they were rescued by
the Brahman Astika.

Saunaka then begs the Reciter to narrate this serpent-
legend. Astika’s father was Jaratkaru, a great ascetic, equal
in dignity and holiness to the Prajapatis. One day,
“ breathing with the interior breath, fasting, and keeping
his eyes held from winking,” he was visiting holy places.
At night he came to a cave, where he beheld many figures
suspended by their feet over an abyss. They were kept from
falling into the pit only by one cord of fibres, which a rat was
gnawing. He addressed them somewhat thus :

4 4 Oh ye that hang heads downward in this cave,

The home of rats, held by thin threads from the pit,

. Who are you ? ” . •

252

HOW THE MAHA'BHARATA BEGINS.

“ We are ancestors,” they said,

“ Of Jaratkaru, a most holy Sage,

Who dooms himself and us to misery,

Being ascetic and a celibate.

By this thin thread of his one life we hang,

[While Time the Bat doth nibble it a-twain,]

Having no children of our child. But thee

Why should this touch, 0 Brahman ? Who art thou ?”

And Jaratkaru answered, “I am he

Who grieves ye thus, my ancestors. Say then

What must I do ? ”

“ Ah, haste thee ! wed ! beget ! ”
They cried, “that thou and we may live anew :

A son is more than virtues or than fasts, . . .

Marry, and breed a boy, before we fall.” 1

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HOW THE MAHABHA'RATA BEGINS.

253

Jaratkaru consents to marry, if he can find a wife of his
own name, freely offered to him ; which conditions are
fulfilled, after much wandering, by Yasuki, a King of the
Serpents, who gives his daughter — also called Jaratkaru — to
the Sage. Afterwards she bears him a son, the renowned
Astika, who delivers the suspended ancestors, and also saves
the snake-people at the sacrifice. The history of this event
is next told, beginning in “ the age of the gods.” A Praja-
pati, named Kasyapa, had two wives, Kadru and Yinata, to
whom he promised whatever each should wish. The former
desired to have a thousand serpent-children, the latter to
bear two sons stronger than a thousand. Kasyapa assents,
and Kadru by-and-by brought forth snake-eggs ten at a
time, up to a thousand, while Yinata produces two. Five
hundred years elapse, and Kadru’ s eggs are hatched, but not
Yinata’s, who, becoming impatient, breaks one, and is
reproached by the half-formed offspring within, who dis-
appears, to become Aruna, the herald of the Dawn and
charioteer of Aditya. In departing he tells his mother that
she must be punished by becoming her sister’s slave, but that
her other child, Graruda, shall deliver her.

Just upon the birth of Graruda, the sisters perceive
IJchchaihsravas, the Divine Steed, approaching, which was
produced when the Gods churned the Ocean for the “ Amrit.”
The mention of this miraculous horse occasions a long
description of the churning of the Sea of Milk with Mount
Mandara for the churning-stick, and the King of Serpents
for the cord, and also how there came out thence the Moon,
and Sri, and the great elephant Airavana and Dhanwantari
with the nectar, and this wonderful horse IJchehaihsravas,
After long digression the poem comes back to its course.

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VOL. xiv,— [new series.]

254

HOW THE MAHABHABATA BEGINS.

The sisters dispute as to the colour of the horse, Kadru
saying its mane and tail were black, Yinata that they were
white, and they wager about it, she who is wrong to be the
other's slave. Kadru employs her serpent-brood to deceive
Yinata, cursing those among them who shall disobey; and thus
Yinata, after seeing the horse, yields herself to servitude.
At this time Garuda is hatched from her remaining egg, of
such mighty size and dazzling brilliance that the beholders
take him for Agni. The first act of Garuda is to bear his
brother Aruna to the eastward heavens, where the Sun was
preparing to consume the world in anger at what had
happened during the Amrit-churning. “ Thus, the Sun at
his rising was covered over by Aruna, the charioteer, and
Gods, men, and Lokas remained unconsumed."

A curious episode follows. Garuda, visiting his mother
beside the “ great ocean," finds her obeying Kadru and the
serpents, who ordered the great Bird-God to carry them all to
the Land of the Nagas, “ in the midst of the sea." Garuda
complies, but flies so near the sun on his way, that the snake-
children are only saved from death by copious rains sent from
Indra. After remaining some time on the Delightful Island,
the Snakes demand to be carried elsewhere, and Garuda,
indignant at such servitude, learns from his mother Yinata
that he and she can only buy their freedom if he will bring
to the serpent-people some of the Heavenly Amrit.

Garuda first needs food himself, and is sent for this by
his mother to the island of the Hishadas, being warned in
devouring them, not to swallow a Brahman. “ They are
more dreadful than fire, poison, or deadly weapons." “If he
should eat one by mistake, the morsel will stick in his throat
like a fish-hook, and burn like flame." Garuda lands upon
the isle, driving the waves upon the land by his huge wings
and feet, and devouring the Mshadas with his vast gaping
beak. A Brahman and his wife are gulped up with the
hapless crowd, but they stick in the vast bird's gullet and
scorch like fire. Garuda cries, “Release thyself, great Brah-
man, and come forth," but the Brahman then begs that bis
Nishadi spouse may be also released, which is granted. Next

HOW THE MAHABHABATA BEGINS.

255

the Bird flies to his father Kasyapa, still lacking food, and is
directed to the “Lake of the Elephant and Tortoise/’ of which
a very long story is told. Garuda seizes these two monsters,
one in each claw, and seeks a branch on which he may perch to
devour them. He comes to a mighty sandal tree (Rauhina-
padapa) and alights. The bough breaks with his weight, but
he seizes it, while falling, with his beak, for it is covered with
meditating sages, who must not be hurt, yet will be killed
if the limb drops. From that triple and “grievous load”
Garuda’s name is said to be derived. Flying far to discover
a spot where he could safely lay down the branch, laden with
“the sages who feed on sun-beams, the Balakhilyas,” he is
directed by his father to Himavat, where he rids himself
of his burden and devours the elephant and tortoise.

By this time prodigies have warned the Grods that the
colossal Bird is coming to seize their Amrit. There is emotion
and even fear in the Indian Olympus, for, strong with the
austerities of sages, “ nothing,” Vrihaspati declares, “ will
he impossible to Garuda.” All this danger is due “to a
previous act of pride on the part of Indra.” The fault of
the Deity (whose behaviour is discussed with curious freedom)
is thus recited :

When Kasyapa performed sacrifice for a son, all the gods
assisted, and they, as well as Indra and the Balakhilyas, were
sent by Kasyapa to bring wood for the sacrifice.

Indra, according to his strength, easily brought a bundle
of wood as big as a mountain. He, on his way to the sacrifice,
saw some little lean starveling sages, half a thumb high, all
together carrying a single tiny stick, under the weight of
which they had tumbled into a cow’s foot-print full of water,
where they remained, struggling to get out. Proud Indra, con-
temptuously laughing, went up, and lifted them out with dis-
respect. At this they grew indignant and indeed extremely
enraged, so that they “ began a mighty deed, terrible to Indra.”
They sacrificed with special rites and repeated solemn prayers
(or Mantras) with a loud voice, what they prayed for being
this : — “ Let another terrible Indra be born, the fruit of our
Tapasya, who shall have whatever power he requires, and go

256

HOW THE MAHABIIARATA BEGINS.

where he pleases, rule over the gods, he the dread of Indra,
and a hundred times more strong and valiant.”

Indra, much alarmed at this strong prayer, begs the inter-
cession of Kasyapa, who persuades the angry little Saints to
be satisfied with the creation of a Garuda. He was to be,
as before said, one of the two egg-born children of Yinata, but
Kasyapa warned the God thus:— “Never again slight the
sages (Brahmavadis), nor proudly contemn those, whose every
word, when angered, is as a thunderbolt.”.

The story now resumes its course, with an account of
Garuda’s attack upon the Gods. He overcomes Yiswakarma,
keeper of the nectar, and bewilders or defeats the other
Deities, including even Agni. He then became small that he
might pass within the whirling golden discus and the fiery
snakes guarding the Amrit, which he seizes and carries off,
not, however, tasting it. Indra hurls a thunderbolt at the vast
Bird while escaping, but it affects him so little that Gaiuda
voluntarily drops a wing-feather in order that he may seem
to have been struck, and that Indra may not be altogether
shamed. Astonished at such grace and power, Indra asks
friendship and explanations from the Bird, who says :

“ I can carry on my wings the earth and its forests and
mountains, its lakes and seas. I can carry all its regions,
creatures and products, without weariness.

Indra begs that the Amrita may be restored, since it will
be fatal to the Gods that any others should possess it.
Garuda accordingly promises that, as he has only undertaken
to fetch, but not to deliver, the Nectar of immortality, he will
lay it down where Indra may recover it. In return for this
complaisance, he receives immortality and control over the
Serpents, whom he deceives by placing the Amrit in their
sight, but persuading them first to bathe and pray, and deck
themselves before they eat. Indra meanwhile carries off the
prize, and the Snake-folk, mournfully licking the Kusa-grass
where it had been deposited, cut their tongues. Hence, all
serpents — says the narrative — have become double-tongued.

The next chapter recounts the names of the principal chiefs
among the Serpents.

HOW THE MAHABHABATA BEGINS.

257

The head of all these, Sesha, dreading the curse laid on his
kind by their mother, set himself to fast, and stood meditat-
ing, “ till his hair grew long, and his flesh, sinews and skin
dried up.” Brahma, observing this, pitied him, and offered
a boon, “ since thy thoughts are always virtuous,” Sesha
asked that he might ever delight in virtue, and also escape
the fate of the Snakes ; which Brahma grants, appointing
him at the same time the Sustainer of the earth. “ Beneath
the world evermore sits the mighty Snake, and singly
supports it.” Meantime the other serpents hold assemblies
to discuss the means of averting the maternal curse. Yarious
proposals are put forward. One snake suggests they shall
become Brahmans ; another that they should get elected as
Janamejaya’s ministers; a third to try force; a fourth to
defile the sacrifice, and thus render it null ; a fifth to seize
the king while still young. None of these projects please ;
but Elapatra, a wise serpent, relates how, when the curse was
pronounced, it was also fated that Astika should be born and
deliver all the virtuous snakes. So it was that the Serpent-
King’s sister, Jaratkaru, married the Sage of that name, and
bore the Bishi Astika. The story thus comes round again.

This happened at the time of King Parikshita of the
Kaurava race ; and it is related how, while hunting one day,
this monarch came upon a Brahman engaged in devotion,
who did not answer when the King asked for water.
Parikshita, in hasty pique, put a dead snake round his neck,
still unnoticed by the Sage ; but his young son, learning the
affront thus offered, cursed the Royal offender to die by the
bite of a snake. A curious passage ensues, wherein the
fulfilment of this curse is depicted, although the Brahman
had endeavoured to avert the effect of his son’s words.
Parikshita perishes, and his infant son Janamejaya is pro-
claimed successor, being betrothed to the daughter of the
King of Kasi.

In the ensuing chapter the story of Jaratkaru’s ancestors,
hanging by their heels in the cave, is told over anew, with
fresh details, until the marriage of that sage is again reached.
Here occurs a remarkable passage, illustrating the deep
subjection of the wife of such a Rishi as Jaratkaru :

258

HOW THE MAHA'BHABATA BEGINS.

It chanced he laid his head upon her lap,
Bleeping so long the sun came near to sink ;

And she did dread lest it should sink and leave
His sunset-prayers unsaid. But almost more
Feared she to anger him, awakening him.

Yet at the last this seemed the lesser ill,

To vex him for his good. 1 Bo, with soft breath,
She whispered in his ear, “ Arise, my Lord!

The sun is setting, make thine evening prayer
After thy wont ; the sacred fire shines low,

And in the west the shades of twilight spread. 5 ’

Uprose he from his slumber wrathfully,

With lips in anger quivering, and he cried,

“ 0 Daughter of the Snake ! obeyest thou thus?
Is this thy rev’rence ? I will not abide
Beside thee any more. ‘The Sun, 5 sayest thou?
I think he dared not set until I woke ;

The meanest will not live where he is scorned,
Much less a Sage like me. 55

Murmured the wife,

“ I did it not in scorn, dear Lord ! but lest
Thou should st omit thy duty, being a Sage. 55

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HOW THE MAHABHABATA BEGINS. 259

But the harsh Rishi is implacable, and only vouchsafes to
console his abandoned wife by telling her that as to her
unborn offspring, Asti “ he is.” Hence when she gives birth
to a son, he was called Astika.

After a repetition of the story of Parikshita and his death
by the serpent’s bite, the narrative relates how Janamejaya
prepared the great sacrifice for the destruction of the Snakes.
The officiating priests, of whom a list is given, make ready the
ground and the “ house,” and a guard is set round because
it has been predicted that a Brahman shall stay the rites.
“ The officiating ministers took their stations. They wore
black garments and muttered the charms as they threw the
scented wood upon the fire, striking terror into the minds of
the serpents at a distance. These, calling in a bewildered
way on each other, rushed into the flames, hissing, twisting,
and entwining their bodies. They were innumerable and of
various shapes. They dropped in myriads into the flames;
limbs, bones, and marrow were mingled together, and the
roasting flesh sent forth a dreadful smell. Dismal cries were
heard of the snake-folk, flying into the air and falling into
the sacrifice.” Even the serpent kings Takshaka and Yasuki
were terrified and drawn by the sacred and dreadful spell.

At this juncture Yasuki calls upon Astika, his daughter’s
child by Jaratkaru, to save the snake-people. Astika con-
sents, and approaches the place of sacrifice, which he finds
guarded. He endeavours to gain admittance by loud felicita-
tions of the King and his priests, which are heard with
astonishment and pleasure by Janamejaya, since Astika is so
youthful. The King is inclined to offer the young Brahman
whatever he wishes as a boon, but Takshaka the Snake-Lord
has not yet been brought to the flames, so the Hotra must
continue. Presently Indra appears in the air with the Great
Snake coiling round him for protection, but the King cries,

“ If Takshaka takes refuge with Indra, hurl him and the God
together into the flames.” At this command the officiating
priest devotes both the snake and his divine protector to the
fire, and Indra, greatly alarmed, flies with his chariot of
clouds to heaven, while Takshaka “ helplessly approached the

260

HOW THE MAHABHARATA BEGINS.

flames.” The priests exclaimed, “The sacrifice goes well,
King! You can now grant the young Brahman a boon.”
The King cries out, " I grant it,” and Astika immediately
demands that the sacrifice be stayed. The King is in con-
sternation at this sudden turn ; he offers gold, cattle, anything
instead of this ; but Astika insists upon the salvation of his
mother’s race, and the priests themselves say, “the Brahman
must have his boon.” The sacrifice is thus stayed.

The serpents are very grateful. They cry aloud :

. . . “ Oh, Astika! accept some gift from us
"Whom thou hast saved.” ...

Answer made Astika,

“ Let him who is a Brahman, priest or lay,

Or one, not twice-born, who shall read this tale
Of what 1 did, at sunrise and sunset
Go free from peril of your poison-fangs.”

Eager the Snake-folk gave consent, and framed
A charm of subtle meaning, Asitam
Chartimantancha Sun-Uham. So rolled
The potent syllables, which whoso saith
By day or night he walks fearless of fangs.

Also if one be threatened by a snake,

This must he cry, 1 1 Oh Snake ! calling to mind
Astika — Jaratkaru’s son by her

Like-named — who saved the Serpents from the flames,

Thou shouldst not harm me. Be it well with thee
Deadly and excellent ! as thou recall’ st
Astika’s words, which stayed the sacrifice.”

.And if a Snake turns not abashed at this,

Shattered be hood and head a hundred-fold. 1

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HOW THE MAHABHARATA BEGINS.

261

Fanciful genealogies and fantastic stories ensue, having for
object to link these mythical legends with the Pandu and Kura
Princes ; and the main argument afterwards is related how
the Brahmans cleared the land of male Kshatryas, and begot
a better race upon the females of that sort ; and how the
earth was plagued with Daityas, etc., to rid her of which
the Gods and Apsarases came down incarnated.

A strange episode ensues, beginning with mention of the
marriage of Yayati to Devayani. The Gods and Demons had
quarrelled, and, in the conflict which followed, Sukra, the
Brahmana of the Demons, restored to life such as fell by his
magic art of Sanjwini or “ Enlivening.” Angiras, the
Purohit of the Gods, could not emulate this, so the Gods sent
Kacha, the son of Yrihaspati, to offer himself as pupil to
the great Bishi, and thus learn the secret. Kacha presents
himself at the abode of the Sage, saying,

te Kacha am I, son of Yrihaspati.

Master, admit me near thee ; I will live
The life of Brahmacharya, studious
Of wisdom, tho’ I wait a thousand years.”

And the Sage answered, “ Welcome art thou, Son;

I will admit thee, for I honour thee,

Being the son of good Yrihaspati.”

Kacha therefore undertakes the vows, and serving about
the person of bis Teacher, soon ingratiates himself with his

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262

HOW THE MAHABHARATA BEGINS.

daughter Devayani. In this manner he passes a long time,
till the Asuras, knowing Kacha, determine to make an end
of him to spite Yrihaspati, and to preserve on their own side
the art of reviving the dead. They kill him and cut him into
pieces, which they give to dogs. The verse proceeds :

The cows came hack that night without a guide,

And Devayani, seeing them alone,

Spake to the Sage, “ Father, the sun is set,

The Agnihotra offered ; hut the cows
Eeturn untended. Where is Kacha, then ?

I see not Kacha ! Is he hurt or slain ?

I cannot live without him. I shall die.”

“ If Kacha hath been slain,” replied the Sage,

“ He shall return alive, when I say ‘ Come ! 7 ”

Then, having recourse to his art, he summons Kacha, and
all the portions of his body at once emerge from the maws of
the dogs, and are reunited in living form. Devayani asks
why he has stayed away so long ; and he relates how the
Asuras killed and mutilated him when he was bringing
Samidh wood and Kusa grass. “Now, however,” adds
Kacha, “I am somehow restored.”

Again he is sent for flowers by Devayani, and the Asuras
catch and kill him, this time reducing his body to a paste,
which they throw in the sea. The lady misses him, invokes
her father’s aid, and Kacha is restored. The third time the
demons slay him, and then burn his body, afterwards giving
its ashes in wine to the Hishi. Devayani is in despair, she
declares that he was her only beloved, and threatens to die if
he be not revived. Kacha suddenly speaks to the Sage from
his own inside, explaining what has been done, and that the
Asuras hope either to put an end to him, or to make him kill
his preceptor (a mortal sin) in being brought forth to life.
The only solution of the difficulty is that the sage should
teach the art of Sanjivini to the imprisoned pupil, in order
that when he has emerged alive (by the enforced destruction
of his master) he may exercise the art, and in turn restore the
Sage himself to existence; Devayani having dutifully pro-

HOW THE MAHABHARATA BEGINS.

263

tested that she can survive neither the one nor the other.
Accordingly the arrangement is carried out. Each a comes
forth, to the destruction of his Teacher’s body, and then
revivifies the august corpse. Restored to life, the Sage
solemnly curses wine, which had betrayed him, and prohibits
its use in future by all Brahmanical persons. Devayani
afterwards offers herself as wife to Kacha, but he excuses
himself in a very ungrateful manner, by pretending that
having inhabited the body of her father, they are now brother
and sister. Incensed at this, Devayani curses him : “ his
acquired gift shall be fruitless to himself.” But he takes its
knowledge in triumph to the G-ods.

A long episode follows about the lives and fortunes of
Yayati and his brides Devayani and Samistha. Their
offspring bring the poem down to the Pandava and Kaurava
families, and to the real narrative of the Mahabharata, all
this lengthy introduction — with much other unnoticed matter
— serving apparently to dignify the Brahmans, defame the
“Snake- peoples,” glorify Royal pedigrees, and to blend exist-
ing legends and beliefs with the real and eminently beautiful
ancient Epic, of which the action may be said to begin with
the death of King Pandu.

264

Art. XVIII . — Arab Metrology . IV. Ed-Bahaby .
By M. EL Sauvaire.

[p. 1.] Ceci est un traite important, substantiel, utile, sur
la determination du derham, du metqal, etc., par le maitre, le
ties docte clieikli Ed-Dahaby, que Dieu lui fasse misericorde
et nous fasse profiter de lui et de ses connaissances ! Ainsi
soit-il !

[p. 2.] Au nom de Dieu clement, misericordieux !

Louange a Dieu, le maitre des mondes ! Que la pri&re et
le salut reposent sur notre Seigneur Mohammad, sa famille,
ses compagnons et les compagnons de ses compagnons
(tdbe‘yn ) !

Or done, voici ce que dit Moustafa Ed-Dahaby, le chafe'ite:
Ceci est un traite sur la determination du derham, du
metqal, des monnaies ayant cours en Egypte (Mesr), de la
quantite d’alliage qu’elles contiennent et du chiffre

qu’elles fournissent comme quotite im posable ( nesdb ), ainsi
que cela a ete determine a V hotel des monnaies, et sur
Texpose des poids et des mesures de capacite.

En ce qui regarde le derham et le metqal, les textes
etablissent qu’ils n’ont pas change, ni avail t ni depuis
Tislamisme, e’est-a-dire que la puissance de ces deux

poids, sous Tislamisme, n’a pas varie de ce qiTelle etait
au temps du paganisme et qu’elle est restee conforme a la
determination que les Grees ( Youndn) en avaient faite. Or
les gens out continue de Tadopter, lors de la venue de
Tislamisme, le legislateur (sacre) ayant garde le silence sur ce
point. Les derhams et les metqals dont il est question dans
la zakdh (la dime aumoniere) et autres (prescriptions re-
ligieuses) doivent done s’entendre de cette (maniere) et ne
sauraient etre Tobjet d’aucun doute, contrairement d ce que
se sont imagine quelques (docteurs).

ARAB METROLOGY. IT. ED-DAHABY.

265

Ebn er-ref‘ah 1 dans le Tebvdn, 2 Es-Saroudjy 3 dans le Corn-
men taire de la Hed&yah, 4 Es-Soyouty 5 dans le Qat s el moudfdda -
lah, 6 El Maqrizy, 7 ‘ Abd el Qader es-Soufy 8 et autres auteurs
ont rapporte que les Grrecs ( Youndn ) avaient lvalue le derham
a quatre mille deux cents grains (habbah) — 4200, — des grains
de moutarde sauvage, 9 et le metqal a six mille de ces memes
grains 10 — 6000. Le derham se trouve ainsi egal aux sept-
dixiemes du metqal, 11 c ? est- a- dire & la demie et un cinquieme
de celui-ci, 12 et le metqal a un derham et trois septiemes de
derham. Consequemment les dix derhams equivalent a sept
metqals. 13 Cette equation est basee sur le rapport de F or pur
J\&\ a la paritd de son volume 14 d’argent pur. Alors,
en effet, le poids de Tor surpasse celui de Fargent des trois
septiemes de ce dernier, eomme cela est connu. On n'a pris
pour base ce rapport qu’a cause de la frequence de Femploi
des (expressions) derham et metqal pour signifier les deux
monnaies (legales), le (mot) metqal etant notoirement usite
en (parlant de) For et le (mot) derham pour (exprimer)
Fargent ; et Fon n’a fait Fe valuation en moutarde sauvage
que parce qiFelle constitue une espece unique qui ne varie ni
en legerete ni en pesanteur \jj, ainsi que Font rapporte
El Maqrizy et autres. L’evaluation faite au moyen de cette
(graine) est done d’une regularity constante ; 15 il en est tout

1 Docteur eh&fe { ite mort en l’annee 710 de l’lieg.

3 Voy. El Djabarty, p. 4, note 4, du tirage a part.

3 Yoy. sur ce doctenr lianafite, qui mourut en Pannde 710 de 1’lieg., El
Djabarty, p. 4, note 2.

4 Ce commentaire de la 2 Teddy ah d’El Margbinany a pour titre El G hay ah on
plutOt G hay at el bay Cm wa nadir at el aqrdn.

s Yoy. El Djabarty, p. 4, note 5.

6 Le Mdzvy dans lequel serait renferme ce traite, d’apres ce que nous apprend
Hadji Khalifah, ne se trouve pas a la B. nationale.

7 8 Yoy. El Djabarty, p. 4, note 6, et p. 5, note 2. Notre auteur a eu evidem-
ment entre les mains le Traite des balances.

4200

~ = 0gr., 0007356#,

3gr., 0898
10 Ogr., 0007356fx6000 =4gr., 414.

■ OO <T " 10* '

12 *«*+*.

13 3,0898xl0 = 4gr., 414x7.

14 Iaw#* .

266

ARAB METROLOGY. IY. ED-DAHABY.

autrement des autres grains : ils sont en effet variables et,
par consequent, il n’est pas valable de s’en servir pour faire
une evaluation. Certainement, si les grains appartiennent a
une espece dont la legerete et la pesanteur sont moyennes, il
est permis de les employer a revaluation, comme Font fait les
(jurisconsultes) modernes, mus par le desir d’obtenir nn
petit cbiffre, en evaluant le derbam, en (graines de) moutarde
rouge des jardins de moyenne grosseur et egales, k mille
grains 1 — 1000,— en (graines de) chechm indien noir arrivees
a maturite, de moyenne grosseur et egales, k cent quarante-
quatre graines 2 — 144, — en (grains d’) orge separes Jjsl,
pleins, moyens, a cinquante grains d’orge et deux cinquiemes 3
— 5 Of, — et en grains de caroube (Kharnoub) lien nourris
l*a\ ) moyens et egaux, a seize grains et quatre cinquiemes de
grain 4 — 16f .

On a Sgalement dedint par analogie le metqal du derbam
suivant le rapport precedent ; on a fait cela sur le pendant
de revaluation qui avait ete donnde par les Grecs. 5

Neanmoins personne nbgnore qu'on ne connait Fetat
moyen de legerete et de pesanteur (des grains) qu’en
tenant compte des epoques du developpement des plantes
[p. 3] dans les quatre saisons, comme Fa enonce Ebn Abil
fatb es-Soufy 6 dans son traite intitule Teukfat en-neudd&r fi
incha el 6 yar ; ce qui parfois n’est pas facile. Or, le moyen
le plus sur, que dis-je ? le seul certain pour la determination
dont il s’agit, est de recourir a la moutarde sauvage :
on en prend cinquante grains — 50, — avec lesquels on deter-
mine une sancljah (poids-etalon) destinee a exprimer le
cinquieme d’un grain de caroube ; 7 avec Fensemble on

1 Ce qui donne pour le poids de ee grain Ogr., 0030898.

2 Le poids de cette graine est done de Ogr., 0214569f.

3 Soit pour le grain d’orge Ogr., 061305|-, cf. mes MaUriaux pour servir d
Vhistoire de la numi&matique et de la mitrologie musulmanes dans le Journal
Asiatique.

4 Le grain de caroube p&se done Ogr., 1839J. Yoy. Kharroubah dans mes
MaUriaux , etc.

5 dj jSs Lt j .

6 U auteur et Touvrage sont inconnus a Hadji Kkalifab.

’ 2l£lli®?£i=0gr., 03678

267

ARAB METROLOGY. IY. ED-LAHABY.

compose une sandjah pour les deux cinquiemes ; 1 et avec le
tout, une sandjah pour les quatre cinquiemes. 2 A Paide de
la premiere sandjah et de la troisieme, on forme une sandjah
pour la habbah , qu’on appelle qirat? IP ensemble des quatre
sandjah est egal a deux qirats et deux cinquiemes ; 4 ce qui
represente un septieme de derham 5 et (aussi) un dixieme de
metqal. 6 On compose ensuite le derham et le metqal suivant
ce rapport, comme il a ete dit precedemment. Le metqal
est done (egal a) vingt-quatre qirats 7 et le derham, k seize
qirats et quatre cinquiemes de qirat. 8 Le qirat equivaut a
deux cent cinquante grains de moutarde 9 — 250.

Les chefs du rite hanafite Pont fait de trois cents grains
de moutarde 10 — 300 — ; car, ont-ils dit, le metqal est (egal &)
vingt qirats— 20 — , et le derham (4) quatorze qirats— 14 — .
C’est Ik une maniere conventionnelle de s’exprimer qui
renferme la proportion sans fraction. Prends done garde.

II s ? est introduit recemment, dans la coutume de Mesr,
Pusage de faire le derham legal de seize qirats et le metqal,
d J un derham et demi. Par suite le qirat mesry pese deux
cent soixante-deux grains de moutarde et un demi-grain 11 —
262^ — -, et le metqal (s mesry ) pese six rnille trois cents grains
de moutarde 12 — 6300 — ; ce qui le rend superieur au metqal
legal d’un qir&t mesry et d’un septieme de qirat. 13 Le

1 Ogr., 0367S#x2 = 0gr., 07356#.

2 Ogr., Q3678#x4 = 0gr., 14713#.

3 Ogr., 03678#-f0gr., 147l3# = 0gr., 18391|- = 1 habbah — 1 qir&t, e’est-a-dire
le qirat des Chd£e‘ites.

4 Ogr., 03678#-f-0,07356#-f 0,14713# +0,18391# = Ogr., 4414 = 2# qirats.

5 Ogr., 4414x7 = 3gr., 0898 ou le derliam legal.

6 Ogr., 4414x10— 4gr., 414 ou le metqal legal.

7 Ogr., 18391# x 24 = 4gr., 414.

8 Ogr., 18391#xl6f=3gr., 0898.

9 Ogr., 0007356#x250 =0gr., 18391#.

10 Ogr., 0007356#x300 = 0gr,, 2207. C’est le qirat des Haaafites, qui donneut
au metqal legal 20 qirats et au derliam, 14, eomme le dit Ed-Dahaby, Eu effet
0,2207x20 = 4gr. , 414 et 0,2207x 14 =3gr., 0898. Cf. Material etc.

11 Ogr., 0 0 0 7 3 5 6 1 x 2 62 J — Ogr. , 1931125.

12 Ogr., 0007356# x6300 = 4gr., 6347.

13 4gr., 6347— 4gr., 414 — Ogr., 2207 (ou 1 qirat bauafite). Ogr., 2207 =
Ogr., 193X125 + ° sr - . ; - l| , i ill25 = Qgr., 19311254-Ogr., 0275875.

268

' ARAB METEOLOGY. IV. ED-DAHABY.

metqal legal, exprime en qirats egyptiens, est done de vingt-
deux qirats et six septiemes de qirat, 1 ainsi qu’il resulte de
la proportion legale. On trouve quelques Boncloqys (sequins
de Yenise) qui ont ce poids (■ meqdar ) : onles appelle mochkhas.
On dit que e’est la l’etalon de poids (me c yar) du metqal legal ;
cette opinion a ete emise par le Cheikh Es-Safawy.

Le metqal mesry est done egal a un metqal legal et an
quart du cinquieme (on 20 me ) de celtii-ci, 3 et par consequent
vingt metqals mesrys en font vingt-un, an metqal legal. 3

Quant au derham (mesry), tu sais deja qu’il est 14gal
(char'y). Nous 1’avons compare *13 avec le derham
d’El Malek el Achraf 4 portant le sceau de ce prince et etabli
sur le derham legal, et l’avons trouve identique. Les seize
habbah , 5 evaluation donnee au derham mesry, egalent en
poids les seize ( habbah ) 6 et quatre cinquiemes, chiffre auquel
est evalue le derham legal, de telle sorte que la habbah de
celui-14 equivaut a une habbah et un quart de cinquieme de

habbah de celui-ci, et les soixante- quatre grains de ble
auxquels est evalue le derham mesry, 1 egalent en poids les
cinquante grains d’orge et deux cinquiemes, qui constituent
revaluation donnee au derham legal, le grain de ble equiva-
lant ainsi aux trois quarts d’un grain d’orge et trois

cinquiemes du quart du quart d’un grain d’orge 8 —

3 3

5 4 4

(sic) — : ce qui est en plus comme nombre se trouve en
moms sous le rapport de i’espece (de grains) et vice versa. 9

1 Ogr., 1931 125 x22f=4gr,, 414.

4 . 414 .

2 4gr., 414+ *’^*=4,414+0,2207 =4gr., 6347.

3 4gr., 6347x20 =4gr., 414x21 =92gr., 694.

4 L’ auteur designe ainsi El Malek el Aclrraf Bersbay (voy. plus loin). Dans
le Catalogue du British Museum, t. iy. , on trouve deux derliams de ee prince ;
mais le plus fort ne pese que lgr., 95696. II s’agirait plutot ici, ce me semble,
d’un poids etalonne.

5 Ou qirats mesrys.

6 Ou qirats ch&feHtes.

7 Ce qui donne pour le grain de ble 5J ^^ La = 0gr., 048278 b

8 Cette fraction represente §§. Lesff de Ogr,, 061305y~ (voyez ci-devant) =
Ogr., 048278b

9 J ujL£J1 J ij&su jJGl <i d\j Ui. Litt. <{ Ce qui a augmente
dans le combien a diminue dans le comment et vice versa.’ 7

269

ARAB METROLOGY. I Y. ED-DAHABY,

Les poids ( maqddir ) sont done egaux, bien qu’il y ait une
difference dans les quantites (de grains) Prends

done garde.

II est notoire aussi que les cinquante, an poids de Con-
stantinople, font cinquante-un, an poids de Mesr. Conse-
quemment, le metqal (de C. P.) est plus fort (que celui de
Mesr) de deux cinquiemes de qirat mesry et de deux
. 2 2

cinquiemes de cinquieme 1 2 — g g — ; le derham (de C. P.)
Femporte (sur celui de Mesr) cFun cinquieme de qirat

{mesry) et de trois cinquiemes de cinquieme 5

3JL
5 5

qirat (de C. P.) pese cinq grains de moutarde et un quart
de grain de plus 3 (que le qirat mesry ) ; et le rati (de C. P.)
contient deux derhams, sept huitiemes de derham et deux

cinquiemes de cinquieme de qirat {mesry ) 4 — H g~g T 5 — -

de plus (que le rati mesry). Or, le poids {meqddr) du qirat
de Constantinople etant de deux cent soixante-sept grains de

moutarde et trois quarts 6 — “267^ ? 4] ^ s’ensuit

que le metqal de Constantinople est plus fort que le metqal
legal de quatre-cent vingt-six grains de moutarde 7 — 426 — ;
et les cinquante metqals, au poids de Constantinople, sont

1 Cette fraction equiyaut a ££. Si on ajoute an metqal mesry — i gr., 6347,

les J| du qirat mesry on — — — pgr. , 092694, on aura pour le metqal
25

de C.P. 4gr., 727394.

2 Ce qui fait -£j. Le -J£ de Ogr., 1931125 represented Ogr., 061796. En les
ajoutant a 3gr., 0898 on a pour le derham de C.P. 3gr. 151596. Tillet dans son
Bssai sur le rapport des poids Strangers avec le mare de France (Memoires de
1’Aeademie des Sciences, annee 1767) fait le derham de C.P. egal a 1 marc 2 onces

3 gros et 28 grains = 3gr., 18899.

3 51-x0gr., 0007356f = Ogr., 00386225 ; Ogr., 1931125+0,00386225 = Ogr.,
19697475.

4 Le rati mesry etant dgal a 144 derhams, on aurait pour celui de C.P. 146$
derhams et de qirat mesry, soit en grammes 453gr., 829824. Ce chiffre differe
cependant de celui donnd par El Djabarty.

5 1? Ha est I’abrdviation de Derham et le Yd, celle de Qirat. C’est par le I) et
le Q, que je les represented desormais.

6 0gr.,0007356|x267i: = 0gr., 19697475 que nous avons deja yu.

’ En effet 267fx24 = 6426, et 6426-426=6000.

YOL. XI Y. — [NEW SEItlES.]

270

ARAB METROLOGY. IY. ED-DAHABY.

6 gaux & cinquante-trois, deux cinqui&mes et trois quarts de

3 2

cinquibme d’un metqal, au poids legal 1 2 3 * 5 — ^ — . Prends

done garde.

Sache encore qu’il faut, dans les evaluations legales telles
que la quotite imposable ( nesdb ), prevenir de la difference
des poids, afin d’eviter toute confusion. La method© pour
obtenir ce resultat, en ce qui regarde le nesdb , consiste k
diviser sa quantite de grains de moutarde par la quantity
qu’en renferme son qirat : le quotient sera un nesdb en qirats
demandes. On en composera ensuite des derhams ou des
metqals suivant la proportion legale ou coutumiere. Ainsi,
le quantum (nieqdar) du nesdb de For pur en grains

de moutarde, est cent vingt mille 2 — ■ 120,000 — ; en qir&ts
legaux, quatre cent quatre-vingts qirats 3 — 480 — ; en
qirats mesrys , quatre cent cinquante-sept et un septieme de
qirat 4 — 45 7 — ; en metqals legaux, vingt metqals 5 —
20 — ; en metqals mesrys dix-neuf metqals et un septieme

de tiers 6 —

19 7 3 5

en derhams legaux ou mesrys , vingt-

huit derhams et quatre septiemes de derham 7 — 28 7 “ — *

Le quantum du nesdb de Fargent pur, en (grains de)
moutarde, est de huit cent quarante mille 8 — 840,000 — ;
en qirats legaux, il est de trois mille trois cent soixante

1 50x4,727394 =53f§x4, 414 = 236gr., 3697.

2 6000x20 = 120000. On sait que la quotite imposable pour Tor est de 20
metqals.

=*457£. 457-JxOgr., 1931125 = 20x4gr., 4l4 = 8Sgr., 28.

5 120000 _
6000
« 120000

6300

7 120000

• 20 .

: 19-j^r.

*28$.

4200

8 4200x200 = 840000. On sait que la quotite imposable pour 1’ argent est de
200 derbams. Celle de Tor etant de 20 metqals = 28f- derhams, on a 28$ derhams
d’ or = 200 derhams d’ argent, d’ou 1 derham d’or = 7 derhams d’ argent.

ARAB METROLOGY. IV. ED-DAHABY.

271

qirats 1 — 3360 — ; en qirats mesrys , de trois mille deux
cents qirats 2 — 3200 — ; en derhams legaux ou mesrys, de
deux cents derhams 3 — 200 — ; en metq&ls legaux, de cent
quarante metqals 4 — 140 — ; en metqals mesrys , de cent
trente-trois et un tiers de metqal 5 — 133-J- — . On evalue
d’apres cette analogic le nesdb au poids de Constantinople.

A. 6 “Par ces mots : On evalue d’apres cette analogic
etc Fauteur vent dire que le nesdb de For en qirats de
Constantinople est de quatre cent quarante-huit qirats

et quarante-huit grains de moutarde 7 * * — ^ — ; ce qui,

448 48 ^

en metqals (de C. P.), est 4gal a dix-huit metqals et deux
tiers — — 9 e t quarante-huit grains de moutarde —

jg — ; en derhams (de O. P.), a vingt-huit derhams et

quarante-huit grains de moutarde 10 — jg

Le nesdb de Fargent, en qirats (de C. P.), est de trois
mille cente trente-sept qirats — , et soixante-huit

grains de moutarde et quart 11 — ggy — ; ce qui, en derhams

=3360.

=3200.

1 840000 x

250

2 840000 _

262-| =

3 ? 40000 = 200 .

4200

4 840000

6000

5 840000

= 140.

6300

= 133L

6 Tout le passage que je place entre deux A se trouve dans la marge de Y edition

liihograpMee.

? 120000

267|

= 448, et il reste 48 (grains de moutarde).

8 Le texte porte par erreur 480.

9 120000

6426

10 120000

4284
11 840000
26 7 J

= 18f, et il reste 48 (grains de moutarde).

=28, et il reste 48 (grains de moutarde).
3137, et il reste 68 J (grains de moutarde).

272

ARAB METROLOGY. IY. ED-DAHABY.

(de 0. P.), fait cent quatre-vingt-seize derhams et un demi-
huitieme de derham — — ■ - — et soixante-huit grains de

moutarde et quart 1 — ggy — ? en m etqals (de 0. P.),
cent trente metqals et un tiers, un quart et un huitieme de
xnetqal — J 30 T 7 ~~ soixante-huit grains de moutarde et

quart. 2 (Note) suffisante. A.

Cela a lieu ainsi pour le nesdb de la monnaie pure (safy),
comme nous Favons indique. Quant au nesdb en monnaie
contenant de Falliage (: maghchouch ), c’est d’apres le calcul de
cet alliage ( ; ghechch ), ainsi qu’on le verra dans le tableau des
monnaies.

Ce qu’a mentionne le Cheikh el Islam k propos du Charify 9
qui est le dinar d’El Malek el Achraf Bersbay, k savoir que
son poids est d’un derham legal et un huitieme de derham, 3
et que le nesdb , en cette monnaie, est de vingt-cinq dinars,

1 2

deux septiemes et un neuvieme de dinar — 2b~§ 7 ~

est base sur ce que le Charify dont il s’agit ne contient pas
d’alliage. Si done on multiplie le nombre de ce nesdb par
un derham et un huitieme de derham, le produit atteindra le
nesdb de F or en derhams, 4 comme on vient de le voir.

Remarque.

Ce qui precede nous apprend que Falliage n’entre pas dans
le calcul du nesdb et quhl n’est pas imposable; qu’on ne

^1255? =196^, et il reste 68f (grains de moutarde).

4284

— = ; le reste est 68 J (grains de moutarde).

3 3gr., 0898 x If = 3gi\, 476025 ou 18 qirats egyptiens, ce qui est aussi le poids
du sequin de Yenise (bondoqy) et de celui de Hongrie (mad jar). Le plus fort des
Charify s du British Museum (Yoy. Catalogue, ive vol.) pese 53 grains anglais «
3gr., 4344. En tenant compte de la tolerance et du frai, on n’est pas loin du
poids donne par notre auteur.

4 En effet 25f f- ou 25-Jf multiplies par If = 28f =88gi\, 28. Ce qui est en
derhams (de Sgr., 0898) le poids du nesdb de Tor, autrement represente par 20
metqals (de 4gr., 414),

AR-AB METROLOGY. IV. ED-DAHABY.

273

complete pas le nesdb de Fune des deux monnaies par Fautre,
et que Fune d’elles ne peut supporter Fimpot pour Fautre ;
suivant Fopinion d’Ech~Chaf4‘y ; eii effet, la zakah (dime
aumdniere) est afierente & la chose meme ( e ayn). Ahou
Hanifah et Malek professent au contraire qu’il y a lieu, si
Falliage est faible ou si les pieces contenant un alliage passent
a Fegal des pieces de metal pur (soft/), de faire entrer Falliage
dans le calcul, et que le nesdb de Fune des deux monnaies
doit se completer par Fautre. 1 Suivant quelques juris-
consultes (cela aura lieu ainsi) pour une fraction, comme
un demi-nesab de chacune d’elles ; et suivant d’autres JA’,
ce sera pour la valeur comme cent derhams d ? argent et
quatre metqals d’or d’une valeur de cent derhams d ? argent.

(Abou Hanifah et Malek professent en outre) quhl est
permis de completer par Fune des deux monnaies (le nesdb
de) la zakah, 2 3 en ayant egard a la valeur ; ils autorisent meme
qiFon complete (le nesdb de) la zakah par autre chose que la
monnaie, par les aliments [p. 5] et les v£tements, par example,
en se basant sur la valeur.

Principes derives (forou f ) .

Le n&sab est une condition sine qua non , meme & Fegard des
mines ; suivant quelques jurisconsultes, tout ce qui en est
extrait est passible de la zakah . Ce qui est obligatoire dans
la zakah des especes monnayees ( naqd ), c’est le (payement du)
quart du dixie me ; meme (il en est ainsi) pour les tresors en
fouis D’apres quelques-uns, c’est le cinquieme qui est

obligatoire.

II n’y a pas $ interruption 3 apres le nesdb ; au contraire,

1 On voit tout de suite quelle difference dans le taux de Fimpot peut produire
cette divergence d’ opinions entre Ecli-Chafe‘y et Abou Hanifah. ou M&lek. Dans
les tableaux qu’il nous donnera ci~ apres, notre auteur, qui est Chafe ‘ite, fait
figurer le nombre de ehaque espece de pieces d’or ou d’ argent auquel s’eleve le
nesdb, defalcation faite de Falliage, c’est-a-dire en ne tenant compte que du mital
pur, or ou argent, que ces pieces contienuent.

2 O’ est ce que les Arabes expriment par le mot jj.

3 . L’ expression technique ivaqas que je rends par interruption signiffe
qu’une fois le nesdb atteint, il faut que la mati&re imposable s’elbve a un certain,

274

ARAB METROLOGY. IT. ED-DAHABY.

ce qui est en plus doit payer au prorata. Abou Hanifab
s’est prononce pour le waqas jusqu’& quarante derbams, pour
r argent : ils doivent alors un derbam ; et pour For jusqu’a
quatre metqals, qui sont imposes k un dixieme de metqal.
Et ainsi de suite pour cbaque quarante (derbams) et pour
ehaque quatre (metqals).

Complement.

Sur des quantites (maqadir) conventionnelles (estelabiyyab).

De ce nombre sont :

L’estdr , 4gal k quatre metqals et la moitre d’un metqal ; 1
Le tassoudj , que les Hanafites font d’un demi- qirat, soit
cent cinquante grains de moutarde 2 — 150 — ;

Et le ddneq. Dans Forigine le ddneq etait le sixieme du
derbam. 3 Dans la suite, on Fa commune men t consider©
comme etant le sixieme du sixieme du quart du qirat ; ce qui

fait la cent quarante -quatrieme par tie d J un qirat — — .

L’une de ces parties 4 est done un ddneq ; les deux font une
habbah ; 5 les trois, un demi- qirat du qirat ; 6 les quatre,
deux habbah ; 7 les cinq, une habbah et un demi- qirat ; les six,
un qirat du qirat, e’est-d-dire le tiers du buitieme [on la
24 me partie] de celui ci. 8 On continue a prendre de cette
maniere le rapport au qirat jusqu’a ce qu’on arrive a vingt-

chiffre, superieur, pour etre passible du payement d’lm impot supplementaire.
Ce chiffre est pour les Hanafites, comme on le voit dans ce paragraphs, le cin-
quieme du nesdb, et ehaque cinquieme du nesdb est seul sounds a 1’ acquirement
de la dime aimioniere ; le chiffre intermediate ne paye rien.

1 Get estdr est en correlation avee le rati de Baghdad de 90 metqals ou 128#
derhams. Le rati compte 20 estars; 20x4-| = 90. Yoy. mes Materiam , II®
partie, sous JSstdr.

2 ISOxOgr., 0007356 J=0gr., 11035 ou la moitie de Ogr., 2207, qirat des
Hanafites. Yoy. mes Materialise.

3 On donnait aussi ce nom au J du dinar. Yoy. mes Materiam , sous Ddneq.

4 C’est-a-dire

ABAB METKOLOGY. IY. ED-DAHABY.

275

quatre: Ton a alors le qirat entier. 1 Apr£s quoi, Ton
rapporte celui-ci an metqal et [autres poids] analogues, et on
emploie comme signes representatifs ceux eonsacres aux
fractions, 2 bien meme que la quotite soit differente.

Ainsi le huitieme, par exemple, du qirat est dix-huit daneqs ; 3
celui du metqal, trois qirats ; 4 celui du derbani d’usage ,
deux qirats ; 5 celui du Bondoqy , deux qirats et un quart de
qirat, 6 et ainsi de suite. Comprends done.

Les fractions ( kosour ) pouvant se confondre les unes avec
les autres, on les distingue par un signe <UL c, tel que le Td
pour indiquer le qirat ; le Mim, pour le metqal ; le Bdl, pour
le derham. Ce qu’il y a de plus commode, e’est de figurer
les qirats au moyen des cbiffres indiens, ainsi qu’on le
verra.

Sadie encore que le daneq, dans le sens qu’on lui donne
communement, ne peut etre exprime par les balances ordinaires
a cause de sa tenuite. Les plus habiles peseurs disent meme
que tout ce que peuvent marquer les balances destinees au

pesage de Tor, e’est le quart d’un grain de. ble is^ 3 , soit
neuf daneqs 7 et tout ce que peuvent indiquer les balances
construites pour peser les diamants, e’est le quart du quart
d’un grain de ble, ce qui est l’equi valent de deux daneqs et
un quart de daneq. 8 II est vrai, lorsque les objets a peser
sont nombreux, ce qui etait cache se manifesto. II faut
done, surtout dans les operations exigeant une limite fixe, 9
telles que le nesab, suivant Ech-Ohafe‘y, indiquer toutes les

1 M=i.

3 1 « _1

144 — »• .

4 ¥ = 3.

5 ¥=2 *

6 On verra plus loin que le Bondoqy pese 18 qirats. = 2J.

1 Nous avons trouve ei-devant pour le grain de ble (qamhah) Ogr., 048278125-
Le J de ce nombre, qui est en meme temps les tfs ou iV du qirat mesry de
Ogr., 1931125, est egal a Ogr., 01206953125.

8 Les2f daneqs, oufedu graindeble = Ogr., 0030173828125.

9 tA .

TABLEAU DES (DIFFERENTEs)

ESPECES (DE

MONNAIE)

D’OR.

,_jn- «347 = 24 titrate presrys.
Kota.— L e metqu. 0 ,° P sll2 5=24 qirate.

Le r : rv =0gr. 00804635*=

Xe qirat ou * du Unat me*i> o ’

La A«W«* = 0 8 r -> 00 - 68 ' 2 1 IV s ~ ' d ;?f '

Le duneq- Ogr., 00134105*=! *«««*■

Especes (de monnaies) d ox «

Bondoqy* ~

Madjar f «-«;• **:**"

Fondoqly Mabmoudy ancien

Gurnee Medjidy.... • • •

Mabmoudiyeb aneieune

Guinee afrandjy (anglaise). ............... .........

Portugais ancien ..............

Portugais nouveau

Binto (piece de 20 francs)

[p. 7] Ebayriyeb egyptienne nouvelle
Sa ; diyeb nouvelle ...................

Khayutyeb de ^CoMtautinople aacieaue

‘Aclliyeli aacienne —

Mbdjidiyeb. -•••• -•••-

Mabbouo Selimy Istaniboul) ...............

Fondoqly Malimoudy nouveau ...............

Mabmoudiyeb nouvelle

Fondoqly Selimy . .............

Kayriyeh mesry aneienne

‘Adliyeh nouvelle

Mabboub Moustafa-wy

Sa f diyeb aneienne ...

Mabboub Malimoudy nouveau ..
Zarifeb nouvelle..

Zarifeb aneienne

^ habbah—Q daneqs.

Titre du met-
qal.

| ^ ^ p

: a 5

li. d, i

14# 0 0
10 1

0 20 # 0

q. lx. d.

22 2 0
13 1 0

23 0 If#

9 0 0 #?

8 2 Off
if 0 .Iff

o" o 0
21 0 0M

15 0 lfr {

_ 0 0 1#M <

| 20 19# 2 0-J#$ <
20 19~ 1 0 T fx j 1
20 18| 1 Of 1
20 IS 0 If

20 24 i m
20 0 0 0
1910 0 If
19 6-i 0 o At;

19 6 1 Off) ;

i 19 6 0 1##§.

18 5 10 j

17 15|1 0MJ
17 7 2 0*%

16 16 00
16 6 0 0
15 164 0 OfV
13 234 1 0-„ib\

| ri ;iS ' 'Paras.'
i tres. i

71 ! 24
70 S 27

Poids de la
piece

en grammes.

Gr.

3.47602500

3.47602500 |
3.37946875
7.14516250 I
4,73125625
7,91761250

i 14,19376875
14,19376875
6,37271250|1
8,5291354#
0,75501623*6
0,33258263#
27,03575000
1,73801250
1,56903906#
1,54490000
2,365628125
3,18635625
4,73125625
3,37946S75
0,86900625
1,5690390625
2,4863234375
0,38622500
2,31735000
0,30978463##
0,3956 124 Iff

Gr.

0,00804635*

0,06437083#

0,144834375

0,48278125

0,3218541ff

0,63566197##

1,18281406#

1,25523125

0,627615625 |

1,06211875

0,09655625

0,04425494#$

3,620S59375

0,23468532##

0,25346015#

0,25748333#

0,45059583#

0,627615625

0,9333770S#

0,66784739*

0,20920520#

0,41438723ft

0,69198645#

0,11801319#

0,7483109375

0,10728472#

0,16495026*

9971#

981#?

957#

932##

931 «f
919*#
916-1-
9U*V ,
901##^ i
875#f j
872 #*
866-fx
866 *^
864xM
S38 t ¥V
833# 1

809*V
803*
8021-$#
802*
759*
735##
721|#f
694#
677*
653#f#

24 x* i , 24Q ^^-==23i-#=‘23-+ix^ :s=23<i * 22 ^*“" 2SQ * 22(1 ‘
* Bondoqy. - 1 g ~ ~*> ^ 18

f Madjar.

10x24

24xtt — r_. 24G. - ts =231$ = 23 =

, 18 ~ i8J ■ ■■ 9

e*acte. Yoyez toutefois la note (§) ci-apies. ^ ^ 9x 24 leresteestM . * =

t II faut se rappeler qu’une Kabbah et un dam . ««'.• 33 _ 6 „ r 43871 . L e piece pesie par

J OrsaSk^ftoit (le la piBee do 20 femes et G S r., 15101 ; le pmds fort 6gr, 464ol et ep

v m “ ae titre e3t de 2 m emefe -

= 23 u. —

[p. 8 .]

Especes (de monnaies) d’or.

JSfesub

(Quotite imposable)

| Complement
Poids du nestib. du nesal <: frao-
; tion de daneq.

Q.uarantieme |
approxi- 1
; mativement.

Bondoqy

Madjar .-u

Fondoqlv Malimoudy ancien .....
Guinee fcdjidy

Malunoudiyeli aneienne

Guinee afrandjy
Portugais ancien

Portugais nouveau

Binto (piece de 20 francs) ..........

Guinee mesry

Kliayry mesry -

SaMiyeli nouvelle....,

Boublon
Kliayriyeli de C.l .

‘Adliyeli aneienne................

Medfidiveli

Maliboub Selimy^.;----: "

Fondoqly Malimoudy (nouveau)

Malimoudiyeli nouvelle

Fondoqly Selimy

KhayriyeF mesry r .

‘Adliyeh nouvelle

Maliboub Moustafavry

Sa'diyeF aneienne

Maliboub Malimoudy

!.: Zarifeli nouvelle *

I Zarifeh aneienne

18 0 0
IS 0 0

17# 0 0 .
37“ 0 0 |
24# 0 0
41 0 0
73# 0 0
73# 0 0
33 0 0
44 # 0 0
3 21# 1
1 17 1
140 0 0
9 0 0
8# 0 0
8 0 0
12 # 0 0
16# 0 0
24# 0 0
17| 0 0

[P-9-]

m . TABLEAU DEB (DIFFEREKTES) ESPECES (BE — ^ARCEKT

Espfeces (de monnaie)
d’ argent.

Poids.

Alliage.

Rial Sinko (Ecu de 5 francs)
i Rial Abou medfa ( Ecu au ca-
j mn, d’Espagne) ....................

| Rial Medjidy

j Rial Abou taqali (Ecu a la
I fenetre

| Piastre mesry

1 Rial Hnan

\ Grand rial emir .........................

| Ancien Beclilik..............

i Teliq Ilamidy

1 Rial Glial

: Temicblik

Get ‘all Malimoudy ... .................

• Yalimliq (sic) »Selimy

128

140

125

lx. d.
0 0

0 0
0 0

a. q- ^-d.

11 21 | o 0

15 21
18 18

0 0
0 0

'= Telsiq

! Teliq Medjidy
I Sisy Medjidy ....................

j Piastre Stambouline

1 Becblik uouveau ........ ......

i ‘Aelirmiyeh Medjidy .....

I MiLie Jeddah Med j idy....,

I Et un

144
7

142
139
135
118 12
146 0

33 12
77 0
17 0
129 12
0

68 0
GO 5

1000

0 0
0 0
0 0
0 0
0 0
0 0
0 0
0 0
0 0
0 0
0 0
0 0
0 0
0 0

0 0
0 0
0 0

24 0
1 5

24 14 _

25 0 # 0 0
35 18# 0 0
50 8 # 0 0
63 21 0 0
15 9
40 3

S 21
69 14
80 15
38 0
37 17#

15 22# 1 0#
15 0” 0 0
71 12
1 15
80S 0
0 19

0 0
0 0
0 0
0 0
0 0
0 0
0 0

Titre du derliam.

c5 g !

Pias-

tres.

Q. q-

14 12

h.a.
o it

14 4
13 14

Off

9 9# 1 0
11 9 “ 0 0
00 56 10 00

2 0 6 10 1 0

0 0 745 0 0 0

rm? o i7# i o*;ih

26 i
1 #
23
22
20

13
16

1 ‘ 2 #!

14
6 .V
6

of!

2 |

11 18
9 4
9 0
8 15
7
7
7
7

7 1
6 21
6 13

0 0
0 0
1

1 0-j’frx

0 Off

2 Off
0 0

2 Off *
15 | 1 Of#
15# 0 Of#

2 Or#

9# 0 Of
* 1 0 *

0 ixm+ !

1 omn

3 20 2 0 #

3 7# 0 Ox##
2 13“ 0 Iff!
1 5| 1 Ox*

Paras. |

20
20
20 • i

19 !

9 s

30 I
28
25
18
18
16
16
13
12

10
30
25
20
10

Poids de la
piece

eu grammes.

Poids

de V alliage
en grammes.

S3 o5

® a

2 '2

H &

24,7184000 ||

27,0357500
24,1390625

27,8082000
1,4000656#
27,4219750
26,8426375
26,0701875
22,8838312#
28,1944250
6,4692687#
14,8696625
3.2829125

25,0080687#
28,9668750
13,1316500
12,78565677*

3,08041258##

2,8966875

13,8075437#

1,47784704##

156,0349000

0,1560349

2,29723411## j 90"*

3,06566093$
3,62085937#

4,63470000
0,23334427*
4,75137213#$
4,83183567##
6,90779505*
9,72401901*
12,33506093$
2,96910468$
7,74863906#
1,71387343$
13,43741145#
15,56969531#
7,33827500
7,28597369##
1,81713498*
2,19665468!

143,8688125
0,1438688 #

850

833#

826-fff

819##$

735 rf 3

575*-

562#

541*

478 f $

477#?-

462$?#

462#

, 441*
i 430**
410**
241#
207###
159###
77xrr

|| Ou sait que notre piece de 5 1953125

nt pur 128 QMt*. du poids de 25

~ * Le texte d<mue la fraction |f , ce qui est uue faute d’impressiou.
f D’apres mes caiculs la fraction de daneq serail xf *.
t Le teste parte , c ^ =£=1^- m** 5 * *«* ™“P^ er

lesi-ne e =14q.pax«tt =22q.; la fraction eutieredev 1 e B .talor 3 22-„q.

et lh. Elle se trouve correctemeut imprimiie dans le tableau suivant.

S Mes calculs me donnent f t#? et non sIu t *

sant par
aulieude Ogr.

1931125.

riSSJi i. a«;»

chiffro qui est supeneur a ogr., par ini se sera ti'ouvee au

auctm compte du p.mL legal rtla pxe^l^ £ p tw remarcue

dessous de celui-ci par nippe

analogue a ete fait (voir ci-devant) pour notie piece

Une remarque

de 20 francs.

Il>.10.]

XV. SUITE DU TABLEAU DES (DIFFEREKTES) ESPECES (DE MONNAIE) D’AR&EKT.

Espbces (de monnaie) d’ argent.

A Tesab.

Poids du JS T esub.

Poids du JSTesdb.

1 Ecu de cinq francs .......... 128 0

5 Ecu au canon HO 0

Ecu Medjidy #25 0

Ecu a la fenelre 144 0

Piastre egyptienne .......... 7 6

Midi Man d * 2 0

Midi emir *39 0

Becblik t£l5 0

Teliq Hamidv ... ........... llSv 0

Midi mi ...... ^> 4 ^. 146^ 0

Temeeblik 33 s 0

Q&t^ah Mabmondy .......... 77 0

Yarmiliq .17 0

AGik
Yuzlik

Telsiq

TeUq Medjidy ........

8 i 8 y„...

Piastre Stambouline
Becblik nouveau.........,-,-

‘Acbrlniyeb 7 15

Wdl& feddcih .................... 80S 0

129# 0 I
150 0 i
68 0
66 5
15 22#
15 0
71# O

mbre. S

Q. q. b. d. i

krliams.

X q. k. d.

27# !

7 20 2 0

220

10J- 20 2 0

25§ !

4 6 10

225

131- 6 10

30 |

14 8 1 0

235

6 8^ 1 0

26$ |

0 0 0 0

240

0 0 0 0

529#

0 0 0 0

240

0 0 0 0

27#

1 3# 1 0

24 If!

21 15# 1 0

10 11 01

243

21 11 0 1

32#

11 1 1 o

272

1# 13 1 0

46#

9 20 1 0

347

18^ 12# 1 0

38#

13 3 1 Q

355

12 21 10

176#

1 17# 0 0

369

15 11# 0 0

86#

2 6 2 0

417

15 0 2 0

398#

1 1 15 0 1

418

10# 9 0 1

53#

9 14# 0 0

432

6 6# 0 0

46^-

4 0 0 0

432

9 22 0 0

106#

0 0 0 0

453

7# 8 0 0

112#

1 22# 1.0

464

22# 8# 0 0

489

2 17# 1 0

487

lo“ 23 10

882$

1 9 0 0

827

13# 9 0 0

215#

4 13 0 1

964

0 17 0 1

2618

19 10

1252

6 8 2 0

50793

0 12 1 o$M

2565

1# 6 1 0

| Complement

! du tiilsCib j
fraction de
daneq.

Til 7

Q.uarantieme

approxi-

mativement en
nombre rond.

b.d.

1 o

2 0

0 o

18#

0 0

12*

0 o

108

0 1

139

1 0

142

1 Q

147

2 0

1 167

1 0

1 167

1 o

172

21#

1 0

172

23#

0 o

181

0 0

185

2 0

195

(T 1 0

331

1 o

385

1 o

500

21#

1 o

11026

O 1

i (^ue Ini

m«m M i. S5& tA-*. r-~

douuent (les polyfc 6 Mes ) 5

* Mrs ealeuis iuo douueut lGlq.

t Le teste porte par errour 141.

Qor’an, SXXVU

svii. ISO-182.

ARAB METROLOGY. IY. ED-DAHABY.

277

ou que Fespece (sanf) en est prohibee ( mahdjonr ). Si non,
on a egard k la valeur courante, ainsi que nous venons de le
dire, quand xneme celle-ei serait contraire a la deduction
analogique. Tel est le cas pour la valeur de la Mahmoudiyeh
ancienne qui vaut plus que la piece francaise de vingt francs
( 'Unto ), quoique le poids et le fin (safy) de cette derniere
soient plus eleves, comme on va le voir. Trends done
garde.

Nous avons aussi represente pour chaque espece le
nombre de pieces formant le nesdb , ainsi que la pesanteur
de celui-ci en poids mesry: metqals, derhams et Qirats.
Nods avons dresse le tableau en faisant passer la premiere,
successivement, Fespece du titre le plus eleve, comme on
Fapprendra de la diminution du titre ( e yar) et de F augmenta-
tion du nesdb . Nous avons mentionne le complement ( tamam )
du nesdb en fractions du daneq, et Favons place a la fin,
pour quhl se rapporte a tout ce qui le precede. Enfin nous
avons fait figurer le quart du dixieme 1 du nesdb approxi-
mativement.

Dieu est celui qui assiste pour faire bien. Yoici la
la representation du tableau*

[p. 11.] Remarque.

Le moyen de connaltre le titre Cyan) et le nesdb (quotite
imposable) consiste k employer le rapport geometrique. En
ce qui regarde le titre, on prend le rapport de Falliage de
Fespece (de monnaie) au poids de celle-ci, et on re tranche du
metqal 2 ou du derham 3 dans cette proportion. Le reste est
le titre du metqal ou du derham de cette esp&ee (de monnaie).

Pour ce qui concerne le nesdb , on cherche le rapport de
Falliage de la monnaie k son fin (safih) et on ajoute au nesdb
le fin dans la me me proportion. Le total represente le nesdb
de cette monnaie. S’il est infdrieur au ndsab, on completera

1 C’est-a-dire le quarantieme, ce qui est le montant de l’impot aaquel le ne f sdb
est soumis. ,

3 S’il s’agit de monnaies d’or.

3 Quand le calcul s ? applique a des pieces d’ argent.

278

AEAB METEOLOGY. IY. ED-DAHABY.

celui-ci k Faide d’une autre monnaie et on payera en ehaque
espece (de monnaie) le quarantieme de ce qui en existe ; on
Men on payera, en Tune des monnaies, non le quarantieme
du total, mais une quantite de fin egale k ce qui est du, car
le fin eontenu dans le total sera inferieur k ce qui est dfi,
quand Fespece employee a Facquittement (de la mkdh) con-
tient plus d’alliage que le restant, et il y sera superieur
lorsque cette monnaie renferme moins d’alliage que le solde.
Prends done garde.

Yoici la demonstration de ce (qui precede) relativement au
hondoqy et au rnadjar :

Le rapport de Falliage du hondoqy , qui est six daneqs , 1
a son poids qui est de dix-huit Qirats mesrys, est du sixieme

du huitieme d’un neuvieme, \ - . 1 2 On retranche done du

6 8 9

metqal dans cette proportion , 3 et il reste un metqal moins
huit daneqs : 4 e’est la le titre du metqal de F espece (de
monnaie dite) hondoqy , e’est-d-dire son fin. Le rapport de
Falliage du hondoqy a son fin etant un quatre cent trente-
unieme, on ajoutera aux Qirats du nesdb de For 5 dans cette
proportion : 6 le total sera quatre cent cinquante huit Qirats,
un sixieme de Qirat, cinq daneqs et neuf cent vingt-trois
parties de trois mille dix-sept parties d’un daneq. C’est le
nesdb du hondoqy en Qirats. On en compose des metqals
mesrys : on obtient dix-neuf metqals, un demi-sixieme de

1 Le qirat, comme on l’a vu, est egal a 3 habbah et la habbah , a 2 daneqs; d’oii
1 qirat = 6 d.

2 Le Qirdt mesry — 24- qirats =72 habbah = 144 daneqs. Les 18 Qirats mesrys

egalent done 144x18 = 2592. Or 2592: 6: : 1 :^ = r-fv r ..- = = ;; —

"6x8x9.

3 Le metqal mesry se composant de 24 Qirats mesrys, on retrancliera de ces 24

Qirdts On aura ainsi 24 Qm . — k Qm. =23 Qm. 22 q. 2 h.

4 Le Qirat est egal a 144 dfmeqs ; d’ou les 8 daneqs 3 - de Qirftt. La
proportion 18: 6:: 24:# donne egaleruent a- ~ 8 daneqs.

5 On a yu ci-devant que le nesdb (quantite imposable) de Tor est de 457y
Qirdts mesrys.

457^

6 Ajoutons a 457| son irJx; »ous aurons 457H ^ =457HLi'A ? V“ 458 +

7u>it~ 458 Qm., i de Qm., 5 daneqs et de daneq, ou soifc encore 458 Qm.
4|- qirats, 1 habbah et # 0 5 fV de daneq.

ABAB METEOLOGY. IY. ED-DAHABY.

279

metqal et la fraction qui precede. 1 En les reduisant en
bondoqys y tu as yin gt- cinq bondoqys , quatre neuvi^mes de
bondoqy 2 et la fraction qui precede.

La rapport de Palliage du madjor , qui est mi tiers de
Qirat, 3 & son poids ou dix-huit Qirats est un sixieme de

neuvieme, On retranclie done du metqal dans cette

proportion : 11 reste un metqal moins quatre neuviemes de
Qirat. 4 (Test le titre du madjor . Prends maintenant le
rapport de son alii age & son fin : tu trouveras un cinquante-
troisieme. Tu augmenteras le ndsab dans cette proportion,
et le total sera quatre cent soixante-cinq Qirats, trois quarts
de Qirat, une habbah et deux cent trente parties de trois
cent soixante et onze parties d’un daneq. 5 En les reduisant
en metqals, on obtient dix-neuf metqals, trois buitiemes de
metqal et la fraction prededente. 6 En compose-t-on des
madjars , on a yin gt- cinq madjars, cinq sixiernes de mcidjar et
la fraction precedente. 7

Si la somme devant acquitter Pimpot se composait de
yingt bondoqys et de vingt madjars , le fin de l’ensemble
serait de sept cent douze Qirats et un demi-Qirat — 712-i- — . 8
[p. 12.] Or il nous faut payer pour la zakah un nombre de

1 4o8:24 = 19-| metqals mesrys.

2 II suffit pour cela de diviser 458 par 18, nombre des Qirats mesrys que pese
le bondoqy,

3 Ou 8 qirats. Cf. le l er tableau.

4 1 metqal mesry (ou 24 Qm.) — -|| Qm. = 1 metqal mesry — f.

5 =465 Qm. ||f= 465 Qm.+f de Qirat mesry (ou 18 qirats de

Qirat mesry) +1 habbah+Jf-f- de daneq.

6 On n’a qu’a diviser le nombre des metqals par 24. 465fff : 24 = 19f+f?~f>

? 465|f-f : 18 = 25

8 En efiret nous venous de voir que le metqfil mesry du bondoqy contenait 23xf
de fin. Or ee metqal se composant, eomme nous le savons, de 24 Qirats mesrys
et le bondoqy en pesant 18, nous obtiendrons le fin contenu dans cette monnaie par
la proportion 24: 23 pf:: 18:5? = 1 7ff Qm. Appliquant le meme raisonnement au
madjar > dont le fin contenu dans le metqal mesry est egal a 23f Qirats mesrys,
nous avons la proportion 24:23#:: 18:^ = 171 Qm. Les 20 bondoqys contiendront
par consequent 1 7ffx 20 = 359 J Qm.

et les 20 madjars, 17|x20=353-|

Total conforme 712 J

280

ARAB METROLOGY. IV. ED-DAHABY.

pieces dont le fin 1 represente exactement le quarantieme de la
somme, c ? est-a-dire dix-sept Qirats, trois- quarts de Qirat et

un demi-huiti&me de Qirat, — 17-^f — ?

On sortira done dix-huit Qirats, moitie en bondoqy et
moitie en madjar ; ou bien on payera en madjar dix-huit
Qirats, un huitieme de Qirat, trois daneqs et vingt-une parties
de cinquante- trois parties d’un daneq ; — ou encore on sortira
du bondoqy dix-sept Qirats, cinq sixiemes de Qirat, une habbah
et quatre cent dix parties de quatre cent trente-une parties
d’un daneq.

En effet; le fin (safy), dans les trois hypotheses, apres la

soustraction de Falliage, qui est, dans le premier cas,

. 3

les trois huitiemes du quart du neuvieme, g— ^ q (ou ■^) )

comme le rapport du total de Falliage tant du bondoqy que
du madjar aux deux (fins reunis ) ; 3 dans la deuxieme

hypothese, le sixieme du neuvieme (ou -£%), rapport egal

o y

a celui de Falliage du madjar au poids total de la piece ; 4
et dans le troisieme cas, le sixieme du huitieme du neuvieme
(ou 4 -^ 7 ), qui repr^sente le rapport de Falliage du bondoqy k
son poids entier ; 5 le fin, disons nous, sera exactement egal
d ce qui est du, sans augmentation. II en serait tout autre-
ment si on se bornait a donner en payement un madjar , car le
fin de cette piece serait inferieur a ce que nous venous
d’etablir comme etant du, d’un huitieme de Qirat et trois
daneqs ; 6 et Fin verse se produirait si on acquittait la zakah

1 U ssji , Htt. “ il faut sortir, etc.”

2 712}: 40 = 17#S = 17M et M = 17|- et *.

3 L’alliage du bondoqy etant *, et celui du madjar, ou a pour le total des
deux alliages f . D’un autre cdte, le total des deux fins est represente par 17MH-

1 7| = 35f ; = 36. Le rapport de f a 36 est bien g ^ = *.

4 L’alliage du madjar egale }; son fin=l7|; J+I7| = i^. Le rapport d’J
a 4r est *.

5 L’alliage du bondoqy ; son fiu= 17|f=^; *+W==W*

:#=432.

6 En effet 17 J et *-17} (ou 17ff-17f§) =* ; et *=xfe=3

daneqs.

AEAB METBOLOGY. IV. ED-DAHABY.

281

avec un bondoqy entier, attendu que son fin serait d’autant
superieur a la dite quotite due . 1 La methode general© pour
cette operation consistera a aj outer au fin des especes que
Ton possede le rapport de Falliage de Fespece en laquelle on
V eut payer a son fin. On aura alors un total qui sera
comme s’il existait de cette espece (de monnaie) ; et on
payera en cette monnaie, le quarantieme du total obtenu,
qufil soit petit ou grand. Fais done attention.

Complement.

Bur les operations concernant les fractions?

Dans la soustraction , 3 F addition 4 et la division , 5 on developpe
les fractions a Faide des denominateurs pour qu’elles devien-
nent du meme ordre . 6 Ensuite, dans Faddition, on divise le
total du developpement 7 par le denominateur commnn : le
quotient 8 est la reponse; dans la soustraction, on soustrait
le plus petit des deux developpements 9 du plus grand et on
prend le rapport du reste au denominateur commun : le
quotient est la reponse ; dans la division, on divise le plus
fort des developpements par le plus faible ou vice versa : le
quotient est la reponse dans les deux cas. Cequ’on veut par
la division, best de faire connaitre Funite entiere. Si done
il y la un entier , 10 developpe- le comme tu viens de le voir et

i I7|f_.i7} et tV (ou 1711—17:11) ~tg~\ de Qirat+3 daneqs.

8 c> !! -

6 <Uwuu.iL! 1 .

Aniwi) (tu n ** b"* 1 Li«UUUA«a 3 l

1 LjuaJI c iajsV* , C’est-a-dire, la somme des deux nouveaux numerateurs.

J \ JJs \ . C’est-a-dire, le plus petit des deux nouveaux numerateurs,

(4 0 0 -

282

ARAB METROLOGY. IY. ED-DAHABY.

acheve Foperation. Dans la multiplication/ on cleveloppe leg
fractions do chaque cote a Faide de leurs denominateurs
(respectifs) ; on multiplie ensuite le cleveloppement du multi-
plicande par celui du multiplicateur et on divise le produit 2
par les denominateurs des deux cotes : 3 le quotient est la
r^ponse. Si c’etait un entier, reduis-le k un denominateur
com mun avec son cote et acheve r operation.

Si Ton (te) disait, par exemple : 44 Additionne une demie
et un tiers,” tu diviserais cinq, cleveloppement des deux frac-
tions, 4 par six, denominateur com mun (maqdm) des deux
fractions : le quotient serait cinq sixiemes.

On te dit : “ Soustrais un tiers d’une demie.” Tu retran-
cheras deux de trois et prendras le rapport de Tun restant k
six : ce sera un sixieme.

Si Ton te disait : “ Divise une demie par un tiers on vice
versa ” tu diviserais, dans le premier cas, trois par deux : tu
aurais un et demi. Dans le second cas, tu prendrais [p. 13]
le rapport de deux a trois : ce serait deux tiers.

Si Ton te disait: “ Multiplie un quart de metqal, par
exemple, et un einquieme par un tiers de metqal et un
septieme,” tu multiplierais neuf, ddveloppement du premier
cote (multiplicande), par dix, cleveloppement du second cote
(multiplicateur) et tu diviserais le produit, qui est quatre-
vingt-dix, par les quatre maqamat (denominateurs) : le
resultat serait six septiemes du quart d’un metqal, soit cinq
Qirats et un septieme de Qirat. Comprends done.

Ratls et mesxjres de capacite . 5

Le rail de Baghdad est, suivant Fopinion prefer^e par le

2 .

3 •

4 C’est-a-dire, la somme des deux nouveaux numerateurs.

5 . Comp, ces poids et mesures avec ceux d’El Djabarty et de Mar

Elly a, Roy. As. Soc. of Great Britain and Ireland , mai 1878 et Janvier 1880.
Voy. aussi mes Mattrmix pour sermr d Vhktoire de la nummmtique et de la
metrologie mmulmancs, parties ii. et iii. (ineditesj.

ARAB METROLOGY. IV. ED-DAHABY.

283

Cheikh En-Nawawy, de cent vingt-huit derhams et quatre
septiemes de derham, — 128f — ; ce qui, en metqals legaux,
correspond a quatre- vingt-dix metqals, — 90 — , et, en metqals
mesrys, a quatre -vin g t- cinq, deux tiers et un septieme du tiers
d’un metq&l, — 85-f et

Le rati mesry est de cent quarante quatre derhams, — 144 — ,
poids equivalant, en metqals mesrys, k quatre- vingt-seize
metqals, — 96 — , et, en (metqals) legaux, k cent (metqals) et
quatre cinquiemes de metqal — 100-i — . Le rati mesry com-
prend done un rati de Baghdad et trois cinquiemes du
cinquieme d J un rati , 1 et les vingt-einq, au rati mesry, en
represen tent vingt-huit au rati de Baghdad . 2

Le poids ( meqddr ) des deux qollah, en ratls de Baghdad,
est de cinq cents ratls, — 500 — , et, en mesrys, de quatre cent
quarante-six ratls et trois septiemes de rati — 446-f- — , 3

Le meudd, pour Ech-Chafe‘y et Malek, est egal k un rati
et un tiers, au dit rati de Baghdad 4 et, en (rati) mesry, k un
rati, un sixieme et un septieme de sixieme — T -f j -. 5

Le sd e contient quatre meudds . 11 egale done, au (rati) de

Baghdad, cinq ratls et un tiers — 5 ^- — , 6 et, au (rati) mesry,
quatre ratls, deux tiers et deux septiemes de tiers — 4-f f- 3. 7

Le wasq comprend soixante sd‘. II p&se, au (rati) de
Baghdad, trois cent vingt ratls — 320 — 8 et, au (rati) mesry,
deux cent quatre- vin gt-cinq et cinq septiemes de rati —
285-f— . 9

Le nesab se compose de cinq wasq ; ce qui fait, au (rati) de
Baghdad, mille six cents ratls — 1600 — 10 et, au (rati) mesry,
mille quatre cent vingt-huit et quatre septiemes de rati
—U28j—. n

1 OR 4 *

1 128f+t^I = i28f+15? = 144 derhams =444gr., 9312.

2 144x25 = 128|x'28.

3 446?x 144 =500x128?.

4 Ce meudd pese done 128|xl? = 171? derhams.

5 Soit h**. 1 44 x =171? derhams.

6 1284x5? = 685?.

7 144x4??= 685?.

8 685?x60 = 128?x320=4U42? derhams.

9 144x285? = 41 142 ? derhams.

I() 1284x1600 = 205714? derhams.

11 144x1428? = 205714? derhams.; +

284 ARAB METROLOGY. IV. ED-DAHABY.

Cela est ainsi lorsque les grains ( [hoboub ) mesures au meiidd
et au sd c sont nettoyes et d’une espece moyenne comme
legeret^ et pesanteur, 1 ainsi que Fa dit le cheikh el islam, que
le grain soit petit ou grand, le volume de la mesure etant le
mchne dans les deux cas. Mais si les grains ne sont pas tels,
leur poids ( ivazn ) differe de ce qui vient d’etre mentionne et
il faut recourir alors au mesurage legal, 2 car c’est Fe talon
(m&ydr) pour les grains ; le pesage de ceux-ci n’est qu’un
moyen de facilitation, alors que toutes les conditions voulues
sont remplies. 3 Toutefois si Ton ne conn ait pas la mesure
legale, 4 on la deduira, par le pesage, de la moutarde sauvage
ou des grains d’espeee moyenne au nombre desquels sont les
lentilles, comme s’est exprime El Bandamdjy. Ainsi on en
pesera la quantite (s meqddr ) ci-dessus indiquee pour le meiidd
et on en remplira une Kilali ; 5 celle-ci servira d’e talon
(md‘yar) pour le meiidd legal. Puis on en composera le sa ( ,
le wasq et le nesdb et Ton s’en servira pour eprouver les
mesures usuelles 6 [p. 14], comme le qadh ; 7 elles varient en
effet suivant les usages conventionnels. Du temps d’El
Qamouly, 8 le qadh contenait deux meudcl ; 9 d’oii le sd c etait
egal a deux qadh , 10 et le nesdb , & six cents qadh 11 — 600 — ,

1 ^ ]jj j .

4 JUUM . ■

5 L’apres Mahmoud Bey, cette mesure contient theoriquement 16 - Ares, 4790

et, pratiqueinent, 16 litres, 7169, mesure comble. J

6 lA*j| . Oe sont celles qui ne sont pas legates, A!'

7 Cf. mes Materiaux. ~y

8 El Qamouly est l’autenr du Bahr el moMt et du Bjaiv after el bahr , » -.Son nom
entier est Nadjm ed-din Abou’l ‘Abbas Ahmad ebn Mohammad. IJ. mourat en
777 (Comm. 2 juin 1375) et, d’apres Orient, ii. p. 345, en 1’a. 727’V€’omm. 27
nov. 1326). Yoy. Hadji Xkal. ii. p. 616 ; iv. p. 28 ; v. p. 9 ; vi. p! 5 et 437 ;
vii. p. 929.

9 Notre auteur etant Chaf£‘ite, le meudd legal contenait ponr lui 17 If derhanis
et par consequent le qadh, 34 2f.

ll) 342 f x 2 — 685f derhanis.

342 7 X 6 OO as 205 714 \ derhanis = 635k. 616.

ARAB METROLOG-Y. IY. ED-DAHABY.

285

lesquels font six ardebs et un quart d’ardeb. 1 A Fepoque
d'Es-Seubky, 2 le qaclh contenait deux meucld et un septieme
de meudd ? Le sd‘ repondait done a deux qadh moins deux
septiemes de meudd 4 et le nesdb, k cinq cent soixante qadh
— 560 — ? qui font six ardebs moins un sixieme d’ardeb. 6

Du vivant de mon maitre ‘Abd Allah el Meno&fy, le
qadh contenait trois meudd ; 7 ce qui faisait le sd‘ egal k un
qadh et un tiers de qadh? et le nesab egal a. quatre cents
qadh — 400 9 — , ou soit quatre ardebs et un sixieme
d’ardeb. 10

Enfin, de notre temps, ainsi que Fa etabli le OheiMi Ech~
Charqawy, le qadh contient trois meudd et un huitieme. 11
Cons^quemment, le sd e est 6 gal a un qadh et sept tantiemes de
qadh? 2 et le nesab, a trois cent quatre - vin gt- quatre qadh
— 384 18 — , eorrespondant k quatre ardebs. 14 L’ardeb est
done actuellement le quart d’un nesab, 15 et son poids, pour
les grains remplissant les conditions precedemment indiquees,
est egal a quatre cents ratls, au (rati) de Baghdad — 400 16 — ■

1 205714?:6J = 32914? derbams == 101k. 698 . . .

2 Taqy ed-din ‘Aly ebn ‘Abd el Kafy Es-Seubky composa un nombre conside-
rable d’ouvrages (il est mentionne 83 fois par Hadji Kbalifab). II mourut en ?a.
756 (Comm. 16 janvier 1355). Cette date donne lieu de croire que e’est en
1’annee 727 que mourut El Qamouly.

s 1 7 If x 2? = 36 7;rJ.

4 367Jfx 2 = 734ft, et 734ft— f de 171? e’ est-a-dire - 48f|- = 685? derbams.

6 560 qadb de 367if= 205714? derbams.

6 205714?-: (6 — = 35265 j# ou l’ardeb de Mesr du temps d’Es-Seubkv.

7 1 7 J ? x 3 = 514? derbams.

/ 51 4 -&

8 E- effet 514?+ — - 7 =685? ou le sd l ,

9 5 f-x400 =205714? derbams.

' 10 714 - 2 - V . .

— - I — 7 =49371? d. ou l’ardeb de Mesr du temps d ?i Abd Allab el Menoufy..

11 17 Ifx 3 J =535? derbams.

12 Le exte litbographie porte ici par erreur 3** au lieu de . 535?+f de

171? = 5 35f-4-150=685? d. ou le sd { .

13 535? x 384 =205714? derbams.

14 14.-3- v :

— "L. — 51428? derhams = 158k., 904.

15 En efltet 51428?x4 = 205714? derbams ou le nes&ft, ou 300 sa l de 1 7 1?
derbams* on cinq wasq.

16 128-?x400 =51428? derbams.

286

ARAB METROLOGY. IV. ED-DAHABY.

et a trois cent cinquante-sept ratls et un septi&me de rati

— 357f — , an rati mesry. 1

Remarque.

Le meudd, suivant F opinion d’Abou-Hanlfah, est 4 gal a
deux ratls de Baghdad ; — ee rati se compose, d ? apr£s revalua-
tion preferee par Abou Isbaq, de cent trente derhams
— .130 — ; et le sa e 3 h huit ratls, an dit rati: le poids
(meqdar) du sa e en derhams sera de mille quarante derhams

— 1040 — , Le poids (ivazn) du nesab depassera done celui
exprime ci-dessus de huit cent vingt-six ratls, an (rati) de
Baghdad prefere par En-Nawawy. 2 3 Prends done garde.

Complement,

Sur des rails et quantites (maqadir) de convention?

Au n ombre des ratls sont :

Le rati des habitants d^Orfah, 4 de deux mille quatre cents
derhams — 2400 — ;

Le rati d’Antioche, de mille cinq cent soixante derhams

— 1560 —;

Le Tahawy, 5 de mille deux cent derhams, — 1200 — ;

Le Soyouty et le Tahtawy, de mille, — 1000 ;

Le J erusalemitain, de huit cent soixante-quatre derhams,

— 864 6 — ;

L’Aldpin, de sept cent vingt derhams, • — 720 ; 7
Le Tripolitain, de six cent trente derhams, — 630 — ;

Le Damascain, de six cents derhams, — 600 — ;

1 144 x 357y = 51428f derhams.

2 Ce rati est, comme on Pa vn, de 128-f- derhams. 1040 x 300 — 312000 derhams.
312000 — 205714?'= 106285f; 106285-?-: 128$ = 826$. Letexteaomis la fraction.

3 Ces expressions demontreraient que Panteur considere le rati de Baghdad
comme le seul legal; e’est ce que je crois aussi.

4 NToin moderne de l’ancienne Edesse des Grees et des Croises, Er-Roha des
arahes.

5 Taha est ime ville du Sa‘id d’Egypte, pres d’Osyout, elle est celebre par la
naissance du jurisconsulte hanafite Et-Tahawy.

6 El Djabarty et le Guide du Kdteb disent 800 derhams.

7 Le Guide du Kdteb ne Ini donne qne 480 derhams.

ARAB METROLOGY. IY. ED-DAHABY.

287

Le Mahally, 1 de quatre cents derhams, — 400 ;

Le Fouwwy, 2 de trois cent soixante derhams, — 360 ;

Le rati de Damiette, de trois cent trente derhams, — 330 ;

Oelui de Samannoud, 3 de trois cents derhams, — 300 ;

Le TLariry 4 (rati de la soie), de cent soixante-deux derhams,
— 162 — ;

Le rati de Fas (Fez) et de Tunis, de cent soixante derhams,
— 160— ;

Le Folfoly (rati du poivre) et le QaFy (de Petain), de
cent [p. 15] cinquante derhams, — 150 — ;

L’Afrandjy (des Francs), de cent vingt-huit derhams,
— 128 —

Le Roumy , 5 de cent deux derhams et demi et six septiemes
de derham, — 102-f* —

Parmi les quantiles (j maqddir ), 6 * nous citerons :

Le mann egal a deux ratls ;

La kaylah , egale a un mann et sept huiti£mes de mann ;

Le rnakkouk, qui se compose de trois kaylah ;

Le qafiz, equivalant k huit makkouk ;

Le karastoun egal a deux qafiz ;

La rotaylah (“ petit rati ”). pour la soie, de trois cent
vingt-quatre derhams, — 324 — ;

La ladrah du Maghreb, de cent trente-trois derhams et un
tiers, — 133 t 8 t — ;

La ladrah rowmiyeh , de cent soixante-seize derhams, —
176—;

Lefarq, vase con tenant seize ratls ;

Le faraq , mesure (mdkydl) d’une contenance de quatre-

1 El Maballali, autrement appelee Mahallat ed-daqala et aujourd’hui Maballat
el Kebir, est une ville d’Egypte, dans la province de Gharbiyeh.

2 Fouwwah, petite ville pres d’Alexandrie et une des localites celebres dans les
livres anciens.

3 Yille d’Egypte. O’ est Samannoudy qu’il faut sans doute lire dans El Djabartyi
an lieu de Samanoury.

4 Et non djaziry, coimne le porte El Djabarty, qui Ini assigne d’ailleurs le
memepoids.

5 Oe mot signifie a la fois romain (Grec Byzantin), du pays de Roum ou Asie
Mineure, grec (moderne) et, dans les Etats Barbaresques, Enropeen.

6 L’ auteur se sert de cette expression pour designer, comme on va le voir, des

poids antres que le rati, et des mesures de capacite.

288

ARAB METROLOGY. IY. ED-DAHABY.

vingts ratls ou, suivant d’autres, de soixante ou de trente-
six ;

Le qentdr , qui est egal a cent ratls ;

• Uoque , egale & deux ratls et sept neuvi&mes de rati ; d’ou
le qentdr se compose de trente-six oques. Toutefois il est de
notoriete maintenant que Toque egale deux ratls et trois
quarts de rati ;

Et Tonce 9 qui est le demi-sixieme du rati ; 1 par con-
sequent le nombre de ses derhams varie suivant qu’il en
entre plus ou moins dans les ratls correspondants, ainsi que
personae ne Tignore. Dieu est plus savant.

ITauteur de ce traite, Tostad a qui Dieu fasse misericorde,
a dit : “ II a ete ecrit a la fin de don? I hedjdjeh de Taunee 1272
de Thegire (1856), sur le fondateur de laquelle soient la
priere et le salut les plus parfaits ainsi que sur sa famille et
ses Compagnons , aussi longtemps que ce qui a ete cree perira
et que durera ce qui est de toute eternite.

(Dans un triangle, formant la fin de la quinzieme page, on
lit :)

I/impression de ce petit dcrit a ete achevee an milieu du
mois de chawwal de Tannee 1283, a Timprimerie de Mobammad
Efendi Onsy, que Dieu lui soit en aide matin et soir ! aux
frais de son moltazem le jeune liomme vertueux le Sayyed
Ahmad Abou Yousef el Qarby, que Dieu ]e protege dans
sa religion et dans ses biens terrestres !

1 Sur tons ces poids et mesures, eonf. El Djabarty, Mar Eliya et mes Materiaux.

JOURNAL

THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

Art. XIX. — The Vaishnam Religion , with special reference to
the Siksha-patn of the modern sect called S vam i- War ay ana .
By Moxier Williams, C.I.E., D.C.L., Boden Professor
of Sanskrit, and Fellow of Balliol College, Oxford.

It is a remarkable circumstance that the Queen of Great
Britain rules over two hundred millions of people, who
though deeply religious, possess a religion which cannot be
designated by any one name. Most of the religions of
the world, as, for example, Christianity, Muhammadanism,
Buddhism, Zoroastrianism, are called by the names of their
founders, though without the sanction of the founders them-
selves.

But the religion of the Hindus has no special founder.
The only name for it recognised by the Hindus themselves is
Arya-dharma — the Aryan system — the word Dharma being
a vague and comprehensive term, which may include religion,
law, caste, and usages of all kinds.

It is a creed which encourages an endless development of
every conceivable religious thought. Based on an original
simple dogma declaratory of the Unity of God and of all being,
it has branched out into an intricate and impenetrable jungle
of polytheistic superstitions. A new doctrine, or new view of
doctrines previously in vogue, is promulgated by some man
of earnestness and originality. A number of followers gather
round him. His influence and authority become unbounded,
and his opinions are speedily spread in many directions. So
long as he himself lives, he is able to restrain his teaching

VOL. XIV. — [new series.] 21

290

THE YAISIESTAYA EELIGION.

within bounds, and to prevent foolish extravagances in his
disciples. It is only when he dies that his doctrines are
pushed to extremes never intended by himself. Eventually
they expand into a monstrous overgrown system, the internal
rottenness of which disgusts its own adherents. In fact the
progress of religious thought in India may be compared
to the growth of the sacred Fig-tree of India — which first
roots itself deeply in the soil, and then from a single stem
sends out innumerable branches, each branch descending
to the ground and becoming a new tree, till the parent-
stock is lost in a dense labyrinth of its own off-shoots.

A complete scientific analysis in a short compass of a
system so complicated would be no easy task, and happily
I am not now called upon to undertake it.

On previous occasions I have attempted to trace the
development of Indian religious thought through four
principal phases, designated by the terms Yedism, Brah-
manism, Saivism, and Yaishnavism.

Our present concern is with the last of these only, but
it is essential to the comprehension of this fourth side of
Hinduism that I should explain its relationship to the
other three.

First then, Yedism — as most people now know — was the
earliest form of the religion of the Indian branch of the
Aryan family — the form which was represented in the songs,
invocations, and prayers, collectively called Yeda, and at-
tributed to the Rishis, or supposed inspired leaders of
religious thought in India. It was the worship of the
deified forces or phenomena of nature, such as Fire, Sun,
Wind, and Rain, which were sometimes individualized or
thought of as separate powers, sometimes gathered under
one general conception and then personified as one god
under different names — as, for example, Yanina, f the invest-
ing Sky * ; Aditi, * the infinite Expanse 9 ; Dyaus-pitar, ‘ the
Father of Heaven/

Secondly, Brahmanism grew out of Yedism. It taught
the merging of all the forces of nature in one universal
spiritual Being — the only real Entity- — which, when un-

291

THE YAISHHAVA EELIGIOK

manifested and impersonal, was called Brahma (neuter) ;
when manifested as a personal creator, was called Brahma
(masculine) ; and when manifested in the highest order of
men, was called Brahmana.

This system developed into two chief phases of its own, —
the ritualistic and the philosophical. Buddhism then inter-
vened, and spread itself with great rapidity. Originating in
Behar and Oudh, and radiating to every quarter of the
country, its influence was maintained for about a thousand
years, and seemed likely to become paramount in every part
of India, till two energetic champions of the old system
appeared. The great Mediaeval reviver of ritualistic Brah-
manism was Kumarila, and of philosophical Brahmanism
was Sankara. In the present day Brahmanism is rather a
philosophy than a' religion, and one of its most remarkable
characteristics is that it teaches a kind of triple trinity, —
that is to say, a trinity of co-eternal essences, constituting
the one universal impersonal Spirit, — a trinity of material
envelopes, investing, and personalizing that one Spirit, and
a trinity of essential qualities dominating, and, as it were,
fettering or binding that one Spirit when personalized.

Let me endeavour to make this more intelligible. The
root- dogma of Brahmanism is, as already stated, the belief
in one infinite all-pervading impersonal Spirit, supposed to
underlie everything in the Universe. And this one im-
personal Spirit is held to be composed of three co-eternal
impersonal Essences, namely, Existence (sat), Knowledge or
Thought (did), and Joy (ananda). Again, when this im-
personal Spirit wills to assume personality, — that is, when it
wishes to exist in any object, to know anything, or be joyful
about anything, — it is supposed to associate itself with the
power of Illusion (may a), and to invest itself with three
corporeal envelopes : — 1st, the causal body (karana-sarlra),
identified with Ajnana or Ignorance; 1 2ndly, the subtle

1 The Karana-s'arira is not only identified with Ignorance (Ajnana or Avidya),
but also with Illusion (Maya) . Both Ignorance and Illusion are the sole cause
of the separation of the personal G-od and the personal human Soul from the
Universal Soul. In the same way they are the cause of every existing thing.

292

THE YAISHNAYA EELIGIOH.

body (linga-sarlra) ; and 3rdly, the gross material body
(sthula-sarlra). With the first of these the impersonal Spirit
is converted into a personal God, and becomes the Supreme
Lord (Is vara, Paramesvara, etc.), who is the personal Euler
of the world.

To be strictly accurate, however, it ought to be stated
that the Vedanta theory makes the assumption of these
three bodies involve the assumption of three distinct divine
personalities, each of which is supposed to invest a par-
ticular condition of spirit. With the first or causal body,
the impersonal Spirit becomes the Supreme Lord (Para-
mesvara), supposed to represent the mystical aggregate of
causal bodies investing the mystical totality of dreamless
human spirits ; with the second or subtle body it becomes
H irany a- garbha (or Sutratma, ‘ Thread-soul ? ), supposed to
represent the aggregate of subtle bodies investing the totality
of dreaming human spirits ; and with the third or gross
body it becomes Viraj (nom. Virat), otherwise called Vai-
svanara, supposed to represent the aggregate of gross bodies
investing the totality of leaking human spirits. This third
condition of spirit, or that of being wide awake, though
with us considered to be the highest state, is by Hindu
philosophers held to be the lowest, as furthest removed
from unconscious spirit. In fact, higher than all three
conditions of spirit is the fourth (turlya), or that of the
impersonal Spirit itself. 1 It must be borne in mind that
ordinary philosophic thinkers keep clear of these higher
subtleties, or at least abstain from taking any account of
them. The gi'eat mass of Hindu thinkers are practically
Pantheists, but they confine themselves to believing in one
impersonal Spirit, who, by association with Illusion, becomes
one Supreme personal God (Paramesvara). And this per-
sonal God, be it noted, whenever he engages in the creation,
preservation, and dissolution of the Universe, is held to be
dominated by one or other of three Qualities (Gunas),
which, balancing each other in perfect equipoise, are the

1 See tlie Mandilkya Hpanisliad.

THE VAISHHAVA RELIGION.

293

supposed constituents of his causal body . 1 Be it noted, too,
that these three qualities or conditions are the same as those
which in the Sankhya system are the constituents of Prakriti,
namely, Activity, Goodness, and Indifference (Rajas, Sattva,
Tamas ). 2 They are those which in the later doctrine of the
Puranas are held to separate the one Supreme personal God
into the three divine personalities of Brahma, Yishnu, and
Rudra-Siva, each accompanied by his own consort . 3 Domi-
nated by Activity (Rajas) the Supreme Being is Brahma the
Creator ; by Goodness (Sattva), he is Yishnu, the Preserver ;
by Indifference (Tamas), he is Rudra, the Dissolver.

Whoever believes in this three-fold trinity — to wit, in
three spiritual essences, three corporeal envelopes and three
dominating qualities, together constituting the Supreme
personal God, and constituting also every individual human
personality — is an adherent of orthodox Brahmanism . 4

Thirdly, Saivism grew out of Brahmanism. It was a
doing away with the triune equality of Brahma, Yishnu
and Siva, and the merging of the former two gods in the
latter god. Siva, in fact, becomes the one Supreme Lord.
He is no longer the separate personification of the forces of
dissolution. He represents to his worshippers the gathering
into one personality of every conceivable divine force and
function.

The destructive energies of wind and storm, once
personified in the Yedic gods Rudra, and the Maruts, the
all-consuming voracity of time, the fertilizing properties of
dew and rain, the mighty agencies operating in creation,
generation and regeneration, the mystic potency of self-
mortification and penance, the mysterious efficacy of learning

1 In other words, the Earana-sarira, or illusory corporeal disguise (upaclhi) of
the impersonal Spirit Brahma, consists of Ignorance, and is hound by the three
Giinas. By reason of this investing' envelope and triple bond it becomes the
personal God Par ames vara, who is thence called Sagima (associated with the
Gunas). In its impersonal state the Spirit is nirguna.

2 Sometimes regarded as equivalent to Passion or Pain, Purity or Happiness,
and Apathy or Ignorance.

a In the later mythology the expression S'akti is substituted for Maya, for
Prakriti, and for Ajnana, and represents the wife of the personal God.

4 Such orthodox holders of the true Bruhmanical doctrine are regarded as
followers of S Ankara and called SmartasA. ■

294

THE VA1SH2STAVA RELIGION,

and meditation , 1 the occult power of magic (maya), the
terrific malignancy of demons — all these are centralized in
one god, whose chief name is Siva, “ the Blessed one , 55 whose
person is supposed to be half male and half female, whose
triple eye and trident probably symbolized his combining in
himself the triple trinity of Brahmanism, and whose five
faces probably typified the five collections (Samhitas) of the
Vedas.

In short, Siva is all in all to his worshippers. He is both
Brahma and Brahma. He is the one personal God, and the
one impersonal Spirit. He is the Paramatma and Maya of
the Vedanta philosophy, while in his character of half male
half female he represents the Parasha and Prakriti of the
Sankhya system. Even to this day Saivism is followed by
some as a system of philosophy rather than as a religion.

Fourthly, Vaishnavism grew out of Saivism. It was
a merging of Brahma and Siva in the god Vishnu — -originally
a personification of the Sun. In fact, Vaishnavism was a
necessary consequence of Saivism. It was a reaction from its
pantheism, from its philosophical dualism, from its dernono-
latry and mother- worship. It was a protest against the
tyranny of fear as the sole engrossing motive of religion.
Hot that Vaishnavism ever succeeded in neutralizing the
natural dread of the forces of dissolution and the super-
stitious terror of demoniacal malice. To this day millions
of worshippers at the shrines of Siva deprecate his anger
and propitiate his favour.

Vast numbers, too, are addicted to the worship of different
forms of his Sakti or consort, either as symbolizing mater-
nity, or as the dark goddess (Kali) who delights in destruc-
tion ; and still greater numbers worship his son Ganesa- —
the lord of the demon host. Yet it is remarkable that those
who select the male God Siva as their chosen personal
divinity, in whose mantra they are initiated, to whom they
look for salvation, and to whose heaven they hope to be

1 S'iva is the great ascetic (the counterpart of Buddha), the great philosopher
who became incarnate in S'ankaracarya, and the revealer of Grammar to Panini.

THE YAXSHNAYA RELIGION.

295

transported, are comparatively few. They are chiefly re-
ligious mendicants, Yogis and Gosains.

In fact, Saivism is too severe and cold a system to exert
exclusive influence over the generality of minds. Who can
doubt that a more genial, human and humane god was
needed, — a god who could satisfy the yearnings of the heart
for a religion of faith and love, rather than of knowledge
and works ? Such a God was Vishnu. The God who evinced
his sympathy with mundane suffering, his interest in human
affairs, and his activity for the welfare of all created things
in his frequent descents (avatara) on earth, not only in the
form of men, but of animals and even of plants and stones.

I will not here enter on the question of the connexion
of Vishnu-worship with Sun-worship, but we must bear in
mind that the name Vishnu properly means a Penetrator or
Pervader. And it seems not improbable that the so-called
incarnations of Vishnu typify the periodical descents of the
penetrating rays of Solar light and heat, and the apparently
divine efficacy of these forces, not only as sources of health
and vigour, but as the mainspring of all vegetable and
animal life, of all human effort and industry.

Vaislmavism then is the abolition of the triune equality
of Brahma, Siva and Vishnu in favour of Vishnu, especially
as manifested in his two human incarnations, Krishna and
Rama. It is the only real religion of the Hindus. Vedism
was little more than reverential awe of the forces of Nature,
and a desire to propitiate them. Brahmanism and Saivism
are simply philosophies. Saktism and — to coin a new ex-
pression — Ganesism, both of which were grafted on Saivism,
are mere amalgams of mysticism, licentiousness and de-
monolatry.

Buddhism, which was a reformation of Brahmanism and
in its philosophy not dissimilar to Brahmanism, gained
many followers by its abolition of caste distinctions, but in
its negations and theories of the non-existence of a Supreme
Being and the non-eternity of soul, is no religion at all, and
in this respect never commended itself generally to the
Indian mind, Vaishnavism alone possesses the essential

296

THE YAISHNAY A ■ RELIGION.

elements of a genuine religion. For there can be no true
religion without personal devotion to a personal God—
without trust in Him — without love for Him.

Still it cannot be doubted that one great cause of the
spread of Vaishnavism in India was the fact that it could
accommodate itself to other creeds and appropriate to itself
the religious ideas of other systems.

It could, like Buddhism, preach liberty, equality, fraternity.
It could inculcate universal benevolence, and abstinence from
injury. It could be tolerant, comprehensive, elastic, all-
receptive, many-sided. It could be pantheistic, monotheistic,
dualistic, polytheistic. It could proclaim Buddha or any other
great teacher to be an incarnation of Vishnu. It could look
with sympathizing condescension on Christianity itself, and
hold it to be a development of its own theory of religion
suited to Europeans.

It was thus that the worship of Vishnu, especially in his
human incarnations of Krishna and Rama, became the one
popular religion of India. And be it noted that Krishna
and Rama were both Kshatriyas — both kings and heroes.
It is usual to assert that the Brahmans are the highest
objects of worship and honour among the Hindus. This is
not the case among the countless adherents of the Vaishnava
religion. The mass of the people of India exalt the divine
right of Kings and the divine right of Government above all
other forms of divine power, and worship every great and
heroic leader as an incarnation of the deity.

Yet with all its tolerance of other systems, Vaishnavism is
not an example of a house at peace within itself. It has split
up into various sects, which display no little of the odium
theologicum in their opposition to each other. Possibly
antagonism of some kind is a necessary condition of religious
vitality, and it is not unlikely that Vaishnavism owes much
of its continued activity to its own internal contentions.

Before adverting to the distinctive features of the more
important sects, let me invite attention to certain general
characteristics common to the Vaishnava religion everywhere.

First, then, the bible of all worshippers of Vishnu in his

THE VAISHNAVA BELIGIOH.

297

most popular manifestation — that of the hero Krishna, with
his favourite wife Radha — consists of two chief books, the
Bhagavata-Purana and the Bhagavad-glta.

Those who worship the other popular manifestation of
Vishnu — the hero Kama, the great Indian pattern of filial
and marital virtue, the story of whose fidelity to his wife
Slta is on every Hindu's lips — also acknowledge two special
bibles in Valmlki's Ramayana, and in the Ramayana of TulsI
Das. Undoubtedly these four books, if any, ought to find a
prominent place among the “ Sacred Books ” of our Indian
Empire . 1

Secondly, a common and general characteristic of the
Vaishnava religion is a belief in a plurality of incarnations,
but a point to be noted is that, although ten principal
incarnations are described in the Puranas, only those of
the heroes Krishna and Rama — the two divine heroes who
most closely resemble human beings — are generally wor-
shipped. Not are any idols set up in shrines and temples
as objects of admiration except those which resemble human
forms . 2

These images are supposed to be subject to all the con-
ditions and necessities incident to living humanity. Hence
in the daily ritual they are washed, dressed, adorned, and
even fed like human beings, food being daily placed before
them, and its aroma, according to popular belief, nourishing
the god present in the image.

We shall not be surprised, therefore, to find that another
marked feature of all the sects is the worship of existing
religious teachers who are supposed to be embodiments, not
only of divine wisdom, but of the very essence of divinity.

1 How is it that we have two or three scientific prose translations of the
Bhagavad-glta, while we have none of the Bhagavata-Purana, nor of the two
llamayanas, and, still more strangely, none of the Samhitas of the Vedas ?
Another translation of the Bhagavaa-gita has just been published as one of
the series of “ Sacred Books of the East.” With it are printed two episodes
(with an index as full as a concordance), which occupy much space, but are
scarcely entitled to be called u Sacred Books.” It is a pity that the utility of
these translations (good as some of them are) is seriously impaired by the un-
English system of transliteration adopted.

2 S'aivas, on the other hand, worship symbols and monstrous shapes like those of

Ganesa and Hall. ■ .

298

THE YAISHNAYA EELIGIOH.

In the foremost rank must always come the original Acarya
or founder of each particular sect. He is regarded as little
inferior to Krishna himself, and may even be identified with
him. The Guru, or living teacher, if not elevated to equal
rank, is a greater reality. He receives homage as a visible
and tangible mediator between earth and heaven. He is
to the mass of Yaishnavas even more than a mediator
between themselves and God. He is the living embodiment
of the entire essence of the deity (sarva-de va-mayah) . Kay,
he is even more. He is the present God whose anger is
to be deprecated, and whose favour is to be conciliated,
because they make themselves instantly felt.

Next, all the sects agree in requiring a special ceremony
of initiation into their communion, accompanied by the
repetition of a short formula of words, such as, u Eeverence
to Krishna” (Om Krishnaya namah), “ Eeverence to Eama”
(Om Eamaya namah), or the eight-syllabled formula, “ Great
Krishna is my refuge” (Sri Krishnah Saranam mama).

Children are admitted to the religion of Vishnu at the
age of three or four years. A rosary or necklace (kanthi) of
one hundred and eight beads, 1 made of tulsl wood, is passed
round their necks by the officiating priest or Guru, and they
are taught the use of one of the foregoing formulas, which
is repeated by the Guru, very much as the sacred words “ In
Nomine Patris,” etc., are repeated by the priest at the
Christian rite of baptism.

Then, at the age of twelve or thirteen, another rite is
sometimes performed, corresponding to our confirmation.
With the Vallabha sect it is obligatory and is called
Dedication (Samarpana) of body, soul, and substance (tan,
man, dJian) to Krishna. The formula taught is to the
following effect: — “I here dedicate to the holy Krishna
my bodily organs, my life, my inmost soul, and its faculties,
with my wife, my house, my children, with all the wealth
I may acquire here or hereafter, and my own self, 0,
Krishna, I am thy servant.”

1 TMs is because there are 108 chief names given to Krishna as the Supreme
Being. * 1

THE YAISHNAVA RELIGION.

299

Again, all the sects maintain that devotion to Yishnu
supersedes distinctions of caste.

All, too, believe that every faithful worshipper of Yishnu
is transported to the heaven of Yishnu, called Yaikuntha,
or to that of Krishna, called Goloka (instead of to the
temporary S varga or paradise of orthodox Brahmanism),
and that when once admitted there, he is not liable to be
born again on earth.

Another general characteristic of Yaishnavism is tenderness
towards animal life. In this it contrasts favourably with
Saivism. No life must be taken by a worshipper of Yishnu,
not even that of the most minute insect, and not even for
sacrifice to a deity (as for example to Kali), and least of all
must one’s own life be taken. It is usual for missionaries to
speak with horror of the self-immolation alleged to take
place under the Car of Jagannath (Krishna). But if deaths
occur, they must be accidental, as self-destruction is wholly
opposed both to the letter and spirit of the Yaishnava
religion.

Lastly, it should be noted that the several sects agree in
adopting peculiar perpendicular marks on the forehead,
called tilaka or punch'd, made every morning after bathing
with coloured earths or pigments — red, white, and black,
especially with a white earth called gopi-candana. By these
vertical marks all Vaishnavas are distinguished from Saivas,
whose frontal marks are horizontal. The Yaishnava vertical
marks are supposed to denote the impress of Yishnu’ s foot.
They are believed to possess great prophylactic efficacy, and
if made in the morning are supposed to insure the God’s
favour and protection during the entire day.

Taking now the four principal Yaishnava^ sects — namely,
that founded by Ramanuja, by Madhva, by Oaitanya and by
Yallabha — in successive order, let us first notice a few char-
acteristics of the system inaugurated by the great Yaishnava
leader Ramanuja, born about the twelfth century at Strl
(Sri) Parambattur, a town about twenty-six miles west of
Madras. He is known to have taught at Kancl-puram (Con-
jlvaram), and to have resided towards the end of his life at

300

THE YAISHNAYA RELIGION.

Srlrangam, on the river Kaveri, near Trichinopoly, where
for many years lie worshipped Vishnu in his character of
Sxiranganath. His teaching was in some respects a modi-
fication of that of the Brahmanical revivalist and opponent
of Buddhism, Sankara, who lived three or four centuries
before. That great teacher was, as we have seen, a strict
Pantheist. He asserted that the one Universal Spirit
(Brahma) is the only real existing essence, and that the
existence of everything else as distinct from Brahma is all
illusion.

Ramanuja, on the other hand, contended that the external
world has a real separate existence, and that the souls of men
as long as they reside in the body are really different from
the Universal Soul. In support of his doctrine of the
diversity of souls he appealed to a text of the Rig-veda
(i. 164. 20) : “ Two birds — the Supreme and Individual
Souls — always united, of the same name, occupy the same
tree (abide in the same body). One of them (the Individual
Soul) enjoys the fruit of the fig (or consequence of acts),
the other looks on as a witness.”

Nevertheless, Ramanuja admitted the dependence of the
human soul on the divine, and its ultimate oneness with the
Supreme Being identified with Vishnu. He held, in fact,
the non-duality (a-dmita) doctrine of the Vedanta philosophy,
but gave it a special interpretation of his own, calling it,
“ qualified non-duality” { vimhtadvoita ). Probably his theory
of the Universe differed little from the view expressed in
the lines

The sun, the moon, the stars, the seas, the hills and the plains,

Are not these, 0 Soul, the vision of him who reigns ?

Is not the vision He ? though He be not that which He seems ?

Breams are true while they last, and do we not live in dreams? 1

After Ramanuja’s death, his numerous followers, as usual,
corrupted his teaching. Two great antagonistic parties
resulted — one called the northern school, Vada-galai, or
(Vada-kalai, Sanskrit hala ), the other the southern school,

1 Quoted by Mr. Growse, C.S., in Ms interesting Memior of Matliura, p. 182.

THE YAISHNAVA RELIGION.

301

Ten-galai (Ten-balai). They are far more opposed to each
other than both, parties are to Saivas. The northern school
accept the Sanskrit Veda. The southern have compiled a
Veda of their own, called “the four thousand verses ”
(Nalayira), written in Tamil, and held to . be older than
the Sanskrit Veda, but really based on its TJpanishad portion.
In all their worship they repeat selections from these Tamil
verses.

An important difference of doctrine, caused by different
views of the nature of the soul’s dependence on the god
Vishnu, separates the two parties into two hostile camps.
The view taken by the Vada-galais corresponds, in a manner,
to the Arminian doctrine of “free-will.” The soul, say
they, lays hold of the Supreme Being by its own will
and effort, just as the young monkey clings to its mother.
This is called the monkey-theory (markata-nyaya). The
view of the Ten-galais, on the other hand, resembles that of
the Calvinists. It is technically styled “the cat-hold theory”
(marjara-nyaya). The human soul, they argue, remains
passive and helpless until acted on by the Supreme Spirit,
just as the kitten remains passive and helpless until seized
and transported, nolens volens, from place to place by the
mother-cat.

Again, the Ten-galais maintain that the Sakti or wife
of Vishnu is a created and a finite being, though divine,
and that she acts as a mediator or minister (purusha-kara),
not as an equal channel of salvation ; whereas the Vada-
galais regard her as, like her consort, infinite, and uncreated,
and equally to be worshipped as a channel or means (upaya)
by which salvation may be attained.

Ho Arminians and Calvinists have ever fought more ran-
corously over attempts to solve insoluble difficulties than have
Vada- galais and Ten-galais over their struggles to secure the
ascendency of their own theological opinions. The fight has
ended in a drawn battle. Their disputes are now confined
to insignificant questions. It is the old story repeated. The
Sibboleths are intolerant of the Shibboleths. The Vada-galais
contend that the frontal mark of the sect ought to represent

302

THE VAISHNAYA RELIGION.

the impress of Vishnu’s right foot only (the supposed source
of the divine Ganges), while the Ten-galais maintain that
equal reverence is due to both the god’s feet. The Vada-
galais make a single white line between the eyes, curved to
represent the sole of one foot, with a central red mark
emblematical of Lakshmi, terminating at the bridge, while
the Ten-galais employ a more complicated device symbolical
of both feet, which are supposed to rest on a lotus throne,
denoted by a white line drawn half down the nose. The
complete Ten-galai symbol has the appearance of a trident,
the two outer prongs (painted with white earth) standing for
Vishnu’s two feet, the middle (painted red or yellow) for
his consort Lakshmi, and the handle (or white line down
the nose) representing the lotus throne.

Another point which distinguishes the Ten-galais is, that
they prohibit their widows from shaving their heads. Every
married woman in India is careful to preserve her hair
intact. In the case of men, regular shaving is a religious
duty. But for women to be deprived of any portion of their
hair is a shame. A shorn female head is, except with the
Ten-galais, the chief mark of widowhood.

A peculiarity common to both Ramanuja sects is the strict
privacy with which they eat and even prepare their meals.
Wo Indians like to be looked at while eating. They are firm
believers in the evil influence of the human eye (drishti-
dosJia ). The preparation of food is with high-caste natives
an affair of equal secrecy. The mere glance of a man of
inferior caste makes the greatest delicacies uneatable. The
Ramanujas carry these ideas to an extravagant extreme.
They carefully lock the doors of their kitchens, and protect
their culinary and prandial operations from the gaze of even
high-caste Brahmans of tribes and sects different from their
own.

' A noticeable point with regard to the Ten-galais is that
they boast one of the finest temples in India — the great
Pagoda of Srirangam, near Trichinopoly. This I visited
in 1877. Srirangam is, indeed, rather a sacred city than a
temple. Hundreds of Brahmans reside within its precincts,

THE VAISHHAYA BELIGIOH.

303

thousands of pious pilgrims throng its streets, myriads of
worshippers crowd its corridors and press towards its sanc-
tuary. No sight is to be seen in any part of India that can
at all compare with the unique effect produced by its series
of seven quadrangular inclosures formed by seven squares of
massive walls, one within the other, every square pierced
by four lofty gateways, and each gateway surmounted by
pyramidal towers rivalling in altitude the adjacent rock of
Trichinopoly. The idea is that each square of walls shall form
courts of increasing sanctity, which shall conduct the wor-
shipper by regular gradations to a central holy of holies of
unique shape and proportions . 1 In fact, the entire fabric of
shrines, edifices, towers, and inclosures, is supposed to be a
terrestrial counterpart of Vishnu’s heaven (Vaikuntha), to
which his votaries are destined to be transported. No wonder,
then, that millions of rupees have been spent upon its con-
struction, and that at various times pious Kings have given
up large portions of their revenues for its maintenance and
enlargement.

In the centre of the inner wall of the temple, near the
interior shrine on the north side, is a narrow door called
heaven’s gate. I was at Srlrangam the day of the great
festival celebrated at the end of the year. On this day the
gate is opened, and on the occasion of my visit the opening
took place at four o’clock in the morning. First the jewelled
idol was borne through the narrow portal, followed by
eighteen images of Vaishnava saints. Then came innumer-
able priests chanting Vedic hymns or the thousand names of
Vishnu; then dancing- girls and bands of musicians. Finally,
thousands upon thousands of people crowded for hours
through the contracted passage, amid deafening shouts and
vociferations, beating of drums, and discordant sounds of all
kinds of music, under the firm conviction that the passage of
the earthly Heaven’s gate, kept by the priests and unlocked
at their bidding, would be a sure passport to Vishnu’s heaven
after death.

1 Tlxe central shrine is shaped to represent the form of the sacred syllable Om.

304

THE YAISHJSTAYA BELIGIOH.

The second most important of the Yaishnava sects is that
of the Madhvas, founded by a Kanarese Brahman named
Madhya. He was born about the year 1200, at a place
called TJdupI, on the western coast (sixty miles north of
Mangalore), and was educated in a convent at Anantes-
var. The chief aim of his teaching was opposition to
the pantheistic A-dvaita (non-duality) doctrine of Sankara-
earya, the great Yedantist. Madhva is thought to owe
some of his ideas to the influence of Christianity, which had
made itself felt in the south of India before the thirteenth
century.

And this leads me to declare my conviction that the
Yaishnava religion, especially that of the Madhva school, has
far more common ground with Christianity than any other
non- Christian religion in the world, not excepting Muham-
madanism. And I make this assertion with a full knowledge

* ... ®
of the hideous idolatry with which Yaishnavism is associated,

but which does not belong to its esoteric teaching. Madhva

taught that the one God — of course identified with Yishnu--

is supreme, that the Supreme Soul is essentially different

from the human soul and from the material world, and that

all three have a real and eternally distinct existence, and will

remain eternally distinct. Yet the elements of the world,

though existing from all eternity, were shaped, ordered, and

arranged by the power of the Supreme.

The Madhva sect, like the Ramanujas and other Yaish-
navas, lay great stress on branding or marking the body
indelibly with the circular discus-shaped weapon and shell of
Yishnu. The idea probably is that the trust of the god’s
followers in his power to deliver them from the malignity of
evil demons ought to be denoted by some outward and visible
sign. When I was at Tanjore, I found that one of the succes-
sors of Madhva had lately arrived on his branding- visitation.
He was engaged throughout the entire day in stamping his
disciples, and receiving fees from all according to their
means.

The third principal division of Yishnu- worshippers are
those found in Bengal. They are the followers of a

THE YAISHNAYA RELIGION.

305

celebrated teacher named C'aitanya, whose biography, as
given by native writers, is, as usual, chiefly legendary. Only
scattered elements of truth are discoverable amidst a confused
farrago of facts, fiction, and romance. Indeed, what respect
for biographical accuracy can be expected in a people who
are firmly convinced that their own existence and that of
every one else is all illusion ?

I believe it is tolerably certain that Caitanya was born at
Nadiya ( = Navadvipa), in Bengal, in the year 1485 of our
era. He was held, as usual, to have been an incarnation of
Krishna, and of course various prodigies marked his first
appearance in the world. Soon after his birth, at the end of
an eclipse, a number of holy men arrived at the house of his
parents to do homage to the new-born child, and to present
him with offerings of rice, fruits, gold, and silver. In his
childhood he resembled the young Krishna in condescending
to boyish sports {Ilia). Yet his intellect was so acute, that
he rapidly acquired a knowledge of Sanskrit grammar and
literature, especially of the Bhagavata-Purana.

Yet Caitanya, notwithstanding his studious habits and
pious frame of mind, was opposed to asceticism and celibacy.
Most great religious teachers in India owe their influence to
the fact of their having abjured marriage. But C'aitanya,
like his contemporary Yallabha in the north-west, made it a
religious duty to marry, and even married again when his
first wife died. It was not till the age of twenty-five (a.d.
1509) that he resolved to abandon all worldly ease, and devote
himself to the propagation of religious truth.

Just about the time when Luther was agitating the minds
of men in Europe, Caitanya was stirring the hearts of the
people of Bengal. His success as a preacher was remarkable.
Even his enemies were attracted by the persuasiveness of his
manner and the magnetic power of his eloquence. The lower
classes flocked to him by thousands. Nor was their admira-
tion of him surprising. The first principle he inculated was
that all the faithful worshippers of Krishna (=Yishnu) were
to be treated as equals. Caste was to be subordinated to faith

306

THE YAISHNAYA EELIGION.

in Krishna. 1 “The mercy of God,” said C'aitanya, “ regards
neither tribe nor family.”

A leading feature of C'aitanya’s teaching was that devotion
of the soul to Vishnu was symbolized under the figure of
human love. “Thou art dear to my heart, thou art part
of my soul,” said a young man to his loved one; “I love
thee, but why, I know not.” So ought the worshipper to
love Krishna, and worship him for his sake only.

To bring about this condition of intense religious fervour,
various expedients were enjoined — such as incessant repetition
of the deity’s name (nama-kzrtcma ) , singing ( sanMrtana ),
music, dancing, or movements similar to dancing. 2 C'aitanya
was himself in the constant habit of swooning away in a
paroxysm of ecstatic emotion, and his biographers assert that
in one of these fits he was translated directly to Vishnu’s
heaven about a.d. 1527.

As C'aitanya was none other than very Krishna incar-
nate, so his two principal disciples, Advaita and Nityananda,
were believed to be manifestations of portions of the same deity.
These three leaders of the sect are called the three great lords
(Prabhns), and constitute a kind of sacred triad of this phase
of Vaishnavism. A fourth, named Hari-das, who was a com-
panion of C'aitanya, is worshipped as a separate divinity in
Bengal. Furthermore, it must be borne in mind, that, just
as in every other phase of Vaishnavism, all the living suc-
cessors and the present leaders of the sect, called Gosains, are
venerated as little less than deities.

The fourth great Vaishiiava sect is that founded by
Vallabha, or, as he is commonly called, Vallabhacarya, said to
have been bom in the forest of Oamparanya about the same
time as C'aitanya. Like the great teacher of Bengal he was
believed to have been an embodiment of a portion of

1 This was his theory, hut among his numerous followers of the present day
the doctrine of equality does not overcome, caste -feeling and caste-observances,
except during religious services. The food presented to the idol of Jagsmnath
is distributed to all castes alike, and eaten by all indiscriminately at the annual
festival.

2 These correspond to the Zikr and religious dancing of the Muhammadan
dervishes. For even cold Islam has its devotees who aim at religious ecstasy and
resort to expedients very similar to those of the C'aitanyas.

THE VAISHNAVA KELIGIOH.

307

Krishna’s essence, and various miraculous stories are fabled
about him. For instance, bis intelligence is alleged to have
been so great that when he commenced learning at seven
years of age, be mastered the four Yedas, the sis systems
of Philosophy, and the eighteen Puranas in four months
After precocity so prodigious, he was able at the ao- e 0 f
twelve to formulate his own view of the Yaishnava creed
This view was not altogether new. It was to a certain
extent derived from a previous teacher named Yishnu-svami.

Yallabha’s chief works were a commentary on the Bha-
gavad-Ghta, and on the Bhiigavata-purana, especially its
tenth book— descriptive of the early life of Krishna— which
last is the chief authoritative source of the doctrines of the
sect. In philosophy Yallabha maintained Vedantist doctrines
and called his system “pure non-dualism ” {Sudclhamita)
to distinguish jt from the “qualified non-dualism” (Vimh-
taclvaita) of Ramanuja. He left behind him 84 disciples who
disseminated his doctrines. But the real successor to his
Gadi or chair was his second son Yitthalnath (sometimes
called Gosam-jl). This Yitthalnath had seven sons, each of
whom established a Gadi in different districts, especially in
Bombay, Kutch, Kathiawar, and Malwa. The influence of
Yallabhacarya’s successors became so great, particularly
among the merchants and traders called Baniyas and
Bhatiyas in Bombay, Gujarat and Central India, that they
received the title Maha-raja, 1 « great king,” as well as
Gosam (a corruption of Gosvamin— lord of cows— an
epithet of Krishna).

Yallabha’s view of religion and of the true way of
salvation has been called Pushti-Marga, the way of eatin»,
drinking and enjoying oneself. What he really taught was
that life was a blessing given to every man to be enjoyed,
and that the Deity did not require fasting, self-mortification,
or suppression of the passions, and of the natural appetites.
Like C'aitanya, he considered that human love typified the
union of the soul with Krishna. He therefore enjoined

1 I believe tbe full title is Makara j adhiraja.

308

THE VAISHNAYA RELIGION.

marriage, and was himself married. His successors have
gone far beyond their leader. They are the Epicureans of
India. They are not only married men and men of the
world. They dress in the costliest raiment, feed on the
daintiest viands, and abandon themselves to every form of
sensuality and luxury. The god worshipped is the Krishna
incarnation of Vishnu, as he appeared in his boyhood, when,
as a mere child, he gave himself up to childish mirth, and
condescended to sport with the Gopls or cowherdesses of
of Mathura (Muttra). According to the higher teaching of
Vallabha, the love of the Gopis, and especially of Radha for
Krishna, was to be explained allegorically, and symbolized
the longing of the human soul for union with the universal
Soul (Brahma-sambandha). But the followers of Vallabha
interpreted that attachment in a gross and material sense.
Hence, their devotion to Krishna has degenerated into the
most corrupt practices, and their whole system has become
rotten to the core. Their men have brought themselves to
believe that to win the favour of their god, they must dress
like females. Even the Maharajas, or spiritual chiefs, are
accustomed to dress like women when they lead the worship
of their followers.

But far worse than this, these Maharajas have come to
be regarded as representatives of Krishna upon earth, or
rather as actual incarnations or impersonations of the god.
So that in the temples where the Maharajas do homage to
the idols, men and women do homage to the Maharajas,
prostrating themselves at their feet, offering them incense,
fruits, and flowers, and waving lighted lamps before them.
One mode of worshipping the boyish Krishna is by swing-
ing his images in swings. Hence, women are accustomed to
worship not Krishna, but his human representative, by swing-
ing him in pendant seats. The Pan-suparl ejected from his
mouth, the leavings of his food, and the very dust on which
he has trod, are eagerly devoured by his devotees, while they
also drink the water rinsed from his garments, and the very
washings of his feet.

Nay, infinitely worse than all this ; it is believed that the

THE VAISHHAYA BELIGIOH.

309

best mode of propitiating the god Krishna in heaven is by
ministering to the sensual appetites of his vicars upon earth.
Body and soul are literally made over to them, in the rite
called Self-devotion, and women are taught to believe that
the highest bliss will be secured to themselves and their
families by delivering up their persons to Krishna’s repre-
sentatives. 1

No wonder that a corruption of the Yaishnava faith so
abominable should have led to the modern Puritan move-
ment, under the reformer Svami-Narayana. This remarkable
man, whose proper name was Sahajananda, was a high-caste
Brahman. He was born at Chapal, a village one hundred
and twenty miles to the north-east of Lucknow, about the
year 1780. Disgusted with the manner of life of the Yaish-
nava Brahmans of his own time and neighbourhood, whose
precepts and practice were utterly at variance, and with the, so
to speak, Augean stable of Yallabhacaryan licentiousness, he
determined to attempt the Herculean task of cleansing it from
its impurities. To this end he himself renounced marriage
and a secular life. He was nevertheless a follower of the great
leader Yallabha and a Vaishnava to the back-bone. His only
opposition was to the corrupt practices, which he contended
were wholly incompatible with a right interpretation of the
doctrines promulgated by Yallabha. 2

About the year 1800 , Sahajananda took up his abode at
Junagarh in Kathiawar (where there is still a Matha, or
monastery of the Svami-Narayana sect). There he placed
himself under the guidance and protection of a Guru named
Kamananda SvamL About the year 1804 , his protector
removed to Ahmedabad, and Sahajananda followed him.

In a large and populous city, a man like Sahajananda, of
evident ability and conspicuous sanctity of life, could not fail

1 The profligacy of the Maharajas was exposed in the celebrated trial of the
Maharaja libel case, which came before the Supreme Court of Bombay, on tbe
26th of January, 1862. The evidence given, and the judgment of the judges,
have acted as some check on the licentious practices of the sect.

2 It ought to be mentioned, however, that Dayananda Saraswati SvamT, who
is the leader of a new Theistic sect, called the Arya-Samaj, at Bombay, has written
two treatises in Sanskrit and G-ujaratT to show that Svami-JSarayana’s teaching
is quite as objectionable in its tendency as that of YaUabhacarya.

310

THE VAISHNAYA BELIGIOH.

to attract attention. Soon, he collected a little band of
disciples, which rapidly multiplied into an army of devoted
adherents. At first he confined himself to making proselytes
of those who were willing to abandon all intercourse with the
world. Such men were enjoined to keep aloof from the
adherents of every other system (para-dharma). Eventually
all who accepted the Reformer’s doctrines were freely ad-
mitted into the pale of the sect. Probably his success was
due to a remarkable fascination of manner combined with
consistency of moral character, and other qualities which
singled him out for a leader. His persuasive eloquence acted
like a spell on all who heard it. Some alleged that he had
a power of mesmerizing his followers, which enabled him to
throw them into a kind of a trance, and make them fancy
they saw visions of Lakshmi-Narayana. And without doubt
his faculty of working himself up into a kind of ecstatic
fervour xna y have had a fascinating and sympathetic effect
on his disciples. At any rate they increased so rapidly that
the Brahmans of Ahmedabad began to be jealous of his popu-
larity. He was obliged to fly, and sought refuge at Jetalpur,
twelve miles south of Ahmedabad. There he invited all the
Brahmans of the neighbourhood to the performance of a
great sacrifice. The native officials no sooner heard of the
proposed assemblage than, fearing a collision between his
followers and other religious parties, they had him arrested
on some frivolous pretext and thrown into prison. Such an
act of tyranny defeated its own object. It excited universal
sympathy, and increased his influence. He was soon released.
Hymns were composed in praise of his merits. Yerses were
written descriptive of his sufferings. Curses were launched
at the heads of his persecutors. J etalpur then became the focus
of a great religious movement. Thousands flocked to the town
and enrolled themselves as the followers of Sahajananda, who,
from that time forward, took the name of Svami-Nariiyana.

Bishop Heber, in his Indian Journal, gives an interesting
account of an interview with him at this period of his
career. It is here abbreviated : —

“ About eleven o’clock I had the expected visit from Svarni-

THE VAXSHNAVA RELIGION.

811

Narayana. The holy man was a middle-sized, thin, plain-looking
person, abont my own age, with a mild and diffident expression
of countenance, but nothing about him indicative of any extra-
ordinary talent. He came in somewhat different style from all
I had expected, having with him nearly two hundred horsemen.
The guards of S vami-N ar ay ana were his own disciples and en-
thusiastic admirers, men who had voluntarily repaired to hear
his lessons, who now took a pride in doing him honour, and who
would cheerfully fight to the last drop of blood rather than suffer
a fringe of his garment to be handled roughly. In my own parish
of Hodnet there were once, perhaps, a few honest country-men
who felt something like this for me, but how long a time must
elapse before a Christian Minister in India can hope to be thus
loved and honoured.”

It soon became clear that the success of Svami-Narayana's
future operations would depend on the consolidation of his
party. He therefore retired with his followers to the
secluded village of Wartal, where he erected a temple to
Narayana (otherwise Krishna, or Vishnu, as the Supreme
Being), associated with the goddess LakshmL It was from
this central locality that his efforts to purify the Vallabha-
caryan system were principally carried on. The keynote of
his teaching seems to have been “ devotion to Krishna — as
the Supreme Being — with observance of duty, chastity, and
purity of life.”

He was in the habit of making periodical tours through
portions of Gujarat, especially Kathiawar, like a bishop
visiting his diocese. It was in one of these tours, on the
28th of October, 1829, that Svami-Narayana was struck
down by fever and died, when he was about 49 years of age.
His disciples, of course, very soon deified him as an incarna-
tion of Vishnu. They now number more than 200,000
persons, and are divided into two great classes — Sadhus, 1
“ holy men,” and Grihasthas, “ householders.” These cor-
respond to clergy and laity, the former, who are all celibates,
being supported by the householders, who are only allowed

1 SucThu is a general term for a man who has given up the world for the
practice of religion. The title SannyasI — properly applicable only to Brahmans—
is usually confined to S'aiva ascetics.

312

THE YAISHHAYA BELIGIOH.

one wife. Those Sadhus who are Brahmans are called
Brahmacarls. Of these there are about 300 at Wartal, the
whole body of Sadhus, or holy men, numbering about 1,000.
A still lower order is called Pala. Of these there are about
500.

There are two principal temples of the sect ; one at Wartal
(for Vrittdlaya , or, as some say, for Vratalaya , “ abode of reli-
gious observances ”), about four miles to the west of the Boravi
Station of the Baroda Railway; another at Ahmedabad.
The former is the most important and best endowed, but
both are presided over by Maharajas, neither of whom is
willing to yield precedence to the other. This looks as if
the sect were already following the usual law of internal
division and disagreement, to he followed in due course by a
separation into two antagonistic parties. In 1875 1 visited
the Wartal temple, on the day of the Purnima, or full moon
of the month Rartik 1 — the most popular festival of the whole
year. I was conducted by the Maharaja through a crowd of
at least ten thousand persons, in which the conspicuous
absence of women was to an European very remarkable.
The throng was packed closely in the large quadrangle, and
filled up all the approaches to the temple. They were
waiting to be admitted to the one ceremony of the day, and
the one object that had drawn so many people to one spot —
the privilege of Dark ana, or a sight of the principal idol. It
was a moment of tremendous excitement. Every counten-
ance seemed set with an expression of intense eagerness in
the direction of the temple door. Let a man hut catch a
glimpse of the jewelled image on this anniversary, and the
blessing of the god attends him for the whole year. The vast
concourse swayed to and fro like the waves of a troubled sea,
each man vociferating and gesticulating in a manner quite
appalling to an Englishman unaccustomed to such exhibitions
of religious enthusiasm. 2 Nevertheless, the ten thousand

1 According to the Prem-Bugar, it was on the night of the full moon of this
month that Krishna first danced with the Gopis the circular dance called Basa-
Mandala.

3 . Almost all grown-up males in India have stentorian voices, and are in the
habit of talking loud, even in ordinary conversation. This is amusingly illus-

THE VAISHHAVA. BELIGIOH.

313

people were docile as children. At a signal from the Maha-
raja, they made a lane for ns to pass, and we entered the
temple by a handsome flight of steps. The interior is sur-
rounded by idol-shrines, containing various representations
of Vishnu and his consort.

The first shrine contains three images — that on the left
of the spectator is of Krishna (as son of Yasudeva) ; Dharma
(a name of Yasudeva) is in the centre, and Bhakti (Krishna’s
mother Devati) on the right. There is also an image of
Vishnu’s vehicle Graruda in this shrine. One of the principal
shrines, or that next in order, has three figures ; that on the
left of the spectator is an idol of Krishna in his character
of Ran-chor (‘fight-quitter’). This is a form of Krishna
specially worshipped at Dwaraka. Some interpret the name
to mean ‘sin-deliverer,’ but it may have reference to his
declining to take part in the great war between the sons
of Pandu and Dhritarashtra. In the middle is an imaere

* • * • o

of Karayana or of Yishnu as the Supreme Being, while
Lakshml, consort of Yishnu, is on the right. A gong is
suspended before the shrine, which is struck in the per-
formance of puja and arti.

Another principal shrine has Krishna in the middle, his
favourite Radha on the right, and Svami-Narayana, the
founder of the sect, on the left. He is here worshipped
as a kind of tenth incarnation of Yishnu. Sometimes in this
character he is called the Karavatara, or Man-incarnation
(the tenth being properly the Kalky-avatara, sometimes called
Asvavatara, horse-incarnation). Another shrine contains the
bed and clothes once used by Svami-Karayana. On one side
is the print of his foot and on the other are his wooden
slippers. The remaining shrines represent various incarna-
tions of Vishnu, such as the fish, the man-lion, and the
boar. Under a central dome are representations of the
Rama incarnations, and in the centre of the floor is a well-

trated at railway stations, where the native passengers collect in crowds long
before the arrival of the trains. It is equally common at religious gatherings,
and no idea of irreverence seems to be connected with the practice of shouting to
each other on such occasions. ' :

314

THE YAISHHAVA EELIGXOH.

carved marble turtle, which probably has reference to the
Tortoise incarnation of Vishnu. On the occasion of the
present festival the principal images were almost concealed
from view by rich vestments and jewelry.

I was next conducted to the Sabha-mandapa, or great
hall of assembly, on one side of the quadrangle. Here about
two thousand of the chief members of the sect, including
a number of the Sadhus, or clergy, were waiting to receive
us. Chairs were placed for us in the centre of the hall, and
before us, seated on the ground, with their legs folded under
them in the usual Indian attitude, were two rows of about
thirty of the oldest Sadhus, three or four of whom had beeu
actually contemporaries of Svami-Narayana. These old men
were delighted when I questioned them as to their personal
knowledge of their founder. The only inconvenience was
that they all wanted to talk together. I found the Pandits
among them well versed in Sanskrit. One or two astonished
me by the fluency with which they spoke it, and by their
readiness in answering the difficult questions with which
I tested their knowledge.

The Maharaja’s last act of courtesy was to conduct me to
an adjacent building, used as a lodging-house, or asylum
(dharma-sala), for the clergy. On the present anniversary
at least six hundred of these good men were collected in long
spacious galleries, called Asramas (places of retreat). They
were all dressed alike in plain salmon-coloured clothes, each
man being located in a small separated space, not more than
seven feet long, by three or four broad. Above his head,
neatly arranged in racks, were his spare clothes, water-jar,
etc.

When I was introduced to the six hundred Sadhus, they
all stood upright, motionless, and silent. At night they lie
down on the hard ground in the same narrow space. These
holy men are all celibates. They are supposed to have
abandoned all worldly ties, that they may go forth unen-
cumbered to cheer, support, and keep watch on each other.
They travel on foot, undergoing many privations and hard-
ships, and taking nothing with them but a staff, the clothes

THE VAISHNAYA EELIGIOH.

315

on their back, their daily food, their water-jar, and their book
of instructions. They may be seen here and there interspersed
among the crowds which throng the towns of Western India,
attracting attention by their salmon-coloured garments, and
apparently striving to win disciples by personal example and
self-denying habits, rather than by controversy.

What I saw of their whole system convinced me that the
Svami-Narayanas are a shrewd, energetic body of men, and
their sect an advancing one. Notwithstanding the asceticism
of their clergy, the Maharajas are, I believe, married men,
and the leading members of the community have a keen eye
to the acquisition of money, land, and property.

After my discussion with some of their Pandits, I was
presented with their Biksha-patrl, or manual of instructions,
written in Sanskrit (with a long commentary), constituting
the religious directory of the sect. It is in the form of an
epistle written by their Founder, with the aid of a learned
Brahman named X)ma-nath, and is a collection of two
hundred and twelve precepts — some original, some extracted
from Manu and other sacred Sastras.

Every educated member of the sect appeared to know the
whole collection by heart. Specimens of the verses were
recited to me by the Pandits, with the correct intonation, in
the original Sanskrit.

Without doubt the tendency of the doctrines inculcated
is towards purity of life and conduct. Salvation is to be
attained not merely by entire devotion of the soul to the
Supreme Being, under his names of Narayana, Vishnu, and
Krishna, but by a faithful discharge of the duties (dharma)
of religion, and by control of the passions, and purity of
conduct.

Eight sacred books are enumerated as inspired authorita-
tive guides, and of these the two especially used are the
Bhagavata-Purana and the Bhagavad-Grlta. The philosophy
enjoined is that modified form of the Vedanta system, called
£ qualified non-quality ’ (Visishtadvaita), as taught by the first
great Vaishnava leader Ramanuja. In fact it is clear that,
with the exception of the substitution of Vishnu or Krishna

316

THE YAISHNAYA BELIGIGH.

and his consorts for Brahman, the philosophical doctrines of
the sect differ very little from pure Brahmanism.

I have prepared a printed edition of the whole Directory
with an English translation, both of which will appear in
a subsequent number of this J ournal, and will, I hope, give a
fair idea of the purer side of modem Vaishnavism.

The system is doubtless saturated with the grossest idolatry
and superstition, but it will be seen that many of its precepts
contain high moral sentiments, some of which are even worthy
of Christianity.

At any rate they prove that in their earnest efforts to purify
the corrupt creed of the Maharajas, the Svami-Narayanas are
worthy of commendation and encouragement. I can testify
to the good they have effected in Western India, where the
immoralities of the successors of Yallabha have for along time
scandalized every respectable member of the community.

As a reforming sect, the followers of Svami-Narayana will,
in my opinion, increase and extend their influence for a time ;
but their system lacks the true vivifying regenerating force
which can alone maintain it in vigour, and, like other Indian
reformations and religious revivals, is, I fear, destined in the
end to be drawn back into the all-absorbing vortex of corrupt
Hinduism.

317

Art. XX, — Further Note on the Apology of Al-Kindy. By
Sir W. Muir, K.C.S.I., D.C.L., LL.D.

With reference to my paper on the Apology of Al-Kindy,

I have received the following letter from Professor Ignatius %

Guidi, dated Pome, 24th February : —

“ You will he glad to hear that in the Propaganda Library
(Maseo Borgiani) I found a MS. of the Apology of Al-Kindi,
together with the letter of his Moslem friend. The amanu-
ensis was, I think, a Jacobite (the MS. is written in Karshuni
character), hence he says (page 5, line 18 of the printed text) :

1 1 ! <l*j yLSI Lwt j . . . . j j b

The Poman MS. is apparently of the same family with the
Paris MS. as described by Zotenberg, Catalogue des MS8.

Syriaques de la Biblioth . Nationals , Nos. 204, 205.”

In a subsequent communication, dated 12th March, M.

Ign. Guidi adds : —

“ The Propaganda- MS. of Al-Kindy ? s Apology has, at the
end of the letter of the Moslem, a note which states that a
certain Abuna SaliM abridged the letter of

the Moslem ; then a certain Musa transcribed, from the copy
of Ab&na Sallba, the MS. now in the Propaganda, in the year
of the Greeks 1957, corresponding with 1052 of the Hegira
(1642-3 a.d.).

“ The MS. is in octavo, and has 18 lines in every page ;
the letter of the Moslem occupies 16 pages ; it seems therefore
to be a little shorter than the printed text.”

1 That is. to say, the Moslem advocate is made to represent the Nestorian as
the worst, and the Jacobite the best, form of the Christian religion, . The Arabic
MSS. reverse this statement, and make Al-Rindy a Nestorian, which no doubt
he was. to t.- - v-. : ^ •

818

THE APOLOGY OF AL-KINDY.

The notices referred to above from Zotenberg’s Catalogue
are as follows, pp. 155, 156:

“ 204. No. 8 (fol. 124^.) Apologie de la religion chretienne,
par tin chretien Jacobite (Jacque al Kindi) addressee, sous
le forme de lettre, k un Musulman qui Favait attaquee. En
Carschouni ; . . . .

“205. Apologie de la religione chretien, ne, par Jacques le
Kindien, Jacobite, en reponse a une attaque d’un Musulman
de la famille de Haschim. En Carschouni .... Le preface
est suivi de la lettre abregee du Musulman. L’ouvrage
proprement dit commence ainsi .... Get exemplaire ne
renferme pas la conclusion qui se trouve dans Fautre copie.

“Ce MS. a et6 execute en 1934 des Grrecs (1619 de J.C.).
La copie fut commencee par la diacre Salibi, de Lamas, qui
k abrege lui-meme la lettre Mahometan©, et qui ajoute
plusieurs notes margin ales. La transcription a ete continuee
et terminee par son frere, le diacre Joane, et deux autres
diacres, Serge et Moise.

“ II est a croire que Fouvrage n’etait pas designe

par un titre particular.”

The Apology thus reaches us through the medium of MSS,
belonging to two distinct families. First , the Arabic proper,
handed down by the Nestorian section of the Church, which
I take to be the original form in which the Apology appeared.
Secondly, the Karshuny, or Arabic in Syriac character, handed
down by the Jacobite Church ; — which explains the appella-
tion which I took to be a mistake in M. de Sacy’s article
(see p. vi of my paper).

The Karshuni family of MSS. is shown by Prof. Guidi’s
notes to have existed in a separate and independent form, at
any rate Two and a half centuries ago.

319

Art. XXI. — The Buddhist Caves of Afghanistan .

By William Simpson.

In going through the Khyber Pass I saw numerous recesses
in the rocks which struck me as places which might have
been used by ascetics, but they indicated no signs of having
been excavated, hence nothing definite could be assumed
regarding them. In the scarp under the Ishpola Tope there
is one of these rude niches which would be a very desirable
spot for a holy man to retire to, who wished to give up the
things of this world, but who at the same time had some
intention that his light should not be hid under a bushel, for
if an ascetic ever made it his residence, every passer-by must
have seen him, high above the road, with little more than,
a fair allowance of space in which to sit cross-legged. Prom
the immense number of caves I afterwards saw which had
been excavated, indicating that a very large monastic popu-
lation had existed, I have now little doubt that during the
fervour of asceticism in the Buddhist period, most of these
rocky niches had been thus occupied at one time or another.
At Daka there are a few caves which have been excavated,
but they are little more than holes.

It was at Basawul, the next march beyond Daka, that we
came upon the first large group of caves. They may number
about one hundred, and have been excavated, close to the
village of Chicknoor, at varying heights along the base
of a rocky hill, known as the Koh-be-Doulut, or “ The
Worthless Mountain,” for nothing will grow on its steep
rocky sides. This is on the left bank of the Kabul Biver,
and I was indebted to General Macpherson for the means
of crossing to see them. A large raft floating on inflated
bullock-hides was procured, and on it, a party, including
the General and a guard of Ghoorkhas, were ferried over.
The Pushtoo word for cave is sumutch, but pronounced very

320 BUDDHIST CATES OF AFGHANISTAN.

nearly as if written smutch ; the natives previous to our goino*
over had given us a wonderful account of these caves;
describing them as extending far into the mountain, a hun-
dred miles and more, we were told, and that through one of
them there was a road to Kashmir. They also stated that
many of them were inhabited, and that the people kept large
flocks in them. From these statements some of the officers
took over lanterns so as to be able to explore these labyrinthine
recesses, and revolvers were not forgotten in case of attack.
It was rather remarkable to receive such extravagant accounts
with the caves themselves within sight. A traveller passing
along might have learnt all this, and recounted it again in
perfect good faith, and the marvellous caves of Chicknoor
might have been much talked about.

A visit across the river dispelled the illusion. There
was not a living thing found in any of them, and their
extent was limited to about 20 or 3() feet of penetra-
tion into the rock ; they were all very similar, each having
a circular roof, from which they might be described as
not unlike a series of small railway arches, their width
being perhaps 10 or 12 feet. In one case two of the
caves were connected by a passage behind, but the passage
was not longer than the caves themselves. These ex-
cavations might be divided into two groups, the largest
being at the east end of the Koh-be-Doulut, near to
Chicknoor ; the caves here were probably the oldest, for
some of them were in a very dilapidated condition,— while
on those higher up the river a few fragments of plaster were
visible. Although we found no one in the caves, it turned
out that the Koochis, who are a migratory tribe with camels
and flocks, come down to the lower regions in the winter,
and occupy the caves, leaving them again about April. In
some parts of the Jelalabad valley we found a large population
of these people in Oaves, and the result has been not only the
destruction of the plaster, but also the blackening of it, so that
all inscriptions, paintings, or colour of any kind, wherever it
existed, has in almost every case ceased to be visible. This
is much to be regretted ; the Caves seem to have been all

PLATE 2.

uW-q

THE BUDDHIST CAVES IN AFGHANISTAN,

BUDDHIST CAVES OF AFGHANISTAN.

321

covered with, plaster ; many of them were no doubt painted,
but of this only some few remains were found, the little that
is left suggesting, however, that a great quantity of valuable
material has been destroyed by the Koochis utilizing the Oaves.

As the Afghanistan Oaves were all but new to me, it was
necessary to be careful in coming to any conclusion as to who
their constructors had been. At first, that is, so far as the
Chicknoor Oaves threw light on the subject, the origin of the
Oaves was far from being evident. The Koochis living in these
recesses with their flocks made it possible that they had been
excavated for dwelling in ; this "was the general idea among
the party who had gone over to see them. I rather suspected
their Buddhist origin, and the repetition of the circular roof in
them all, as well as their uniform size and shape, led me to
think that some type had been rigidly followed as a pattern.
It struck me that if they had been originally constructed as
habitations, more variety would have been given to them
from the varied requirements of different individuals. It
was only after seeing the vast quantity of Caves in the
Jelalabad valley, that their origin became a certainty in my
mind. Their constant association with topes, and mounds of
Buddhist remains, made it evident that there was some con-
nection between them. In almost every case where there was
a scarp of rock under the mounds, Caves existed in it ; and as
in most cases the Topes had been erected on elevated spots,
there were few remains near which the Caves were not found.
The remains of structural Yiharas could often be distin-
guished from that of the Topes, and it may be a point worth
noting, that Caves and Yiharas existed together.

What these two very different kinds of residences implied I
cannot pretend to determine ; but they naturally suggest that
some point of distinction is indicated. It is quite possible that
they have a chronological sequence ; that the Monks dwelt in
Caves at first, and that the Yiharas came into use afterwards ;
or the opposite may have been the case. Unfortunately, from
the decayed condition of the Caves, and the complete demoli-
tion of the Yiharas, nothing can as yet be said as to the
probable date of either. There is another question which

VOL. XIV. — [new series.] 23

322 BUDDHIST GATES OF AFGHANISTAN.

often came into my mind when on the spot, and that was as to
whether the Oaves or the Topes had come into existence first.
It may have been that, when a Tope was erected, the
Oaves and Yiharas were constructed for the attendant Monks ;
or it is equally possible, and if anything I think it is the
most likely of the two theories, that the Caves and the Monks
first existed at these spots, and that, if any of them attained
to a high reputation for sanctity, he would most probably
have been honoured with a Tope containing his ashes, and
thus begun the group above, which is now represented by
the mound. Beyond a surmise of this kind, I have no
evidence to offer on the subject. 1

There were some marked exceptions as to the form of the
Oaves, but the great mass of them were similar to those at
Ckieknoor; — they are simply oblong recesses, and in nearly
every case with a circular roof. They vary in dimensions,
but as an average size I would say they are about 20 ft. in
length, 10 feet wide, and about 12 feet high (see plate 2).
In a great many of them there was a small rude recess cut
on one side, on the level of the floor, or only a few inches
above it. From their size, these recesses suggested that their
purpose had been for sleeping in, and from their rough,
irregular appearance, it is possible that they w^ere not ex-
cavated at the same time as the Caves ; if this has been the
case, it would imply a change at some time in the habits, or
rules, of the Monks who dwelt in them. In this I assume
that these Caves were used as cells by the ascetics, but from
what I have seen of the Buddhists in Tibet, and elsewhere,
I have no doubt but each Cave would be at the same time a
place in which religious services would be performed, and
that pilgrims and pious individuals would visit them on ac-
count of the sanctity of their inmates. The Caves, although
small, were, we may suppose, much larger than the cells of
the ordinary Yiharas, and were therefore capable of being

1 Hiouen-Thsang, in Vie et Voyages, p. 274, and in the Voyages, vol. ii. p. 214,
describes two chambers cnt lii the rock of Khavandha, near the Pamir plateau.
In each chamber there was a La-han , or Arhat, “plonge dans Textase complete.”
So far as this example goes, it indicates that each Cave would be the habitation
of one monk.

BUDDHIST CAYES OF AFGHANISTAN.

323

used as chapels. According to Hardy’s Eastern Monachism,
the space allowed for the Buddhist ascetics of Ceylon was
12 spans long by 7 spans wide, — now that would be about
the size of the recesses just described. If I recollect right,
the Oaves of Ceylon are single, like those in Afghanistan,
thus contrasting in their arrangement with the groups round
a larger central Cave, such as we find in Western India.
The oldest Caves in India are those near Buddha Gaya in
Bengal, and they are also of the single kind; showing that
this was the first type in use by the Buddhist ascetics. The
groups round a central cell, or chapel, now known as “ Yihara
Caves,” were a later development ; it thus becomes evident
that if the Afghanistan Caves were derived from India, it
must have been at an early date, when the single cell was
the rule. The great resemblance between the Afghanistan
Oaves and those at Buddha Gaya suggests that there had been
a following of the model either on the one side or the other,
and one naturally concludes that the Bengal group is the
oldest. As our knowledge of dates in the one case is a blank,
this can only be put as an assumption, and we must wait
with patience in hopes that further light may be brought to
bear on the subject. 1

The Caves of India were derived, so far as their forms are
concerned, from the wooden architecture of the period, and
the early examples of Barabar and ILajgir are no exceptions
to the rule ; in the case of those last named this is evident
from the doorway of the Lomas Bishi Cave, in which the
wooden forms are very beautifully copied in the rock. From
this it is assumed that the circular roof of that Cave, as well
as of the others in the same locality, were derived from the
round wooden roofs of the houses of the period, and as this
circular roof is common to the Afghanistan Caves, it becomes
an evidence in favour of the idea that the Bengal type was
the model which had been carried to the North-West. There
are other links of evidence in addition to this. In some of

1 In tlie Bengal Archaeological Survey Reports, vol. i. p. 48, General Oun-
. ningham says that an inscription in the Yiswa Mitra Cave, at Barabar, 'gives the :
date ol its dedication in the 12th year of the Raja Priyadasi, or Asoka, or 252 b.c.

324

BUDDHIST CATES OF AFGHAN 1ST AT.

the Bengal Caves there is a drip under the circular roof, and
this I found in one of the Caves at Hada. To this there is
still another feature of identification in the doorway of the
Lomas Rishi Cave it will he noticed that the jambs slope
inwards above; this is also found at Bhaja and among the
older of the Western Caves. The peculiarity belongs also to
the remains of Buddhist Architecture in Afghanistan, and
in the Cave at Tappa Zurgaran at Hada, where the plaster
remained in some parts in a tolerably perfect state, and where
the drip just mentioned was quite perfect, — the inward slope
of the walls upwards was also a distinct feature (see section of
Cave in plate 2). It may be mentioned that some of the Caves
had flat roofs, but these were the exception, — as an instance
there is one in a group, near to Darunta; the group is called,
from there being a number of Caves connected by a very
long communicating tunnel, the “ Bazaar/’ to be afterwards
described. The roof in this case may perhaps have been
originally very slightly curved in the centre, it is connected
with the perpendiculars on each side by a well-defined curve,
the whole outline of the roof appearing to be a very flat
ellipse. I have a section of a roof from a small Cave at Tappa
Zurgaran which is of this form (see section in plate 2).

I came upon only one Cave which resembled the Rock-cut
Yiharas of Western India. This is in the same cliff as the
Pheel-Khana Cave, to which it adjoins. There was a stair
which led up to the Cave, which is now all but gone, some
worn remains of a few of the steps are still to be seen ; a large
square chamber has been formed, about 42 feet by 41 feet :
a large square mass has been left as a support in the centre,
14 feet square. On three sides there are cells, three on two
of the sides and four on the other, making ten in all, and on
the fourth side there are two apertures which open out to the
cliff to let in light. The whole Cave is very rudely formed, —
a cornice perhaps existed round the central support, but it is
all so rough, this is uncertain ; the cells are, if anything, still
ruder, — the better formed ones being round in the roof like
the other Caves of the region, — some of them being little
better than holes ; still these recesses, primitive as they are,

BUDDHIST CAVES OF AFGHANISTAN. 325

are very different from those in the other Caves already
described, — the difference consisting in their greatest dimen-
sion being at right angles to the Cave, and in their widening
out in the inside, this giving them the character of a cell in
contradistinction to a recess . This peculiarity of the cells, as
well as the general character of the whole Cave, led me to
the idea that it had been excavated from a description by
some one who had seen the Yihara Caves of Western India.
If this is the case, it gives us a limit for the antiquity of
its date.

On the right of this Cave is the one known in the present
day as the Pheel-Khana Cave, and which gives the name used
by the natives to the whole group of Caves, mounds, and re-
mains of at least one Tope, — the “Tope Gudara” of Masson.
This Cave is so exceptional in its character that it might be
doubted if it belonged to the Buddhists, for none of the pecu-
liarities of their excavations are found in it. It has a large
opening, perhaps about 20 feet high, narrow at the top and wide
below, like a pointed Gothic arch, only these words suggest
an architectural character which would mislead in this case ;
the Cave turns from the entrance at right angles to the
south, from which there is a narrow passage to the outside,
where it meets a similar passage from the entrance. The
place is large enough to have kept an elephant, which is
implied by its name, which is “Elephant House”; and as
the site for Nagarahara, the ancient capital of the district,
which I have proposed, was on the other side of the Kabul
River, 1 exactly opposite, it is- quite possible that in former
times it may have been used for this purpose. A plan of the
Yihara and the Pheel Khana Cave is given in plate 8.

Judging by the remains at this place, there must have been
a large colony of Monks about it during the Buddhist period.
On the west side there is a high cliff overhanging the Kabul
River, and in the most prominent part of it there is a large
niche, in which, I came to the conclusion, there had been at
one time a colossal figure of Buddha. Ho remains of the

1 See Journal of the Eoyal Asiatic Society for April, 1881.

826

BUDDHIST GATES OF AFGHANISTAN - .

statue are now visible, for it may have been formed only of
inud and covered with a thin coating of Chunam, which was
the material of which a fragment of a large figure was made
I came upon in my explorations at the Ahin Posh Tope. The
reason for supposing this niche had a figure in it, was owing
to there being no means of reaching the recess. On the south
of the niche are five Caves similar to the other Caves in this
locality; — they were inaccessible from the river, so a long
tunnel had been cut behind them, thus making a means of
communication. As this tunnel with its openings into the
Caves has the appearance of an underground street, it has
received the name of the “Bazaar.” There is a shorter tunnel
which crosses the long one at an angle, and its object is not
quite clear, but I think it may have been to give light to the
larger tunnel, or it was formed as a passage to a balcony, or
ledge, which had been cut in tbe cliff in front of tbe Caves.
The remains of what I take to have been tbe ledge are so
decayed that I can only put this as a guess, but the longest
tunnel is continued beyond tbe last of the Caves, when it turns
towards tbe river, and at this point tbe ledge still exists,
and leads to a small recess in a comer of the cliff. If it
existed thus far, the natural conclusion is that it went round
to the front of the great niche where the figure of Buddha
sat, so that the devotees could pass round and make their
obeisance before it. This extension of tbe tunnel beyond tbe
Caves shows that its principal object was not so much to
lead to them as to the colossal statue. A plan of this curious
group of Caves will be found in plate 4.

The rock is very soft sandstone, with layers of conglomerate,
and the five Caves are excavated partly in both, the con-
glomerate being in the lower part of tbe Caves, and the
sandstone above. Tbe last, although very soft, has stood the
effects of time better than the harder conglomerate, except
in the roofs, where it has fallen down in flat masses. This
made the original form of the roofs doubtful, but one of
them I thought must have been flat, and has already been
alluded to. Tbe Oaves may be about 12 or 18 feet wide and
about 20 feet long, and each, bad tbe usual small recess on the

BUDDHIST CATES OF AFGHANISTAN.

327

side. They must have formed very pleasant places to reside
in, looking out over the river towards the Siah Koh, or Black
Mountain, along the base of which there were numerous
Topes and Viharas about a mile and a half distant.

Above these Caves, among many mounds and remains, is
the Pheel Khana Tope, and still higher than it is another
excavation which ought to be described. It is a rude, square
niche, perhaps about 15 or 20 feet high. It has openings to
the south, and the west, so that the figure, which, from the
height of the niche, I suppose to have been a standing one,
could have been seen from the tw r o sides. The niche presents
no architectural features, unless it be that of the trefoil arch,
so peculiar to the trans- Indus structures, and this was so
very rudely done, that the intention of the maker might
pass unnoticed. In this niche were some hands, of a very
primitive style of art, cut in the soft sandstone ; similar
hands were also on the walls of the Caves below. My first
impression was that they w r ere modern, but noticing that the
sandstone, soft as it was, had been more durable than the
conglomerate, I am now inclined to believe that they may be
as old as the Buddhist period. The existence of somewhat
similar hands on the sculptures at Bharhut tends to confirm
this. A sketch of one of these hands is given in plate 4.

This does not exhaust the rock-cut excavations at this place.
Low down in the cliff under the “Bazaar” can be seen some
small tunnels; these were aqueducts, and the current of the
river has carried the rock away in many places, thus making
them seem numerous, but there is more than one tunnel, and
they are not all on the same level, which probably implies that
the water was taken from different heights, at separate points
of the river, to irrigate the higher as well as the lower parts
of the plain of Besud, opposite J elalabad. In the cliffs still
lower down the river the continuation of these aqueducts can
also be seen, and one which gets its supply below the Pheel
Khana Cave still carries water to Besud. It would be impor-
tant to know if these aqueducts are as old as the Buddhist
period, but that point cannot be settled with certainty. The
remains of an aqueduct with a tunnel through a hill at Girdi

328

BUDDHIST CAYES OE AFGHANISTAN.

Kas is associated by tbe people there with the Badshahs of
Delhi ; but our Engineer officers reported to me the existence
of “ Buddhist masonry” in it, — this, as well as other con-
siderations, inclines me to believe that these hydraulic works
are all older than the Mahomedan era. Amongst these con-
siderations, it may be mentioned that at Hada there is a
rock-cut conduit under the mounds at that place, and we
may safely assume its date to be as far back as the Buddhist
period.

At Hada, the Hilo , or Hidda of Hiouen Thsang, there are
numerous examples of Topes and mounds with Caves beneath
them in the conglomerate cliffs. About half a mile to the
west of the great mass of remains at that place is an irregular
elevation in the plain covered with mounds, where cliffs
are pierced with a very interesting group of Caves. Masson
gives the spot the name of Tappa Zurgaran , or “ The Gold-
smith’s Mound.” The largest Cave in this group is known
at the present day by the name of the “ Palace of the Hoda
Rajah” — Masson calls him Hudi or Xldi, 1 — who seems to be
a very legendary character. General Cunningham says that
Khairabad opposite Attock on the Indus is believed by the
people in that locality to have been “ the stronghold of Raja
Hodi or Udi” 2 According to the present inhabitants of
Hada this Cave is of interminable extent, and the Chicknoor
legend was also affirmed about it, that it communicated with
Kashmir. Colonel Tanner, who was on the Survey Depart-
ment with General Sir Samuel Browne’s column, had some
excavations made into it, and the general character was
brought to light. A plan of it will be found in plate 2.
The only part that was not explored was at the south-
east corner, where a continuation is blocked up by stones.
This most probably only communicated with another entrance

1 See Ariam Antique p. 105.

2 Archaeological Survey of India, Cunningham, vol. ii. p. 64, where it will be
seen that the fame of this legendary Baj ah extends from Jelalabad to the Punjab.
Lowenthal derives the name of Udi from JJdijuna ; but General Cunningham
identifies it with “the great Indo-Scythic race' of Yuli or Yuehi” Macgregor,
in his papers on Central Asia and Afghanistan, states that in Ivafiiristan “their
kings are named Oda and Odashooh.” "We have here perhaps the most probable
origin of the name.

BUDDHIST GATES OF AFGHANISTAN.

329

from tile front. One continuation behind terminated where
a perpendicular shaft exists ; and another which branches off
obliquely comes out again into a hollow, thus forming a sort
of “ back-door ” to the place. The ramifications of this Cave
it will be seen from the plan, where the dimensions are
given, makes it, with the exception of the “ Bazaar,” already
described, the largest of the Caves I had seen in the Jelal-
abad Yalley. At the entrance of this Cave the plaster was
left in tolerably fair condition, and the section with circular
roof, given in plate 2, is taken from it. In the rubbish
at the entrance there were found some pieces of a Corinthian
capital, and a fragment of a round stone ornamented with
lotus leaves, which had probably been the base of a statue.
These had no doubt tumbled down from some structures
above, of which the foundations were visible.

To the north of the Palace of the Hoda Rajah, and in the
same cliff, are a number of Caves, three or four of w T hich are
exceptional in their form. They are square in plan, with
flat roofs, but the roofs have domes in their centres. The
domes are round in all except one, which is conical, or of
a tent shape (see plate 5). These Caves are very small, the
one with the conical dome is of very restricted dimensions,
being about 6 feet square; the dome is 3 feet 2 inches
diameter, and about the same in height ; the circular formed
dome, given in plate 5, is 7 feet 3 inches diameter, and its
height is 3 feet. The Cave, of which a plan is given in same
plate, was larger ; still it is only 13 feet square, and the dome
is 9 feet diameter. This had eight small niches, two near
each corner: these were about 2 feet 6 inches wide, and
about 3 feet high, arched at the top. In one of these Caves
part of a circular base was found under the dome. There
was not enough left to determine whether it was the pedestal
of a statue, or the base of a small Tope ; so that that point
is left uncertain. I am inclined to think that this exceptional
form of cave was excavated to contain Topes.

We have no counterpart to these Caves in India, that I
can remember, except it be the circular inner recess of the
Lomas Rishi, Yiswa Mitra, and the Sudama Caves at Barabar,

330

BUDDHIST OATES OF AFGHANISTAN.

the recesses of which are domed, and were supposed to have
contained Topes. Although these scpiare Caves at Hada are
in some respects widely different from those at Barabar, still
I am struck while writing by the case of having to recur
again to the Bengal examples for the type of the Afghanistan
excavations.

This last group of Caves being so small they have
escaped the ruinous results of having been occupied by the
Eoochis, and some traces of paintings are still visible on
them. The domes seem to have had one or two belts of
panels all round represented in colour, and in each panel
was a figure, little more than a head and shoulders, the
background being either a trefoil arch, or a nimbus round
the head, — the effort to represent them in plate 5 makes them
far too distinct, for what is left of them is very shadowy.
The smallest of the Caves,— that with the tent-shaped dome,
from its littleness, seems to have escaped all the influences
of smoke, and there is in it a fragment of a painting in
which the colours are still very bright, particularly a hack-
ground which is of emerald green, — if that colour was known
to the painters of the period. The plaster has been knocked
off in large patches, and this picture has not escaped. The
background of green is a circle about 18 inches diameter;
the upper part is damaged, but there is still left the lower part
of a human figure, sitting on a chair, with the feet resting on
a footstool, — the one ankle resting over the other : the left
hand resting on the thigh. No costume is visible. Plate 1
gives a sketch of the painting, with enlarged details of the
chair. The legs of the chair are so like those of Gharpot/s, to
he seen in India at the present day, that w r e may suppose
they have been turned on a lathe. The perpendicular bars
are made in imitation of the “ Buddhist Bailing/ 5 There are
chairs and sofas represented in the Amaravati Sculptures ;
these are no doubt thrones, as royal or important person-
ages sit on them; hut even now Bajahs do not sit on chairs,
the throne is a Gadi, or pad. This implies a very curious
change in India since the Buddhist period. Chairs or seats
are not unknown in India, — late European influences are

BUDDHIST CAYES OF AFGHANISTAN*.

331

outside of the point here, — but it might be stated that almost
the whole population of India are without such articles of
furniture. It would be important if some one could explain
the influences which have produced such a change.

If all the Caves in Afghanistan were painted, and the
chances are that they were, we may be certain that a vast
mass of valuable knowledge has been destroyed with them.
These small Oaves were the only places in which I saw any
fragments of painting. Yestiges of colour were visible on
some of the Topes, and on the sculptures upon them ; a figure
which came to light at the Ahin Posh Tope had .evidently
been painted yellow. The late Sir Vincent Eyre has mentioned
to me that he saw paintings at Bamian, and I think Lady Sale
also alludes to them, and says something about her daughter
and herself having tried to copy some of them. This implies
that the subjects had some importance thus to attract the
ladies to make copies.

One day a man came in from Hada and told the late Sir
L. If. Oavagnari that he knew a Cave that was much larger
than that of the Hoda Rajah’s Palace. At his request I
went out to Hada with the man, and the result shows how
little one ought to trust to people living on the spot about
matters of this kind. In plate 2 a plan of this Cave is given,
mainly to show the form, of one of the exceptional Caves, but
it will be seen that it is much smaller than the one the man
compared it with. Its length in one direction is 50 feet. The
sides and roof were in a tumble-down condition. There were
some remains of plaster on the circular roof.

Art. XXI*. — file Identification of the Sculptured Tope at
Sanchl By William Simpson.

The Sculptured Tope in plate xxviii. fig. i. of Tree and Serpent
Worship suggested, from its height, to Mr. Fergusson, that
it was formed after the Afghanistan models. He also hinted
the possibility of the figures, who are performing pujah
round it, being a race from the North, and perhaps from the
Kabul Valley. The Rev. Mr. Beal has just added some most
interesting evidences which tend to confirm the original sug-
gestion. As the point is of great importance in many ways,
the following additional evidence may be worth giving: —
In the early part of 1879, when General Sir Samuel Browne’s
column was at Jelalabad, Mr. Jenkyns, who afterwards lost
his life in the massacre at Kabul, somehow picked up a
man from Kaffiristan. He had been bom a Kaffir, but had
been caught by the Mahomedans, and converted, — • such
persons are called “Nimchas.” He lived somewhere close to
the borders of Kaffiristan, and Mr. Jenkyns commissioned
him to return to his own district and bring back a couple of
pure unconverted Kaffirs. Mr. Jenkyns’ object in this was
to study their language, and learn as much as he could as to
their customs and other matters. The man promised to do
this, and he was to bring them to Peshawer, or wherever
Mr. Jenkyns was quartered. I went by appointment to make
a sketch of this man, and I noticed that he did not leave his
shoes on the outside of the tent- door ; he doubled his legs
under him, but after a little I noticed that his shoes were
pieces of leather tied about his feet, and bound by thongs
round the ankles. This explains why the u jooti dustoor ”
does not exist in Kaffiristan. Colonel Tanner, who was then
on the Survey Department, caught some Chugunis, who be-
longed to the Northern slopes of the Ram Koond ; this tribe
is Mahomedan, but their district is not far from Kaffiristan.

wycV,

SCULPTURED TOPE AT SASTCHI.

333

I have a sketch of one of them, and the thongs of his leather
shoes are also wound round his legs above the ankle. This
arrangement is very similar to what is represented in the
Sculpture at Sanchi. If we assume that this mode of tying
the shoes is a continuation of the old method which has
remained in the regions about Kaffiristan, it forms a strong
confirmation of Mr. Fergusson’s original theory. That old
types do remain in this out-of-the-way region we have evi-
dence in the peculiar dagger which the Niincha as well as
the Chugunis carried ; this was identical with one found on a
piece of Buddhist sculpture discovered at Hada, — the Hidda,
or Hilo, of Hiouen-Thsang. It is quite distinct in its form
from the Charm or knife of the modern Afghan.

The evidence that wearing bandages round the legs was a
common custom of the Northern Himalayas does not end
here. When in Kashmir, I made sketches of two musicians
belonging to the Maharaja’s Balti-ke-pultan, and they are
cross-gartered from the ankles to the knees in blue and
yellow, in a style which Malvolio would have delighted in.

I have still another illustration to give of wearing
bandages round the legs in the trans- Indus region. In
making my preparations for following the operations in
the late Afghan War, I did what I found others doing, and
I bought for myself, as well as for each of my servants, long
stripes of woollen cloth, “ putties” I think they were called ;
these were wound round the legs from the ankle to the knee.
I understood it was an Afghan custom, for the cold weather.
This peculiar kind of legging will be seen in some of my
sketches sent to the Illustrated London News at the time.
As such articles of costume were unknown to the plains of
Hindostan at any period, they form a strong probability in
favour of the figures in the Sanchi Sculpture being men from
a Northern and a cold climate. All these examples of
leggings apply also to the Yavana warrior, sculptured in
the Ptani Ka Nur cave at Katak.

It may be worth mentioning here that the Russian soldiers
wear, as a substitute for stockings, a piece of cloth wound
round the feet and ankles. I speak of this from dead bodies

334 SCULPTURED TOPE AT SAjN t CHI.

I saw on the battle-field of Inkerman, where not one of
them had stockings under their boots. As the Eussians are
closely connected with the Turanians of Central Asia, it i s
possible we have here a hint as to the ethnic origin of this
custom.

Most of the figures in the Sanchi Sculpture wear a
fillet round their heads, with the ends hanging down be-
hind. An inspection of the old coins found in Afghanistan
will show that this was another peculiarity of that region in
the Buddhist period. The Sanchi figures have a cloak, fised
on the breast, and thrown over the shoulders, and han<nn*
down behind, leaving the arms clear. A costume of°this
kind, worn in the same fashion, is a marked feature of the
figures on the Indo-Scythian coins. Bandages on the le® s
are also indicated on some of these coins. "

In the left-hand corner of the Sanchi Sculpture there are
two men blowing horns of a long ogee form. These horns
terminate like a drooping flower, but they are more probablv
intended for serpents’ heads. Instruments of the same o^ee
form, but without the peculiar termination, are yet to°b e
found in the region of the Northern Himalaya. I have
sketches of these horns made at Chini, on the Sutlej, where
I saw them used at the pujahs in that village. The perfor-
mers held them aloft exactly as represented in the Sanchi
Sculpture. Simple pipes or whistles, cut with a knife, such
as those on these sculptures, are also common among the shep-
herds of the Himalaya,— I speak of the region of the Sutlej,
where I have often heard their notes echoing through the
valleys. A faint recollection clings to my mind that* I one
day saw a man playing on two pipes as represented at Sanchi,

I have no sketch, and it is so long ago, I do not feel
justified in giving this as evidence to be relied on.

The illustration accompanying this is from a sketch of one
of Col. Tanner’s Chuginis, and it is only given to illustrate
the thongs round the legs ; the other parts of the costume
are not remarkable,— the headdress being the loongi worn by
all Afghans.

Figure 1

B orwwmg from Oie
-ArcfraicFKoeriiaa.ri

Indian

^ III

n OO« 0=

zo o o o

^HwIhI'h

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JjLcti

^ X X

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Figure

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ckk %

ran

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/oo J?

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n °o

r Tf

TWnre

= V\S “ H4- -K

335

Art. XXII. — On the Genealogy of Modern Numerals . By
Sir E. Clive Bayley, K.C.S.I., C.I.E.

Nearly fifty years have elapsed since James Prinsep first
announced his discovery of ancient Indian Numerals, and
attempted their decipherment. Towards this latter object *
gradual advance has been made from time to time, and: 1
now, thanks to the successive labours of Thomas, Cunningham, |
Bhao Daji, Biihler, Bhagwan Lai and others, it is possible
to give to each symbol used its proper meaning.

Nevertheless, there is still much left to settle, and as
regards the history of these signs there is yet great uncer-
tainty. It is known that while in European parlance our
modern numerals have been termed “ Arabic,” yet that they ;
differ in several important points from those used in Arabic
writing ; moreover, Arab writers emphatically declare these f
last to be an Indian invention. Still, the chain of descent
of either form from an Indian source has never been satis-
factorily elucidated. And while no doubt the modern system
of using, for all purposes of notation and calculation, nine unit
figures and a zero, arranged in decimal order, is apparently
indigenous in India, it has not yet been distinctly shown how
this simplified form was eliminated from the complicated
system of notation which was in ancient times used iii
India. This last, as we now are aware, employed (with
many variations of form) no less than twenty signs, capable,
in some cases, of being differentiated by certain methods so
as to signify higher powers of the original. This ancient
system moreover employed no zero.

Much has indeed been written on these points, so much
indeed that any undertaking to collect, examine, and analyze
all the literature of the subject, would be far beyond the
compass of a paper like the present.

336

THE GENEALOGY OF MODERN NUMERALS.

All that will be now attempted is to give the leading facts
already established and accepted. It is not proposed to add
much which is really new; but it is hoped, by a fresh
arrangement and collocation of data, to suggest solutions
of each separate problem of at least a plausible character.

It will of course not be possible to attempt this except in
the shape of a sketch ; but, as far as may be, the authorities
used will be indicated, so that readers who desire to consider
the matter more fully, wall be able to test the information
tendered, and the arguments employed, more completely than
can well be done in a brief memoir.

The whole case naturally divides itself into three parts, viz.

(1) The origin of the ancient Indian system of numerals.

| (2) The simplification of this system, by the rejection of

( all the signs except those for the nine units, and by the in-
vention of the zero.

* (3) The propagation of this latter system, and of the

1 varying forms of the numeral signs, both in the East and
j West.

It will be convenient to discuss these three divisions of
the subject in their chronological order, and to divide this
paper accordingly into three separate parts.

Part L— Origin of the Ancient Indian System of
Numeration.

The earliest 1 inscriptions hitherto discovered in India are
those at Nana Ghat, 2 in the Bombay Presidency, which have
been ascribed to the early part of the third century b.c., and
which are supposed to be memorials of the early Andhra
dynasty of Southern India, and of their contemporaries. In
these inscriptions are found systems of alphabetical writing

1 Since this was written I have become aware that Professor Savee is about to
publish yet earlier examples of ancient Indian writing, but they will not, I
believe, include any examples of numerals.

2 The results of the examination of the A T &nh Ghat inscriptions by the Bombay
Arch geological Survey have not yet reached England. The numerals of the Nana
Ghat period are therefore taken from the facsimiles given by Bkagw&n Lai
Indraji in the Indian Antiquary for 1877, vol. vi. pp. 4-1-47.

THE GENEALOGY OF MODERN NUMERALS.

337

and- of notation by non-alpbabetie signs, both singularly
perfect and complete.

But though the alphabetical and numerical systems of
India thus first appear together, and in a complete form, on
the historical horizon, it by no means follows that they are of
identical, or even of contemporaneous origin; and as the
subject of the present paper is the system of notation only,
questions concerning the alphabet will only be noticed when
it may be necessary to do so incidentally, in order to illustrate
the main question. 1

Plate I. attached to this paper gives a table of the early
Indian numerals, and of the principal modifications which
they underwent from their first appearance till the adoption
of the simplified mode of notation with a zero, or down to
about 650 a.d., that is to say, over a period of nearly a
thousand years. 2

It is of course natural that the curious phenomenon of a
perfect alphabet, and of a very good system at least, of nota-
tion, being thus found together at a very early period, for the
first time, without any palpable evidence of previous local de-
velopment, should give rise to much speculation. It has been

1 A priori , numerals are likely, at least in all ancient systems, to be of later
date than written expressions of ideas, for they seem to have been originally
little else than 1 1 shorthand ’ ’ modes of writing numbers. Of course, however,
when an alphabet is borrowed from an external source, as the Indian alphabet
in its initial form probably was, the alphabet so borrowed may have already had
a system of numeration attached to it, which was imported with it. There
is, however, one fact which might he held to indicate that the Indian alphabet
originally possessed no numeral system. The old Pali writings of Ceylon, that is,
the hooks of the Buddhist religion written in the sacred language of Buddhism,
do not employ any numerical signs. This religion and its language were intro-
duced from India into Ceylon apparently during the fourth, or late in the fifth
century b.c. In these books the numbers are either expressed in words, or by a
certain arrangement of written syllables. It does not, however, necessarily follow
that the Indians were at that time altogether ignorant of numerical notation by
separate signs; only that in all probability such a method had not come into
use in sacred writings, or in MSS. of any kind. Some such system indeed very
probably existed in India even before 400 b.c., though perhaps in a more
or less imperfect state, for, as will be seen presently, there is some ground for
believing that it received improvements by successive borrowings down to the
middle of the second century b.c,— [M. Rodet and Professor Rask, quoted by
Pihan, Signes de Numeration, pp. 142-43 ; also Cantor, Mathematische Beitrage,
pp. 58-59.]

2 The references attached to this Plate indicate the authority on which each
figure is adduced ; for the most part it will he seen that these are given from
original photographs or coins, and only when that is not possible from trust-
worthy facsimiles.

VOL. XIV, — [new series,]

338

THE GENEALOGY OF MODERN NUMERALS.

accordingly suggested that they were introduced together,
<< ready made/' by the Brahmanic-Aryan races who overran
Upper and Central India before the historic period. Not only,
however, is there a total want of evidence in support of this
hypothesis, but it is inconsistent with many uncontested
facts ; it leaves unexplained, the apparent disuse of the systems
for a period of nearly a thousand years at least which this
theory involves, and the reason why this alphabet was not
used by other branches of the same race, who certainly adopted
from external sources various alphabets peculiar to the locali-
ties in which they settled ; as they would naturally do if they
had none of their own, but hardly so, if the case were other-
wise. Other writers have suggested that the system was
originated in India itself either by the Aryan invaders or
by the races whom they found settled there; but this
hypothesis involves a long, independent process of develop-
ment, of which no evidence of a trustworthy character exists,
and indeed the separate and independent invention of such
an elaborate system is against all probability and experience.
A third hypothesis supposes that both the alphabet and the
numeral signs were brought into India from a foreign source,
and many points of resemblance have accordingly from time
to time been noted between the Indian, and other alphabets
and numeral systems.

Dr. Buhler — now Sanskrit Professor at Yienna, who has
during his long residence in Bombay given much attention
to the subject — has come to the conclusion that the alphabet,
in its original shape, may have been introduced into India
from a foreign source, and subsequently adapted by gradual
alterations to Indian purposes; but that the numeral signs
are, at least in their later forms, nothing else but the alpha-
betical expressions of certain syllables termed “ aksharas,”
which possess in Sanskrit fixed numerical powers. This view,
originated by Pandit Bhagwan Lai, has been elaborated by
Professor Buhler in his official lectures at Yienna, and he has
been good enough to furnish me with a memorandum giving
the substance of the arguments he has employed, and this
will now be given in extenso .

THE GENEALOGY OF MODERN NUMERALS.

339

In doing this, however, it will be observed that the
hypothesis thus put forward necessitates to some extent an
explanation of Dr. Biihler’s views on the origin of the
alphabet also. 1

Memorandum by Professor Gr. Buhler, Ph.D., C.I.E.

“ The Southern Indian Alphabet, the oldest form of which
we possess in the Maury a and Andhra (N&nagh&t and Nasik
Earli and Amaravati inscriptions), no doubt comes before us
as a fully developed system about 300 b.c., and is accom-
panied both in certain Maurya and in certain Andhra in-
scriptions, by an equally developed system of numeral figures,
which are clearly syllables.

“As far as I can see, there can be no doubt that this
alphabet was an old institution in India about 300 b.c., and
that it owed its development to the grammatical schools of
the Brahmans.

“ The arguments proving its great age are —

“ 1. The enormous extent of territory over which it occurs,
from Kathiavad to Orissa and the Eastern Coast, and from
the Himalayas down to the Sahyadris.

“ 2. The fact that it must have been generally known
among the higher classes (and even the lower classes) of
this enormous territory ; as is shown —

“ (a) By the circumstance that Asoka could hope to im-
prove the morals of his subjects by official placards,

“ (b) By the exquisite execution of the inscriptions, which
excels (e.g. on the Dehli and Allahabad pillars) all the best
work of the Roman and Greek stonemasons,

“ (c) By the fact that the stonemasons, a low caste in
India, used (as Cunningham has lately discovered) the letters
(e.g. at Buddha Gaya) to mark the pillars, and that the order
in which they gave the letters reveals the existence of a Bar&
Khacli, or table of the alphabet, which closely resembles that
still in use in our indigenous schools, and proves that the

1 Dr. Buhler’ s memorandum was attached in the first instance to a private
letter, and was originally intended only for my personal use, and not for
publication.

340

THE GENEALOGY OF MODERN NUMERALS.

system of instruction now followed was already elaborated
2000 years ago.

“3. The fact that both the Maurya and the Andhra
alphabets are sister-alphabets derived from a common source.
It is wrong to say that the Andhra is derived from the
Maurya alphabet; a comparison of the two alphabets, for
example, in Burgess’s tables, shows the contrary.

“ Take the da and dha ; in the Maurya alphabet we have
[1 da, & dha ; in the Andhra i cla and <£ dha.

“There cannot be any doubt that the dha was developed from
da by the addition of a little hook or curve added at the right

of the da, just as in j dha and chhci, [j pa and pha.
Now it is utterly impossible to derive the & of the Maurya
alphabet from the ), but its connection with the Andhra
£ is v er y clear. Hence, I say, it is probable that the latter
sio-n is the older one, and that the Maurya r 5 is not the parent
of the Andhra sign. It may either be itself a development
of the Andhra sign (by a change of the curves into angles),
or an older alphabet may have had both the angular and
curved signs. But, however that may be, the South Yindhyan
Pali alphabet is not a daughter of the North Yindhyan alpha-
bet. The bearing of this point on the age of the South Yin-
dhyan alphabet is clear.

“ 4. The fact that the Brahmanical grammarians have de-
veloped the Maurya and Andhra alphabets, and brought them
into the shape in which we first find them. This point is
proved by the following circumstances : —

“ (a) Nobody but a native grammarian (who, indeed, wanted
the distinctions for his school lore) would have invented five
or six separate signs to indicate various shades of the nasal

sounds. We have in the Maurya inscriptions _L> J_> "]-|> 8> as
a numeral G, and the same signs occur again in the Andhra
inscriptions. There is a clear tendency to have separate signs
for the nasal of each of the five ‘ Yargas,’ or classes of the
consonants as arranged by the grammarians : gutturals, pala-
tals, linguals, dentals; and there is besides the *, which
is used both as a conjunct nasal for all classes and the curious

THE GENEALOGY OF MODERN NUMERALS.

341

nasal g sound at the end of words, which corresponds to the
Trench final n.

“ Now there is no other alphabet in the world which has
developed such a number of signs for nasals ; most alphabets
have only two ; some, like the Greek, three. If the Indian
alphabet is derived from a Semitic source, these nasals must
be mostly an Indian invention. It is also quite clear from
the forms, that three at least are only differentiations of one
fundamental form. Nobody has ever doubted that the X is
derived from the X 5 it seems to be also highly probable that
the h g° es back to the same type, for there is another rare
form of the X in. the Andhra inscriptions [_> looking very much
like the Maury a u fi. The h arose out of this by the intro-
duction below of two bands and the addition of the top

horizontal stroke, or we might also say that the h was
derived from the X in its Andhra form, viz. Z, by pro-
longing vertically the two ends of the lower horizontal line.

“ Now who would have fallen on such a cumbrous system of
nasals (which by the way in the Prakrit inscriptions serves
no useful purpose because at least X and X are used pro-
miscuously) ? Certainly not a merchant, for a merchant
would only care for brevity, not for phonetic accuracy, and
as a matter of fact the merchants in their books never used
all the signs of the alphabet, and certainly no vowel signs,
till compelled to do so by the English Courts. Again no
Prakrit-speaking official or writer would dream of dis-
tinguishing between X and I, because to him the two
letters were interchangeable and meant the same thing, na
or na 9 according to the country to which he belonged, or
according to the dialect which he spoke. But all these forms
would be necessary to a Brahmanical grammarian who had
in his fine polished school-language carefully to distinguish
between ng, n , n, n, m, the anusvara ° and the anun&sika

and who according to his belief gained heaven, or went
to another place — as he pronounced his sacred texts rightly,
or wrongly.

“ Hence I say the differentiation of the nasals shows the
influence of the Brahmanical grammatical schools.

342

THE GENEALOGY OF MODERN NUMERALS.

« (J) The same inference may be drawn from the existence
of the" three sibilants f\j, m, and £ (Khalsi and Pantaleon’s
coin), all three go back to one original form, which consists of
two little semi-circles, and differ only in the arrangement
of these elements. Now Semitic alphabets have two sibilants :
whose interest was it to have three? Of course it was
necessary for the Sanskrit grammarians' and for nobody else.
In Prakrit only two sibilants exist, and they are used very
promiscuously, according to dialects. A merchant "would not
be such a fool as to burden himself with such useless ballast.

“ ( e ) A similar inference may be drawn from the careful
system of short and long vowels.

u (<f) Likewise from the invention of the la £., which is
peculiar to the Andhra inscription, because the sound occurs
only south of the Yindhya range.

“ But if it be granted that the Maurya and Andhra alpha-
bets have been developed by Brahmans, does not that show
that they must have been long in use before the time when
we first find them ?

“This inference as to a very early cultivation of the
art of writing in India, at a time indeed much anterior to
300 b.c., is strengthened by the consideration of the Northern
(Bactro-Arian) alphabet, which was clearly worked up by
the same class of people who fashioned the southern system of
characters. Take, for example, the system of vowel notation,
and the system of compound letters, which follow exactly
the same principles as those of the Southern alphabet.

“As regards the Indian numerals, my views are as follows :

“I. The Indian numerals, consisting of separate signs for
the units, the tens, the hundreds and the thousands, are all
syllables , which were pronounced as such, not signs for which
the numerals were pronounced.

“ The reading of these syllables has in general been given
correctly by Bhagvanlal, except for the signs — , =, =, |n ;
the former three must be read u, u , and u-u, and the last nu
(Fleet’s discovery). As regards the reading of Jf, 0 ( 3 ), ^
(hr), it is doubtful as yet whether the pronunciation was phu,
gu y hu , or phra, gra , kra . I now incline to the latter view

the gen eal ogy of modern numerals.

343

(though I cannot find any distinct proof of it), because the
u certainly appears in the hundreds. The proofs are:.

“ (1) The most certain evidence for the ancient times is
furnished by the Bupnath and Sahasr&m Edicts. In the
former 200 is clearly rb, while in the latter y is used. It is
impossible to see iq, the first sign anything else but the
syllable sic (not su), as the elongation of the right-hand stroke
of the s shows that something else than the simple su is
intended, and the natural explanation is that the second u
sio-n, which makes the vowel long, has been attached at the
top instead of below, rb instead of fo. A similar plan for the
expression of long u is' adopted in Dr. Burgess’s new inscrip-
tions of Purushadatta from the Stupa at Jagayyapetta.

There tu is several times written E and the stroke indicating
the length of the vowel attached to the top of the t. The
cause of this proceeding, as well as the uncouth appearance
of the s in y (Sahasram), is the desire to distinguish by
the form of the syllables, the cases where they have numeral
values, from those where they have merely an etymological .

value as parts of numerals. .;j)

« ^2) The second proof is the fact that several syllables
change their shapes according to the change of the letters in
the various alphabets (Bhagvanlal), always with this proviso,
that mostly some slight difference is allowed to remain
between the form of the syllables as numerals, and those
used as parts of words. The change shows that the people
pronounced the syllables as syllables, and the differences
which frequently occur are due to the reason above given. .

“ (3) The third proof is that a few signs show such variation
as can be explained by phonetic changes, which m the
language, too, are of very frequent occurrence. The clearest
case is that of the syllable for 100. In the Asoka edicts
we have su, and the same occurs in the Andhra, and a great
many other inscriptions; but the Western Kshatrapas and
others use n, which is clearly Su IT. How in all Indian lan-
guages there occurs a wonderful confusion of the sibilants, and
in ancient times sa and Sa are in Prakrit equivalents. The one

344

THE GENEALOGY OE MODERN NUMERALS.

occurs constantly for the other. If we therefore find ^ and
n in the numerals for 100, the conclusion is that the people
were in that case as careless as in others, and pronounced
indiscriminately su and su, because they were accustomed to do
this in common life. The same was probably the case for
the numeral syllable for five, where side by side with forms
which clearly are nu, others occur which must be read
no (Wt, BhagvanlaFs tables).

“ (4) Fourthly, there are other cases where certain sects, or
the Pandits of certain countries, have misread the ancient
signs, and have substituted wrong syllables for them. The
best cases are : (a) that of the numeral syllable for 10
which in the oldest forms is la g- in the south, and da 1 ^ in
the north. This has been rendered by ^ and ^ ( Iri and la ).

“ ( b ) That of the numeral syllable for 100. The Nepalese
have misread (as has sometimes been done by modern epi-
graphists also) the ?j=su, as )j=a.

“In these cases the important point, which shows that
the people pronounced syllables, and not the numerals
when reading the signs, is that they always made a new
syllable of the old sign, not a mere unintelligible symbol.
Had they pronounced sata for they would have left it,
and not have written a clear }j for it.

“(5) The fifth argument is that dow.i to the present day
the numeral syllables are called aksharapalli , viz. ‘letter
table, by the Jainas, and are known to represent syllables.
Mallinatha [circa 1150 a.d.) speaks distinctly of such a
syllable as a sabcla ‘ a word/

“II. The system of numeral syllables as we find it in the
oldest inscriptions was settled by the Brahmanical schools.
The proof of this assertion lies in the use of the signs
dc (1^) 9 (p)ph, 0 (a)kh, which occur in Brahmanical

books, and speak alone. Nobody but a Brahman could have
dreamt of making the Anunasika (j, the Jihv&muliya 0, and
XTpadhmamya 0 serve for numerals. The circumstance that
the three strokes =, s are intended for *, u, &- u (. hrasva ,

1 da is the northern equivalent for la in the language also.

THE GENEALOGY OF MODERN- NUMERALS.

345

inventions

Gulf, via Suppa
Southern Indian
I think that, in
Deecke 2 between

dirgha , pluta) points to the grammatical schools being
the originators of the system. The proof for the assertion
that the strokes too have a vowel value lies in the manner in
which they are used with the hundreds and thousands —
100 being expressed by n ( su ), 200 T, and 300 ; 1000

by q (dhu), 2000 by and 3000 by . If the strokes had
a mere numerical value, the marking would be wrong and
unintelligible. We should then require for 200 <7?, and for
300 (N ]5. If we pronounce su, su, su-u, the difficulty
disappears. Hence, I conclude that wherever we find
the strokes — , =, s, these, too, are intended as symbols for
a vowel, and for the vowel u, because in all grammars the
vowel u is used to illustrate the three stages, short, long and
treble (pluta). Panini’s sutra is c u, u , u-ti — hrasvadirgha-
plutah/ i.e. ‘ vowels having the duration of u, u, u-u are
called long, short and pluta. 5 The origin and meaning of
these marks seems to have been forgotten very early, and in
the Bauddha and Jaina books, eka, dm, tri , or sva, sti, hi,
om , no, mo (the latter being the usual initial three syllables
of books), are substituted.

“III. Though I claim for the Brahmans the oldest form of
the Aksharapalli, 1 I do not claim for them its invention .
We constantly find in India that something foreign imported
into the country is made to assume native Indian forms, and
disguised so cleverly that one would swear it was a native
invention. As I believe that the Indian alphabets are foreign
introduced into India long before the historical
times, I think It probable that the numerical system came
from a foreign country. I believe the Southern Indian
came to India from Arabia or from the Persian
via Supp&ra (Sopheir) or Broach, and that the
Indian numerals came by the same road. But
that, In spite of the resemblances pointed out by
the Himyaritic and Maurya letters, we

seeing the tables given in Pl. II. Dr. Riililer informs me lie is convinced
“Aksharapalli” is of an origin extraneous to India, though he still
it difficult to believe that its signs are borrowed from four or five different
sources.—E. 0. B.

“ Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen gesellschaft ” for 1877, vol.

346

THE GENEALOGY OF MODEEN NTJMEEALS.

have not yet found the alphabet from which the Southern
Indian characters are derived. I think that there is much
less chance of making out anything about the numerals, and
of saying from what other system they are immediately
descended. But it is not at all clear that originally they
may not have come from Egypt, but probably through some
Arabian traders either from the Arabian Coast or from the
Gulf . 55

It now remains to set out the theory which it is proposed
to maintain and illustrate in the following remarks ; and it
may be said, once for all, that for this purpose it is not
necessary to deal with that part of Dr. Biihlers memorandum
which treats purely of the origin and growth of the alpha-
betical signs . 1

Briefly this theory is, that the Indian numeral system was,
if not wholly, at least mainly, of extraneous origin ; but that
it was not adopted all from the same source, or at the same
time.

In short, it will be attempted to show that it was, so to
speak, of an eclectic character ; that it began by the adoption
of a primitive and imperfect system — probably from the early
Phoenicians ; and that it was subsequently improved by suc-
cessive adoptions at various times, and from different sources

1 It is by no means intended to intimate any dissent from Dr. Biihler’s views
on this part of the subject; on the contrary, they seem at least a priori reason-
able. It may perhaps be a question how far the examples given by Dr. Bidder
go to prove the derivation of the Maurya forms of writing from the Andhra, —
they seem at least equally consistent with the supposition that both may have
been derived from some earlier common original, to which perhaps, in its square
and more archaic forms, the Maurya may preserve a closer resemblance than the
Andhra does. The more rounded forms of the latter may perhaps be due
to the nature of the substance written upon — which to some extent is even still
locally employed for writing, viz. the palm -leaf. On the other hand, Dr.
Biihler 7 s arguments may perhaps be held to make it at least probable that the
early modifications of tne letters which he traces to Brahman influence actually
grew up for the most part in the Andhra alphabet, and that they were adopted
thence by the Manryas. Indeed, this is a priori probable, inasmuch as the Andhra
court seems to have flourished for some time previous to the consolidation of the
Maurya power, and would thus have furnished a centre of civilization and learning,
where Brahmans would he more likely to find extensive patronage, than elsewhere
in Central India at that day. Indeed, even afterwards, the atmosphere of the
Maurya Court was possiblynot (especially during its later years) altogether favourable
to the development of Brahmamcal ideas. Otherwise the divergence between the
Andhra and the Maurya alphabetical types hardly seems greater than local circum-
stances would usually produce in India, within a moderate period of time.

THE GENEALOGY OF MODERN NUMERALS.

347

(Bactrian, Egyptian, and possibly Cuneiform), of additional
signs, until the whole grew up into a convenient, complete,
and almost perfect form.

This theory of course implies a very considerable degree
of intercourse between India and the nations from whom the
signs are supposed to have been borrowed ; and it will be
endeavoured to show that such an intercourse actually did
exist for commercial purposes.

This theory, it will be seen, is in fact little else than
an amplification of the third hypothesis explained above,
and is also in no respect contradictory to that advanced by
Dr. Buhler ; for it leaves entire room for the influence of the
“aksharas” in the gradual modification of the numeral forms;
in fact, as will be seen hereafter, the theory now advanced
attaches even greater importance to the existence of the
“ aksharas ” as a factor in the growth of the general science
of enumeration, than is assigned to it by Dr. Btihler . 1

On one point, however, Dr.Biihler’s memorandum requires a
few words of explanation. He appears to have understood me as
intending to suggest that the Indians were induced to borrow
the numeral signs for the imposes of commerce. Such a sug-
gestion, however, forms no part of the theory to be here
maintained. In fact, it is almost certain, from their cumbrous
character, that these early signs were not employed for
purposes of calculation or account. Such an use of them
probably did not spring up at least until the simplification of
the system, and the employment of the nine units alone for
purposes of numeration.

On the other hand, that the early Indians did adopt their
numeral signs from foreign nations, and that they acquired
their knowledge of these nations, and of all the incidents of
foreign civilization — including the use of numeral signs —
from an intercourse which was purely commercial in its

1 It may be observed that tbe influence of the aksharas and the Brahmanical
manipulation of the numerals would hardly begin to take effect till the numerals
were employed for manuscript purposes, — or perhaps for use in sacred MSS. ; and,
as will be seen from what has been said in a previous note (p. 337), of Professor
Rash’s remarks on tbe ancient Cingalese numerals, this use did not probably begin
till the fourth or fifth century b. c.

348

THE GENEALOGY OP MODERN NUMERALS.

initiation and object, is not only part of, but the basis of the
hypothesis on which this paper is founded.

It will perhaps make the theory thus put forward more
clear, if the circumstances which suggested it be briefly
stated.

An examination of the principle of the ancient Indian mode
of differentiating the signs for the ‘ hundred ’ and ‘ thousand ’
so as to make them express higher powers of those numbers
was suggested by an inquiry which will be mentioned further
on. 1

For the purpose of this inquiry, it became necessary to
examine the ancient Egyptian numerals, to which attention
had been drawn, as affording some points of resemblance
to the ancient Indian numerals, by Barth, Burnell, Bodet
and other writers.

That system was found, as will be shown immediately, to
present not only an identical system of differentiation, but to
afford a complete explanation of the causes which produced
it, which causes did not exist in the Indian system. It became
palpable therefore that it was borrowed by the Indians from
the Egyptians. Further inquiry, however, as to other re-
semblances between the Indian and the Egyptian numerals,
whether these last were hieratic or hieroglyphic, showed
that such resemblances could be readily detected in three
instances only — viz. in the earlier symbol for a ‘ thousand,’
which appeared to be taken from the Egyptian hieratic, and
in the latest symbols for a ‘ hundred ’ and a ‘ thousand,’
which were both clearly referable to hieroglyphic origins.

The evidence of borrowing, however, thus obtained, invited
inquiries in other directions. General Cunningham long
since indicated the Bactrian alphabet as the original source
of the unit numerals from ‘ 4 ’ to ‘ 9,’ and a comparison of
these last in their oldest form, as given on the N&n&ghat
inscription, with the lapidary (not numismatic) forms of
Bactrian writing of almost contemporaneous date, found in
the Shabazgiri edicts of Asdka, fully confirmed this conjee-

1 See p. 370.

THE GENEALOGY OF MODERN NUMERALS.

349

tore. 1 But it was not possible to carry the identification
beyond these unit signs. In proceeding, however, to examine
the Bactrian numerals , as explained by Professor Dowson
[J.R.A.S. Yol. XX. o.s. for 1.863, p. 228], it became apparent
that the second (rather rare) cruciform shape of the Indian
f four 9 was identical with the 'four J of the Bactrian numeral
system, and, moreover, that one of each of the signs for c 20 ?
and for ' 1.00’ in the second oldest stage of the Indian system
were only slightly disguised forms of the Bactrian signs
for those numbers.

After this result there remained unidentified only the forms
for 'ten/ and one other (the earliest) form of 'twenty/ the
(earliest) sign for a ' hundred/ and the signs for the higher
powers of ‘ ten ’ (except that for c twenty/ which has been
already dealt with above). The signs for 1, 2, and 3, were of
course common to every ancient (non-alphabetical) system
of numerals. Induced, however, by the analogy of the
Bactrian numeral system to that of the Palmyrene Phoeni-
cian, an examination of the various Phoenician systems was
next begun, and among the remaining groups of Xanaghat
numerals, it was found possible to identify a complete series
of archaic non-alphabetical Phoenician signs for the numerals
of higher denomination than units, viz. the ten, the twenty, and
the hundred ; the first no doubt in an altered shape, but the
hundred only slightly, and the twenty not at all disguised.

The figures for 30, 40, 50, 60, 70, 80, and 90 thus remained
alone without any discoverable archetypes ; and this partly
because, except for the ' 60 * and ' 80/ no examples can be
found in the Xanaghat inscriptions; indeed (except the 50,
which occurs in the Asoka inscriptions) no other examples
save those of a comparatively late date exist. Some conjec-
tural remarks, however, on their possible derivation and
mode of formation will be given later on.

1 See General Cunningham’ s paper, J.A.S.B. vol. xxiii. for 1854, p. 703,
note. It will be observed further on, that I have not entirely adopted the details
of General Cunningham’s identifications ; indeed, with the Ruler knowledge
of the Bactrian letters which we now possess, and which is so largely due to
General Cunningham’s own labours, that writer would not probably himself
now maintain them all, or indeed the theory founded on the facts as then under-
stood by him.

350

THE GENEALOGY OF MODERN NUMERALS.

Ia Plate II. Figs. 1, 2, 3, and 4, will be found tables showing
the figures attributed to each of the sources thus assigned*
arranged according to the supposed order of time in which
the originals were severally laid under contribution, and the
alterations (if any) to which they were subjected in the
process of adoption.

In Fig. 1 are given the numerals attributed to the archaic
Phoenician, 1 which, by reason of its simpler form, its greater
antiquity, and possible relation to the original source of the
Indian alphabet, it is proposed to consider the earliest in date.

It will be seen that the signs for one, two, and three, are
in the Indian system drawn horizontally. This probably
may be, as Dr. Bidder suggests, the result of Brahmanical
influence in order to bring them into correspondence (when
used for differentiation) with the written expression (in com-
position) of the powers of the vowel u ; still in Egypt these
signs were sometimes written horizontally also, and their
adoption in this form may have been at first a mere matter
of convenience in writing.

The earlier units were probably all expressed, as in the older
non-alphabetical Phoenician, 2 and in the hieroglyphic, 3 by
gjoups of simple lines, till this method was, ere long, super-
seded by methods borrowed from the Bactrians.

The ten of the early Indian system, it will be observed,
seems to be altered from one of two archaic Phoenician
forms (or a compound of both), turned, however, from left to
right,, instead of from right to left, to suit the Indian mode
of writing.

. In tlle oldest shape (that found at Nana Ghat), the Indian
sign for ten thus derived seems to express the syllable thu
as it would appear, written in Indian characters of that date’
which may possibly be an akshara (though not that used later
on) for ten; but this also may be a mere accident, for the
ordinary ctkshcirci for ten does not seem to be thu.

o Plh i?> Signes de Numeration, p. 164; PP * 112 114 *

iriiian, Signes de Numeration, p. 26.

THE GENEALOGY OP MODERN NUMERALS.

351

The twenty of the Phoenician, a simple circle, remains
unaltered in its Nana Ghat shape. The Phoenician figure
for a hundred is but very slightly changed in the Nana Ghat
shape, and even still less so in that employed by Asoka for
his inscriptions in Eastern India (where probably, as will
be explained presently, more archaic types in general pre-
vailed), though it is there differentiated in order to make it
represent two hundred.

It seems probable that the Bacfcrian numeral system was that
next laid under contribution ; for it is hardly likely that the
Bactrian numeral four should have been separately taken
after the Bactrian alphabet had supplied, as will be seen, a full
series of signs for the units above three. The loans from
Bactrian numerals are therefore shown in PL II. (both in
their original shape, and as reversed to suit Indian writing)
Pig. 2. Nothing further need be remarked in regard to the
identity of the figure for four ; — as has been said, the use of
this four in Indian numerals is rare — but it is found under
more than one modification on the silver coins of the Guptas.
It gave rise certainly to one of the two signs for forty, and, as
will be shown in the sequel, eventually prevailed as the model
for all the modem Indian and European types of four.

The twenty of the Bactrian system (a double ten) will, if
written reversed to suit the Indian writing, and with top and
bottom joined by a curved “ rounding” stroke, give the exact
form of the “ Cave ” variety of the Indian “ twenty/ 5 which,
slightly modified, was employed almost exclusively 1 on all
later coins and inscriptions.

The hundred of the Bactrian system, if also reversed,
requires but little alteration to convert it into the likeness
of the Indian “ S,” in which shape it occurs on Asoka’s
Western (dated) Inscription, and to which form it was
doubtless adapted under Brahman influence, in order to fit it
to the alphabetical expression of the “ akshara 55 “ su,” which
denotes a hundred. 2

1 The old form, however, occurs on one of Kunihra Gupta’s inscriptions at
Garhwa (of 129 Gupta), Cunningham, Arch. Survey, vol. x. p. 7, pi. iv.

2 Though in this case also the sign is differentiated to express two hundred.

852

THE GENEALOGY OE MODERN* NUMERALS.

To pass to Fig. 3, PL II., it may be taken as likely, for the
reason already assigned, that the adoption of certain signs
from the Bactrian alphabet was of later date than the
borrowing from the Bactrian numerals. It was probably , on
the other hand, anterior to the borrowings from the Egyptian
systems, for some of these latter were certainly of very late
date, later it will be demonstrated than that of the Nanaghat,
or even of the Maury a inscriptions; and the use made of
these Bactrian signs to improve on the Egyptian system of
differentiation, seems to imply some familiarity with their
use at a comparatively early period, and before the mode
of differentiation was obtained from Egypt.

It is necessary, however, to explain Fig. 3 more fully, and
it can only be said that the proof of borrowing consists
solely in the almost absolute identity of the numerals, with
the older lapidary Bactrian forms of certain letters. It will
be seen that the 4— the Bactrian letter chh (not eh), the 5 =p,
the 6=0, the 7=a, the 8=b, the 9=h.

Now, so far as it has been possible to trace the matter, it
may at once be said that the numeral force thus assigned to
the several letters cannot be explained by any known system
of alphabetical numeral notation, Aryan, Semitic, or Turanian.
Nor do the letters appear to give the initials of the names of
all or even most of the units they represent, in any known
language. 1

This fact, however, is not in itself sufficient to overthrow
the evidence derived from the absolute identity of the two
sets of forms. One system of notation by letters, well
known, and certainly of very considerable antiquity, the
Arabic abjacl, appears to be equally arbitrary in its assign-
ment of numerical powers to letters.

Still there doubtless was some reason for the adoption of
this system of notation, and for its adoption as an integral
system, for it will be observed that it overlaps the older
system supposed to be already in vogue in India, and gives
a second and alternative form for ‘ 4/

1 Indeed of hardly of any except the five.

THE GENEALOGY OF MODERN NUMERALS.

353

To confess the truth plainly however, it is only possible
with the present total want of evidence on the point to conjec-
ture this reason, or chain of reasons. A mediaeval writer,
Radulphus, Bishop of Laon, who died in 1131 a.d., declared
that the Greeks obtained th & peculiar names for the units, used
by the Neo-Pythagorean school, with the abacus , from Chaldaea.
It will be shown presently that this assertion is in a great
measure corroborated by facts ; and from analogy there
seems no great improbability in guessing that the Indians
obtained not the names, but the signs for the “ abacus/' together
with that instrument. For it has been already pointed out
that the signs for the units only , which alone would be used
with the “abacus,” appear to be taken from the Bactrian
alphabet, and that there seems to have been no further
borrowing from that source. If this conjecture be correct,
it would show, what is not antecedently impossible, that the
knowledge of the “ abacus” was obtained by the Indians
through Bactria }

But if even this hypothesis be granted, the question is
only advanced one step towards solution ; for why, it may be
asked, came it to pass that the signs of the “ abacus ” were
indicated by these particular letters ? even in Bactria before
their transfer to India ?

Two guesses may perhaps be permissible; the letters may
perhaps represent the initials of some lost system of unit
“aksharas,” and perhaps, if this be so, this explanation might
cover also the origin of the “abjad” system. For, as will be
explained a little further on, there seems reason to suspect that
a system of “ aksharas ” or phonetic notation was very early
and very widely employed. 2

But it may be noted that two Arabic traditions assign to
the “ Abjad” system, a mnemonic formula as its origin, one
declaring it to be expressed by a sentence which gave the

1 It need hardly be said that the use of the “ abacus ” is still common in every
village bazar in India, and has been universal apparently from time immemorial,

2 The term “akshara 77 (from the negative “a” and “kskar”), signifying
“indestructible,” “incorruptible,” seems to be a term invented after the intro-
duction of writing, or at least of numeral signs, as indicating the superiority in
respect of durability and accuracy of the phonetic signs,

VOL, XIV. — [new semes.]

354 THE GENEALOGY OE MODERN NUMERALS.

names of the first six kings of Midian, and the other by the
names of the inventor of the Oufic alphabet and of his
sons. 1

Such an origin would, too, not have been at all incompa-
tible with Indian usage, for, as will be shown, the ‘ aksharas J
themselves were practically strung together in a metrical form,
so as to give a sort of ‘ memoria technical

The subjoined conjectural solution of the point is there-
fore offered, though with diffidence, for it must be admitted
that some of the suggestions made are not in exact accord-
ance with the strict rules of orthography, at least of the
Sanskrit branch of the Aryan tongue.

It will be observed that the fourth letter in the group is the
initial letter a ; manifestly if they be the initials of syllables,
this letter must mark the beginning of a fresh word. Supply-
ing the inherent vowels, this word would become abaha or
abah. The accepted etymology of abacus , or at least that
generally favoured, refers it to a Semitic word equivalent to
the Hebrew (Ex. ix. 9, Is. v. 24, Ez. xxvi. 10) p^K abah,
or (which means ‘ very fine dust ’). This word might well
be written in dialects with the final letter Pi, corresponding
to both the Arabic ~ and and might therefore thus pass to
and abakh and abah , by a very slight change, or
abah might represent the name of the instrument, in a form
derived from the word for ‘ dust/ •

Admitting this, the preceding syllables must refer to some
objects connected with the abacus . If they refer to the signs
themselves, the expression would be in the plural number,
and this plural would probably be denoted by a suffix ; the
last letter, g, would then represent this suffix, and it naturally
recalls the modern Persian plural form of gdn, used
where a word in the singular ends in a silent h ; as
bundah , bundagdn , istadah, istddagan, zindah , zinclagdn , etc., etc.

1 M. Woepcke (Sur 1- Introduction de TArithmetique Indienne en Occident,
p. 68) quotes from Sibtb. ul Maridini, who died in 1527-28 a.d., another
mnemonic arrangement of letters according to the Abjad system, in groups
according to the powers of each unit, thus 1, 10, 100, 1000; and 2. 20, 200,
2000, etc.

THE GENEALOGY OF MODERN NUMERALS. 355

If this be so, the remaining syllables would represent chhapah ,
or chhapah , , a word which comes very near, indeed, to the
Hindi word chhapa , which signifies a ‘ sign/ ‘ stamp/ ‘ seal/
or 6 mark/ It has also a technical meaning in connection
with the ‘ Yaishnava * 1 creed, denoting the sectarial marks,
such as the f trident/ ‘ lotus/ etc., which the devotees of Yishnu
delineate on their bodies. Under the form of AjU- the same

V V 7

root seems to occur, and with a similar general force, in the
modem Persian; that is to say, in the sense of ‘ stamp/ or
e mark/ It is very improbable, either that a word of foreign
origin should be employed in the technical religious sense
which it possesses among the Indian Yaishnavas, or that the
Persians should have borrowed the word from the modern
Hindi. The alternative is to accept it as derived in both
instances from some common Aryan source. It is true that
the word chhdpd has not been admitted by etymologists
as referable to any known Sanskrit root. The form in chh
seems to indicate an original in ksh, but the nearest root I11
Sanskrit is kshi, from which chhapa does not come by any
regular rule. It is possible, however, that in this latter form
it may be only a corruption of some other, such as kshepa; and
though that word does not occur in the same sense, one mean-
ing of the root appears to be * to smear/ or even ‘ to depress/
from which the modern meaning may have come in a second-
ary form ; or the word may be even derived from some lost
Aryan root. If it be in any way referable to an Aryan
origin, It would not be out of place in a Bactrian sentence.
Nor is it perhaps too much to assume, that the modern Persian
plural in gdn is, perhaps, a relic of some (perhaps popular)
form of an ancient plural suffix of the same character. If
these conjectures be admissible, the sentence would of course
stand as chhdpagdn- {iydbah ‘ signs of the abacus/

After all, however, this interpretation can only be offered as
purely conjectural; the argument as to the Bactrian origin
of the signs cannot rest upon it, but must be based solely on

1 See Thompson’s Hindi Dictionary ; also Fallon’s Hindustani Dictionary, in
voce C£ Chhapa.” In the latter, a quotation of a Hindi verse will he found, in
which the word occurs in this sense.

356

THE GENEALOGY OF MODERN NUMERALS.

the almost exact identity of their forms with those of the
Bactrian letters.

Passing, however, from Fig. 3, Plate II., the borrowings
from Egyptian sources (Fig. 4) remain for consideration.

Of these, by far the most important in every way is the
system of differentiation. It might be imagined, if the ancient
Indian system of numerals came from Phoenician sources, that
the Indians would in the first place have adopted also the
Phoenician mode of differentiation. This was what actually
happened in the Bactrian system, which appears to have
been taken from the quasi- Phoenician Palmyrene. The
Phoenicians using a certain symbol for a hundred, differen-
tiated it with the unit representing its powers ; thus for
one hundred, they wrote the hundred symbol with a single
stroke on the right hand (i.e. before it) ; in writing two
hundred, they added a second stroke : exactly as in England
we write £1 for one pound sterling, £2 for two pounds, or
$4 for four dollars, etc., etc.

But the actual Indian mode of differentiation as first found
existing, is wholly and markedly distinct, and, as it occurs
in its Indian form, appears arbitrary and based on no
principle. Thus, the simple symbol for a hundred (or a
thousand) stands for one hundred (or one thousand) ; but when
it is given with a single differentiating mark (to the right,
that is, after the symbol), it stands for two hundred ; and
with two such marks, for three hundred ; that is, there is
always one mark less than the power to be indicated. When,
however, four hundred is reached, then the differentiating
mark takes the form of the unit ‘four/ and similarly in the
case of the remaining higher powers of a hundred below one
thousand.

If we turn to the column showing the Egyptian hieratic
forms in Fig. 4, Plate II., it will be seen that this is also the
principle of that system, and that there its adoption is easily
explained. In the original hieroglyphic signs, two hundred
•was denoted by a group of two of the symbols for a hundred,
four hundred by a group of four, eight hundred by a group
of eight symbols, etc., etc. The hieratic, however, which w T as

THE GENEALOGY OF MODERN’ NUMERALS. 357

a species of ‘ shorthand ’ writing, after once indicating the
symbol for one hundred, did not repeat it at length in the
case of numbers above one hundred, but merely placed after it
a square dot (or a line representing a group of dots) for
each symbol for a hundred which it omitted to write at full
length. Thus, one dot was added for two hundred, two dots
for three hundred, and so on. The number of dots being there-
fore, as in the Indian system, always exactly one less than the
power of the hundred which it was desired to express. In
the case of the seven hundred and nine hundred, however,
as the hieratic Egyptian possessed special symbols for the
units * seven 5 and ‘ nine/ these were used to differentiate
the hundred symbol (they had also a hieratic symbol for
five in occasional use, but did not employ it to differentiate)
instead of groups of dots, or strokes; exactly on the same
principle as that which governs the use in the Indian system
of the unit signs above three for purposes of differentiation.
The Indian system was therefore in principle altogether
identical with the hieratic Egyptian ; but so far improved
on its model, that having apparently already adopted from
the Bactrian alphabet special symbols for each unit above
three, they employed them to express not merely the seven
hundred, and nine hundred, but all powers above three
hundred, instead of the short spur-like side strokes with
which they replaced the Egyptian dots.

How no two other known systems of numeration in the
world possess this peculiar mode of differentiation, which, it
must be admitted, is hardly one which in all its details
is likely to have been twice invented. The history of
its growth is not to be traced in the Indian system — it is
easily seen in the Egyptian, where its development can be
explained by natural causes. Moreover, it was employed in
Egypt at least in 1200 b.c./ at a period far more ancient
than any probable Indian use of numerals.

There need be therefore little hesitation in affirming that

1 The presumed date of the u Rhind Papyrus, but the first use of these
symbols was probably older still.

858

THE GENEALOGY OF MODERN NUMERALS.

the Indians adopted this system exactly in all its principles,
as they found it already developed in the Egyptian hieratic,
improving it, however, to the slight extent already mentioned,
in a few of its details.

They effected another improvement, moreover, for they
used this mode of differentiation both for the hundred and the
thousand symbol. The Egyptians employed for the thousand
another and clumsier mode, allied to the ancient Phoenician.
This last adaptation may perhaps indicate that the Indians
adopted their mode of differentiation when as yet they had
no separate symbol for the thousand ; a supposition which is
not indeed unlikely, for they had been hitherto borrowing
only from systems belonging to the Phoenician family, and,
so far as is known, no Phoenician system had any separate
symbol for a thousand, which number they appear to have
represented by a group of figures. 1

The Indians, it may be observed, seem likewise to have
borrowed all their signs for the thousand from the Egyptians;
the earliest form being apparently merely the Egyptian
hieratic symbol deprived of its side stroke; the later one
a cursive form of the hieroglyphic ‘ lotus ? symbol. The
latest Indian symbol for the hundred also (which does not
occur till after 225 b . c .) seems to be, in its original form,
merely the hieroglyphic symbol for a * hundred * partially
straightened. 2 *

The only numerical signs therefore, of the ancient Indian
system, to which no positive derivation can be assigned, are
those for the powers of ten above twenty, viz. the £ thirty/
the 4 forty/ the * fifty/ the * sixty/ the * seventy/ the f eighty/
and the f ninety/ It seems, however, probable that these did

1 This faet may perhaps explain the following quotation from Sibth ul
Maridini (Woepcke, Sur P Introduction de I’Arithmetique Indienne en Occident,
p. 67) : li Sacliez que les ordres elemeutaires des nombres sont au nombre de
trois : unites, dixaines, et eentaines, dont ehaeun eomprend neuf na^uds.”

2 The term “latest” is used with the knowledge that an apparently new

symbol for a hundred (which Gen. Cunningham supposed to be a Bactrian letter)
occurs among the Indo- Scythian and Gupta numerals, but this seems rather a
cursive, modification of the ‘s’ shaped, or second oldest, form of the symbol (of
which it has been suggested that it came from the Bactro- Phoenician form), the

4 crook ’ on the left side only being omitted.

THE GENEALOGY OF MODERN NUMERALS.

359

not come from any single source. The forms of the double
signs for ‘ forty * at any rate clearly indicate a derivation from
the double signs for ‘ four/ and they were therefore probably
invented in India, after the adoption of the latter. The sign
for ‘ fifty/ is used either turned to the left hand or the
right indiscriminately, and it may be suggested on this
account, that it was probably borrowed at a late stage, from
some Semitic form of cursive writing, and that it was written
sometimes in one direction with reference to its Semitic
origin, sometimes in another, according to the direction of
the Sanskrit writing. The Egyptian hieratic fifty might
indeed possibly be the model of the early Indian fifty.
There is also another hieratic form for thirty besides that
which is shown on Plate I. (see Pihan, Signes de Numeration,
p. 27). On my silver coin of Skanda Gupta, dated in the
year 134 of the Gupta era, the thirty is almost identical with
this Egyptian hieratic form for thirty. The hieratic was
written always in Semitic fashion from right to left.

Again, there seems some probability that the signs for
sixty and seventy are connected. The Cingalese numeral
system, which preserves faithfully to the present day nearly
all the principles of the old Indian system, forms the sign
for seventy by the addition of the sign for ten to that for
sixty. The ancient Indian form for seventy is evidently
only that for sixty, with a spur-shaped stroke added to the
right, which may perhaps give the power of an added ten. 1
In connection with this fact may be remembered the Akkadian
1 2 for ‘sixty/ which is converted into by the

addition of ^~10. So also the Assyrian y^ = 60 becomes
y«=70 by the addition of the ^ = 10. 3

The eighty also seems to have been converted into ninety
by the addition of a similar augmenting stroke, and may,

1 This has already been suggested by Pandit Bhagwhn Lai (Indian Antiquary,
vol. vi. for 1877, p.*46).

2 I am indebted for these signs to the kindness of Mr. Pinches, of the British
Museum.

3 The Himyaritie * 50 ’ is also of the same form as the Akkadian *60/ and is

also augmented by signs for 4 10 7 (Ind. Ant. vol. iv* p. 27).

360

THE GENEALOGY OE MODERN NUMERALS.

perhaps, be borrowed from the same source as those for sixty
and seventy . 1

It is not practicable, however, with the information at
present available, to do more than thus conjecture the process
by which this last group of signs was obtained, or the princi-
ples on which they were formed. Indeed, as has been pointed
out, except of the sixty and eighty, no examples exist in
the Nanaghat inscriptions, and those of Asoka only add that
for fifty, and it is therefore impossible to be certain even of
the exact shape of most of the oldest forms.

At any rate it would seem clear that the early Indians
were unacquainted, when they adopted these signs for the
powers of ten, with any alphabetical or other system, which
would have furnished them with such signs ready made,
as, for example, the Greek or Phoenician alphabetical systems,
which possessed a complete series of s}^mhols for the powers
of ten . 2

Finding themselves, however, with a perfect system of
counting by separate symbols, from unity up to twenty, on
the one hand, and on the other with a similar set provided
for the numbers between one hundred and twenty thousand,
the Indians apparently set themselves to fill the intervening
gap, and provided themselves with the missing signs, probably
by a process of mixed borrowing and adaptation . 3

1 The Indian sign for eighty © might perhaps he taken from the Akkadian sign

for sixty placed between two Akkadian signs for “ten,” thus Of. the Assyrian

hieratic numerals as given by Menant, New Assyrian Grammar (1882).

2 It is a corollary of this conclusion that at the time when these indents were
made^on their alphabet, the Bactrians possessed no regular alphabetical system of
notation. It has been suggested that certain letters occurring on the coins of
later Bactrian kings, e.g. Hippostratus, Azas and Azilisas, express numbers and
dates. If so, the idea, or even the system, must have been obtained from the
Greeks, and this is rather rendered probable by the fact that these signs often
seem differentiated by the vowel which was usecl by the Greeks to express ‘ ten.’
If these figures represent numbers at all, therefore, they are probably low
numbers, and if dates, regnal dates only.

3 Of course they were not altogether debarred from expressing tbe intermediate
numbers, for they could have used the Phoenician and Bactrian mode by which
the highest of these were expressed by groups compounded of the signs for 20 and
for 10, and in which 20+10 stood for 30 ; 20+20 for 40, etc. This Phoenician
method of counting by twenty and tens together, must apparently have been the
origin of the Modern French “ soixante-dix,” “ quatre-vingt,” etc., coming down
from the usages of the early Phoenician colonists of Marseilles and other seaports.
It is curious that this awkward and antiquated method should have superseded the
far more convenient and expressive “ septante,” “ octante,” and u nonnante.”

THE GENEALOGY OE MODERN NUMERALS.

361

Leaving, however, this portion of the subject, it is necessary
to consider how far such long series of suggested borrowings
from foreign sources was either possible or probable.

The possibility turns of course mainly on the degree of
intercourse which existed in ancient times between the
Indians and the older Phoenicians, the Bactrians, the
Egyptians and other neighbouring nations. This question
opens out an enormous subject, into the discussion of which
it is impossible to enter at full length, and which has been
exhaustively treated by many writers of high authority,
such as Lassen (Indische Alterthumskunde, specially in voh
iii.), Reinaud (Memoire sur lTnde, and in other papers 1 ),
Heeren, Weber, and others. It will suffice, therefore, merely
to cite very briefly a few leading facts, which will show that
the connection between the Indians and other neighbouring
nations, was both more ancient and more extensive than is
ordinarily believed; and that their intercourse with the
nations of the west was chiefly carried on through the ports
and cities on the Western Coast of India.

As regards the Phoenicians, evidence has been brought to
light by recent archaeological enquirers, which renders at
least possible the view 2 that their original seat was on the
coasts of the Persian Gulf, as explained by Sir EL Rawlinson,
J.R.A.S. Yol. XII. n.s. p. 218, and in the same place, pp.
212-215, will be found a discussion on the early commerce
between the ports on the Red Sea on the one hand, and of
the Indian Coasts on the other — through the intermediate
ports of the Persian Gulf. For a sketch of the actual trade
carried on by the Phoenicians, both by sea and land, see
Humboldt’s Cosmos, vol. ii. pp. 128 to 133 (Murray’s edition). 3
Solomon 4 no doubt employed the aid of the Phoenicians, be-
cause of their already recognized skill in navigation and
knowledge of Eastern commerce, when he desired to procure

1 Specially that, in J. A. yol. i. series 6.

2 Maspero, “ Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de 1’ Orient,” pp. 146-148,
168-170; P. Lenonnant, 44 Manuel d’Histoire Ancienne de l’Orient,” vol. ii.
pp. 240-244.

3 Cf. also Heeren (Asiatic Nations), vol.i. Chapters on Babylonian and Phoe-
nician commerce.

4 See 1 Rings xxii. 45.

362

THE GENEALOGY OF MODERN NUMERALS.

the valuable commodities of the East ; and the intercourse
of the Phoenicians with Eastern nations must therefore, even
at that early date, have been thoroughly established. It is
now beyond doubt that, whatever may have been the exact
locality of Ophir, the goods which Solomon imported thence
were distinctly Indian productions. Nor is there any greater
improbability in the supposition, that the Phoenician traders
were in frequent intercourse, from very remote ages, with
the coasts of India by the Persian Gulf and Red Sea, than
with the coasts (to them more difficult of access) of Britain
and even of Northern Europe, as it has long since been
acknowledged that they were. It w T as of course with Western
India, and indeed with the upper part of the coast of Western
India, that this intercourse, whether by sea or land, must have
commenced. By land, the route lay through Sind. By sea,
the favouring monsoons to which alone the ancient vessels
would trust themselves blew from the S. W., and took all ships,
whether from the Bed Sea or Persian Gulf, naturally to the
upper coast. Besides, below Bombay on that coast there is no
harbour which can usually be made with safety by sailing
ships during the S.W. monsoon, at least till as far South as
Aleppee. It was no doubt for this reason that, as Eeinaud
shows , 1 the direct intercourse with Europe was up to a late
date confined to the Western Coast, though afterwards it ex-
tended to Ceylon. Neither is there any reason to believe that
this intercourse diminished in more modern times, as the
demands of increasing civilization in the West afforded grow-
ing markets for the luxuries of the East ; — Egypt no doubt
was one of the earliest and largest of these markets — and there
can be little doubt also that it was supplied at first mainly
through the agency of Phoenician traders — whether by land
or sea. In the Inscription of Cittium, as translated by the
Due de Luynes , 2 mention is made of the Phoenicians “residing
in Egypt,” who can hardly have been anything but resident
traders, and this inscription is attributed to the sixth
century b.c. It may be uncertain how far at this period

1 Journal Asiatique, series 6, vol. i. p. 354.

2 Numismafcique des Satrapies et de la lartgue de la Ehenicie, pp. 1X2, 114.

THE GENEALOGY OF MODERN NUMERALS.

363

any portion of this Eastern trade fell into the hands of the
Egyptians themselves — though at a very early date some of
their kings seem to have navigated at least the coasts of the
Bed Sea. Later on, events occurred which drew still closer
the connection between the nations of the East and West.
Political events sometimes brought the rulers of Assyria and
Babylon into hostile contact with the races of Canaan and of
Egypt, and sometimes into friendly or tributary relations.
Under the Persian Empire, which reached Westward to
Egypt, and to the borders of Greece, and which overlapped
the frontiers of India in the East — it seems certain that inter-
course between the extremes of that Empire, powerful, rich,
and luxurious as it long was, was fostered rather than
checked by their mutual relations to its central authority — *
Greek adventurers in no insignificant numbers passed into
Persia and resided there, and it may be presumed that
Egyptian fortune-hunters were hardly less numerous. The
Greeks through these means gained considerable information
of India and Indian affairs, and it may be taken almost for
granted that the Egyptians were in relations with India and
the East at least as close, and enjoyed knowledge of Indian
matters equally intimate. Moreover, it is hardly to be sup-
posed, on the other hand, that the quick-witted natives of
India were slow to avail themselves of the opportunities
thus afforded to them of acquiring some knowledge of the
advantages possessed by Western nations.

Later on, the marvellous fortune which led Macedonian
troops, not only to Persia, but across the Indus to the banks
of the Bias, and which planted in Central and Western Asia,
several dynasties all partaking more or less of Greek origin,
added another great stimulus to the progress of relations
between Europe and the East. The Courts of these kings
became centres of a new culture, where Greek customs and
the Greek language prevailed — as was also the case in Egypt.
Without doubt these circumstances all added largely to the
knowledge which Asiatics possessed of European and Egyptian
matters, and to the more perfect knowledge of Asiatic affairs
in the West. Moreover, after the great trading cities of the

864

THE GENEALOGY OF MODEEN NTUMEEALS.

Phoenicians were ruined by the attacks of the Macedonian
and Syrian kings, the direct traffic, which had become
thus stimulated and enlarged, fell in a great measure into the
hands of those who traded through Egypt and the Red Sea.
Later still, the Romans came on the scene, both as traders and
politicians ; and so early as the latter half of the last century
b.c., the Romans (to say nothing of other nations) maintained
mercantile establishments in all the chief ports of the Eastern
seas . 1 With the favouring monsoon of every year, two
thousand persons sailed from the ports of Egypt to those
of the Red Sea, the Persian Grulf and of the Indian Peninsula ;
while the reverse monsoon brought to Egypt a similar
influx of visitors or returning voyagers from the same quarters.
These facts alone may be held sufficient to show the enormous
intercourse which by that time had grown up between the
West and the East, and which, considering the difficulties
of ancient navigation, it must have taken a long course of
years to establish. Intercourse of this nature must too have
given to the Indians opportunities of learning, amongst other
things, the Egyptian numeral systems, and it is to be observed
that the Indian borrowings from this source have on other
grounds been placed amongst the latest obtained from any
traceable origin.

Nor, while habits of mercantile enterprize were thus
created in India, especially on the western coast, is it
probable that the facilities afforded by the passes of Western
Afghanistan for intercourse with Bactria, Persia, and Central
Asia, were wholly neglected. Many of the products most
valuable for western commerce, such as musk, saffron,
assafcetida and other drugs and dyes, were obtained in this
direction, or from Kashmir through the Panjab, where the
Bactrian alphabet and numerals were also in use.

Under these circumstances, it is hardly likely that the

1 Eeinaud, in Journal Asiatique for 1863, vol. i. series vi. p. 97 ; see also rest
of memoir, pp. 93 to 234. If we compare this Indian traffic to that with Europe
before the employment of steam navigation, and deduct from the latter the demand
for military and civil organization, the result will show that the purely commercial
intercourse of modern times was not very greatly in advance of that of the last
century b.c.

THE GENEALOGY OF MODERN NUMERALS.

365

Indians should have long remained in ignorance of the
systems of notation employed in these several foreign coun-
tries, or that they should have hesitated to avail themselves of
such convenient inventions. If the theory offered be accepted,
they would have naturally adopted entire the earliest with
which they came in contact, the archaic Phoenician. Nor
is there any reason to suppose that they would decline to
avail themselves of any improvements which they came
to know later on ; on the contrary, it is abundantly clear
from many facts in their history, that the Hindu people
have always possessed a great facility for appropriating and
assimilating anything w T hich it was advantageous to make
their own, blending even into their religion the traditions
and superstitions of tribes and sects with whom they found
it expedient to amalgamate ; and they would hardly have
been less ready to adopt from abroad, any signs which would
render their method of numeration more complete or more
convenient.

The Bactrian numerals would thus have given them a very
convenient sign for four, in lieu of the clumsy group of four
separate strokes, and a very distinct sign for twenty, which
was always, in the archaic Phoenician, liable to be confounded
with some of the forms of ten, and which was actually
identical with the ‘ten’ of the Himyaritic (or Sabman) of
later times. The Bactrian hundred, too, was far more easily
written than the old Phoenician, being composed of two
strokes inclined to each other, instead of three at right
angles, as in the Phoenician hundred. Again, if the in-
troduction of the ‘ abacus 9 was, as has been suggested,
accompanied by a knowledge of the special alphabetic signs
already employed with it in Bactria, the Indians would
hardly have rejected the convenience which these signs
afforded. And thus, accustomed to improvements, they would
not have neglected to adopt the neat mode of differentiation
which they found in the Egyptian hieratic, when at a later
date they became acquainted with it, or have failed to adopt,
later still, the more easily written and easily distinguished
signs for 100 and 1000 which they saw in the hieroglyphic.

THE GENEALOGY OF MODERN NUMERALS.

866

The method in which the Indian numeral system grew up
having been thus suggested, it is to be remembered that
what has been said above applies, of course, only to the
original formation of the Indian numeral system, as it stood
at the commencement of the Christian era ; and the table in
Plate I. is intended only to show this, together with some
of the leading shapes through which it subsequently passed
before the simplification of the mode of notation.

This last reform caused the disuse of the special signs
for the higher numbers, and brought other influences to
bear, which superseded the influence of aksharas, and which
determined by degrees the modern forms even of the signs
for the units which remained in use ; these points will
be considered in their proper place. It will not be
attempted, however, to trace all the variety of shapes (in
a great measure determined by local accidents), which
grew up in various parts of India, and which indeed, to
some extent, prevail even now. On this point, Woepeke
(Journal Asiatique, series 6, vol. i. p. 275) quotes the words
of Albiruni (writing in the beginning of the eleventh cen-
tury), which are here reproduced in their translated form
“De meme que les figures des lettres sont differentes dans (les
differentes parties de) leur pays, de meme aussi les signes
de calcul (varient) : Ceux-ci sont appeles anka (AJof). Ce
que nous employ ons (en fait de chiffres), est choisi parmi ce
qu’il y’en a de mieux chez les Indiens; et pen importent
les formes pourvu que Ton connaisse les significations qu’elles
renferment. Les Cachmiriens 1 numerotent les feuillets a
moyen de chiffres qui resemblent a des dessins d’orne-
ments, ou aux lettres des Ohinois, que Ton n’apprend
h connaitre que par longue habitude et par des efforts
constants, et que Ton n’emploie pas dans le calcul (execute)
sur la poussiere.”

Passing from Northern to Southern India, and from East
to West, we still find numerals employed, which it is difficult

1 Dr. Leitner has recently collected a number of forms of numerals used
in Kashmir by shawl- weavers and others, which exactly answer the description
here given. — “Linguistic Fragments,” Sec. I. Lahore, 1882.

THE GENEALOGY OE MODERN NUMERALS.

367

to believe can be in any way traced to the same originals ;
for example, the ordinary Hindi numerals, which are certainly
directly descended from the older forms, seem at first to
bear no resemblance whatever to the Tamil or Malayalam
forms, or to those still in use in Ceylon. Much of this differ-
ence has arisen from the fact, that the former have been
brought into their present shapes by a new influence,
the latter by that of the aksharas ; and this opportunity may
be taken for saying that the continued efforts of Brahman
teachers to bring the shape of the Indian numerals into
accordance with the alphabetical signs which express the
aksharas , though they will not be dealt with in this paper,
constitute an essential part of the history of Indian numerals;
for this operation was most important, and its ultimate
results are, as in the case of the Tamil numerals for
example, and in many other instances, still visible. But this
part of the subject in itself deserves detailed treatment
in a separate essay, and this has been given in Professor
Biihler’s public lectures, which have been already delivered
and are in course of publication. Moreover, the aksharas , as
has been said, lost their command over the forms of numerals
when the simplified notation was introduced, and therefore
their history does not bear directly on the object of the
present paper, which deals more directly with the question
of the descent of our modern numerals, which were little
affected by this influence.

It is, however, necessary to say a few words on the im-
portant share which the aksharas once bore in the general
history of numeration , 1 which cannot be altogether passed
over.

It may be taken as almost certain that the aksharas
(of course not necessarily the particular Sanskrit aksharas
of which Dr. Biihler writes, but other equivalents), phonetic
numerals, in short, of some kind or another, were of
immense antiquity and very wide diffusion.

1 For a general description of the phonetic equivalents used in Sanskrit and
cognate languages, see Nouveau Journal Asiatique, vol. xvi. pp. 1-42 (Jacquet);
series 6, vol. i. pp. 284-90 (Woepeke); and series 7, vol. xvii. p. 47-130 (Rodet).

368

THE GENEALOGY OF MODERN NUMERALS.

So far as actual proof exists, 1 no numerals can be referred
to an earlier date than those connected with the hieroglyphics
on the tombs of the Egyptian kings of the fourth dynasty,
whose period by a moderate computation is placed about
2900 to 3000 b.c. It may not be safe to assume that no
numeral signs existed at a prior date ; but even at that
period the hieroglyphic alphabet had barely passed out
of its earlier syllabic form; and the early Egyptian and
other similar archaic systems of numeration, were certainly
too clumsy to have been employed as instruments for making
calculations, or for teaching sciences which involved the
use of such calculations. Nevertheless, it is pretty certain
that at the period of the fourth Egyptian dynasty the people
of that country, (and indeed several other races of mankind)
had obtained a fairly high degree of civilization and of
knowledge.

Geometry, 2 for example, must early have risen into
importance in Egypt, by reason of the obliteration of land
marks during the inundations of the Nile. The connection
of the heavenly bodies and their motion with the divisions of
time was certainly very early noticed, and the worship
of the “ hosts of heaven ” not only necessitated, but gave
a sacred character to the science of astronomy and to its
concomitant, astrology. For the pursuit and communication
of these sciences, the rude modes of notation by groups of
signs, such as those which constituted the earlier Egyptian ^
and Phoenician systems were manifestly wholly unfit, and
even still more so the purely pictorial form of the oldest
hieroglyphics. No other known mode of dealing with
numbers, except that by phonetic forms, would have sufficed
the needs of the human race under these circumstances ; and
these had the advantage of lending themselves with perfect
facility to the construction of metrical formulas, which could
be easily taught and committed to memory. That such
a method prevailed in India long before the Christian era,

1 These facts are given on the anthority mainly of my friend Mr. R. S. Poole,
of the British Museum.

2 Sir Gardner Wilkinson’s Ancient Egyptians, vol. ii. p. 367, ed. 1S78.

THE GENEALOGY OF MODERN NUMERALS.

369

Dr. Butler’s researches stow. It exists 1 to tills day, not
only in Sanskrit writings, but in a living form in those
Sanskrit schools and colleges which are conducted on the old
native plan, and it is still used for the conveyance of all
forms of knowledge . 2 Of course, when the abacus 3 came into
use, it would at least be capable of superseding the use of
aksharas for making calculations, though not necessarily for
teaching their results. Indeed, even long after this invention

* For example, in the Sanskrit (Native) Colleges at Kishnagur in Bengal— and
the following amusing note, borrowed from Dr. Burnell’s South Indian Paleo-
graphy (p. 65, 1st ed.}, illustrates this state of things from the early Arab point of
view. Albiruni (Reinand, Memoire, p. 234) gives a remarkable instance of the
Indian tendency this way: “Les livres des Indiens sont rediges en vers, les
indigenes croient par la, les rendre plus aises a retenir dans la memoire, ils ne
reconrent pas aux livres qu’a la derniere extremite. On les voit meme s’attacher
a apprendxe des vers dont ils ignorent tout a fait le sens. J’ai reconmi a mes
depens 1’ inconvenient de cet usage. J’avais fait pour les indigenes des extraits du
traite d’Euclide et de P Almagest e ; j’avais compose nil traite de 1’ Astrolabe afin
de les initier anx methodes Arabes, mais aussitot ils mirent ces morceaux en
‘ slokas,’ de maniere qu’il etait devenu pen facile des’y reconnaitre.” Dr. Burnell
adds, “ I have myself seen the Penal code put into Tamil verse.”

2 It does not follow that these were always merely syllables— they were in
many cases doubtless, as they even now are in Sanskrit, words bearing other
significations — see the papers on the subject already cited in a previous note
at p. 33.

3 Perhaps in the Greek form of the name of this instrument some trace exists
of the use of the 4 aksharas.’ Admitting that it was probably in its origin, the
Semitic term for the material on which the signs were traced, 4 line dust’ or
‘ abak,’ yet it was an occasional practice of the Greeks to adapt foreign terms and
even names, so as to bear . a signification in their own tongue. v Aj8a|, the Greek
form of the term, is identical with an adjective &/3a£, given by Eustathius as
the base of the word apdicrjcrav, which is found in the Odyssey— in the sense of
being ‘ unconscious ’ or ‘ helplessly ignorant,’ 4 like infants ’ ; the word occurs in
a speech of Helen to Menelaus, who, speaking of the visit of Ulysses to Troy, says :

Tip ’iiceAos icaredv Tpcaoov ot d’afiaicricrav

ttcLvtgs . — Odyssey, 249.

“ Like unto this (sc. a beggar) he entered the city of the Trojans and they
(other people) were unaware ” (or ‘ like babies ’).

The derivation given is from the verb /3 afe 4 speak,’ with the negative
4 alpha,’ that is, 4 speechless (like a baby),’ qufi 4 in-fans’ ; other words with
the same derivation, such as a&cacrjs (adjective), a&aKecas (adverb), afiatri-
{open, a.ftaK'hiJ.a'v, all with the same general sense, are also quoted in Liddell and
Scott’s dictionary (see &/3a£) . v A/3a£ would thus in Greek mean ‘speechless,’
4 wordless,’ or 4 non-phonetic ’ — surely a very appropriate term for a / silent ’
mode of calculation which superseded the phonetic ‘aksharas.’ The common
Sanskrit term for the instrument seems to be pat hi, which signifies ‘ a board ’ or
‘ calculating hoard’ ; hut the exact derivation is not given with certainty in any
dictionary which it has been possible to consult. The Hindi word seems also to
signify primarily ‘ a hoard,’ though it may have reference to lines or divisions.
But this derivation is not quite clear. In Russia (where the introduction of the
instrument is attributed to the Mongols) its name signifies a ‘ counting ’ or 4 com-
puting’ hoard. These later etymologies, however, do not throw much light on
the original character of the instrument.

370 THE genealogy of modern numerals.

came into use, the teachers of the sciences to which, the use of
numbers mainly pertained, always in ancient days more or
less belonged to peculiar classes, whose interest it was not
to vulgarize their knowledge, or needlessly to facilitate its
acquisition by the outside public.

While admitting, however, the direct influence, up to the
seventh century, of the ahsharas , on the forms which the
Indian numerals assumed, this did not (as has been before
said), probably, altogether exclude the influences of other and
especially of local circumstances. As a general rule, moreover,
the forms borrowed last in point of time will be found to
have been employed first in the west, and to have penetrated
more slowly eastwards. Thus, the two contemporary dated
edicts of Asoka, found in the East and West, exhibit
differing forms for each one of the three ciphers of which
the date consists ; and in the Gupta period the figures on
the silver coins intended for circulation in the West, differed
materially from those found on the inscriptions, which occur
chiefly in the East. Possibly, too, something may be due to
dynastic or national influences, for the Gupta and Indo-
Scythic forms introduced a few marked peculiarities.

Before quitting this part of the subject, which deals with the
question of the origin of the Indian numeral signs, it will be
expedient to mention one special set of symbols, 1 which,
though of comparatively recent formation, is yet of peculiar
interest, both as illustrating the bold method in which the
Indians could ‘ manufacture 3 signs, and also because their
existence explains certain anomalous forms still found in
some of the modern systems of numerals.

These are a set of signs for ‘one/ ‘two/ ‘three/
and ‘ four/ which have hitherto been found only on the coins
of a dynasty of Hindu Kings of Kabul and of the Northern
Panjab, who were contemporary with the earlier Mahomedan
invaders of India.

These signs will be found set out in Fig. 6, PL II. The

/ It was the* recognition of the old mode of differentiation as employed in these
winch led to an examination of the principle of that method, which was the com-
mencement of the inquiry on which this paper is founded

THE GENEALOGY OF MODERN NUMERALS.

371

whole set of numerals to which they belong is of importance,
as regards the chain of descent of certain of the modern
forms, in which they form an important link. The first four
numerals alone have a special origin, which requires fuller
elucidation in this place. It will be seen by Fig. 6, PL II.,
that they were obtained by differentiating the upright stroke,
which was the ancient Bactrian symbol for ‘ one/ in order
to obtain signs for ‘ two/ f three/ and ‘ four/ exactly on the
principle of the Xndo-Egyptian method employed in the old
Indian numeral system to distinguish the signs for two,
three, and four hundred , from the sign of one hundred 1 That
is to say, the sign for f one * took one spur mark on the right
side to convert it into c two 5 ; a second spur stroke (not, how-
ever, joined to the body of the sign, but superimposed, probably
for convenience of cursive writing, on the end of the first
side stroke) converted the sign for two, into one for three.
The addition of the old Sanskrit unit symbol for ‘ four ? to
the extremity of the last side stroke of the three, as used to
express four hundred, converted this last into the sign for
* four/ These last two symbols exist in their original form
only on one coin each respectively, but the ‘ four ’ is found
passing through several stages, till it approaches the form
of the earlier Arabic 6 four/ of which it was the palpable
prototype, as the others were of the one, two, and three of
the Arabic system. 2

It is not easy to say when these symbols were invented. The
original Bactrian system of numerals certainly remained in
use with the Bactrian alphabet even in the Punjab through
the whole of the first century b.c., though how much later it
lasted is not so evident. The novel system must have been
invented when the Indian principle of notation replaced the
Bactrian, for not only the mode of notation, but the actual
symbols for the higher numbers are clearly taken from Indian
originals ; and it would seem probable that this importation

1 The evidence (from coins) on which this statement is based will be the
subject of a separate paper in the Numismatic Chronicle, in connection with the
era to which the dates belong, which these figures are used to denote.

3 There can be little donbt as will be explained in the Numismatic Chronicle
that the Arabs obtained their numerals from Kabul .

372

THE GENEALOGY OF MODERN NUMERALS.

took place while the Indians still employed the cumbrous
group of single strokes for one, two and three. If the simple
and cursive forms, later on adopted in India, had been then
in use, the northern people would scarcely have been at the
pains to invent less simple signs for themselves ; and yet,
as will be shown hereafter, the new signs for one, two and
three were probably the earliest of the cursive signs employed
in India. Possibly the invention just described may be
assigned to a period between the beginning of the second
century at the earliest, and the middle of the sixth century
a.d., at latest.

References to Authorities for the Figures on Plate I.

Column A. The whole of this column is taken from Rossi’s Gram-
mat ica Copto-Geroglifica, except the cipher for 100, copied from
Pihan, Signes de Numeration, and Kminek Szedclo, Baggio
Filologico.

Column B. This column is taken from Leon Rodet’s transcript of the
Rhind Papyrus (Journal Asiatique, series 7. vol. xvii.), which
follows Eisenlohr’s work on the mathematical papyri in the British
Museum, except the last figure, which is taken from Pihan’s
Signes de Numeration.

Column C. Pihan, Signes de Numeration ; Gesenius, Phoen. Monumenta,
pp. 85, 89, and pp. 164-5 ; De Luynes, Satrapies et Phenicie, Paris,
1846, p. 112, and p. 42.

Column D. Dowson on the Taxila Inscription, J.R.A.S. o.s. Yol. XX. ;
Cunningham, Arch. Survey of India, vol. v. pi. xvi.

Column E. Cunningham, Corpus Inscrip. Ind. Kapurdigiri Inscription,
1st Edict, chh, lines 1 and 2 ; p, line 1 ; g, lines 9 and 10 ;
a, line I ; 5, line 7 ; h , line 7.

Column F. Pandit Bhagw&nlal Indraji, Indian Antiquary, vol. vi.
pp. 44, 45.

Columns G. and H. Cunningham, Corpus Inscript. Ind. Sasseram and
Rupnath Inscriptions; also photograph of Rupnath Inscrip.
Biihler, “ Three new Edicts of Asoka.”

On U r ^ Oo

THE GENEALOGY OF MODERN NUMERALS.

373

Column I.

1. Karle cave, No. 15, Burgess, Memorandum, No. x. on Cave

Temple Inscription, p. 30. Photograph.

2. do. do. p. 36, Karle caves, No. 20. Photograph.

3. As for 4 2. 5

4. do.

5. do. do. p. 44, Jundr Inscription, No. 9. do.

6. do. do, do. do. No. 25. do.

7. As for 4 1/ do.

8. J.R.A.S. Bombay, vol, vii. Nasik Ins., No. 17, also 25,

line 6.

9. do. do. vol. v, do. do. No. 2, line 1.

10. As for 5.

20. Burgess’s Memorand. No. s. p. 34 ; Karld Caves Ins. No. 34,
Photograph.

40. do. do. Junar Ins. No. 25, and Nasik Ins.

No. 16 ; J.R.A.S. Bombay, vol. viii. pp. 228-29, and vol.
vii. p. 52.

70. do. Ushwadatta’s Ins. Nasik Cave, No. 16.

100. J.R.A.S. Bo, vol. v. Nasik cave 2 ; vol. vii. Ins. Cave, No. 21.
200. do. do. do. do. do. No. 26.

1000. do. do. do. No, 16. do. do. No. 16.

Column J. Earlier Kshatrapah. 1

1. My coin of Rudra Sinha, son of Rudra Dama, dat. 141.

2. do. do. do. dat. 112 (also Junagarh Ins. J.R.A.S.

Bomb. vol. vii. p. 118).

3. do. do. dat. 103.

4. Coin of Damajata Sriyah, Thomas’s facsimile from Dr.

Stevenson’s coin, dat. 154.

5. My coin of Damajata Sriyah, dat. 155.

6. Coin of Yijaya Sena, Thomas’s facsimile from Stevenson’s

coin, dat. 166.

7. Jasdan Ins. J.R.A.S. Bomb, vol.- vii. p. 234.

8. My coin of Rudra S&na, son of Rudra Sinha, dat. 138.

9. do. do. of Yijaya Sdna, dat. 169.

10. My coin of Rudra S6na, son of Rudra Sinha, dat. 112.

20. do. do, do, dat. 122.

30. As 4 8.’

40. My coin of Rudra Sena, son of Rudra Sinha, dat. 140.

50. do. do of Damajata Sriyah, dat. 155.

100. As 4 5,’

1 The division between the earlier and later Kshatrapahs is taken, somewhat
arbitrarily perhaps, at the close of the reign of Rudra Sena, son of Yira Dama,
whose dates extend to 198. ,

374

THE GENEALOGY OF MODERN NUMERALS.

Column K. Later Kshatrapah.

1. My coin of Swami Rudra Sena, son of Swami Eudra Damna,

2. do. do. do. dat. 272.

3. do. do. Rudra Sena, son of Yira Damna, dat. 183.

4. Coin belonging to Capt. Temple of do. do. dat. 184.

5. My coin of Swami Rudra Sena, son of Swami Rudra Damna,

dat. 295.

6. My coin of Rudra S6na, son of Yira Damna, dat. 186.

do.

Swami Rudra S6na, son of Swami Rudra Damna.

8 .

do.

do. do. dat. 298.

do.

Atri Damna, son of Rudra Sena,

10. My coin

of Atri Damna, son of Rudra Sena, dat. 213.

20.

do.

Yiswa Sinha,

son of Atri Damna, dat. 22.

40.

do.

Asa Damna, son of Rudra Sena, dat. 243.

70.

do.

Swami Rudra Sena, son of Swami Rudra Damna,

dat, 272.

80.

do.

do. do. dat. 286.

90.

do.

do. do. dat. 298.

200.

do.

do. do. do.

300.

do.

do. do. dat. 300.

Column L.

1. Cunningham, Arch. Survey of India, vol. iii. pi. xiii. figs. 2,

4, 6, and pi. xiv. fig. 9.

2. Cunningham, Arch. Survey of India, vol. iii. pi. xiv. fig. 9.

do.

vol. iii. pi. xiv. fig. 9, pi. xv. fig. 17,

do.

do. pi. xv. fig. 8.

do.

do. pi. xiii. figs. 2, 3.

do.

do. pi. xiv. fig. 14.

do.

do. pi. xiv. figs. 10, 11, 12, 13, 14.

do.

do. pi. xv. fig. 20.

do.

do. pi. xiv. fig. 23.

10.

do.

pi. xiii. fig. 2 and 6, and pi. xiv. fig. 9.

20.

do.

do. pi. xiii. figs. 3 and 7.

30.

do.

do. pi. xv. fig. 8.

40.

do.

do. vol. iii. pi. xv. fig. 8, and pi. xiv. fig. 11,12,13, 14.

50.

Growse on

Mathura Ins. Ind. Antiquary, vol. vi. p. 219, fig. 1 1.

80. Cunningham, Arch. Survey of India, vol. iii. pi. xv. figs. 16, 17,18.

90.

do.

vol. iii. pi. xv. figs. 19 and 20.

100.

do.

do. pi. xiv. fig. 14.

Column M.

1. Chandra Gupta Ins. Udayagiri, Cunningham, Arch. Survey,
vol. x. p. 19.

THE GENEALOGY OF MODERN NU MERALS

375

3, 4, and 5, as 1.

6 and 7. From Pandit Bhagwan Lai Indraji’s facsimiles in
Indian Antiquary, vol. vi. pp. 44 and 45.

8. Ins. at Bitha, Cunningham, Arch, Survey, vol. xi. pi. iv. p. 2 ;

also at Garhwa, vol. x. pi. v.

9. Pandit Bhagw&n Lai’s facsimiles, Ind. Ant. vol. vi. pp. 44 and

45 ; also Cunningham, Arch. Survey, vol. x. pi, iv. fig. 2.

10. Cunningham, Arch. Survey, vol. x. pL iv. ; also vol. iii.
pi. iv. fig. 1.

20.

do.

vol. x. pi. iv. fig. 2.

30.

do.

vol. iii. pi. xx. fig. 1.

80.

do.

do. do.

90.

do.

vol. x. pi. v. fig. 1.

100.

do.

do. pi. iv. fig. 2.

Column N.

1. Coin of Kum&ra Gupta, Thomas’s transcription.

2. My coin of Skanda Gupta, dat. 142.

4. Coin of Skanda Gupta, Cunningham, Arch. Survey, vol. ix.

pi. v. fig. 9, dat. 144 ; second from coin of Buddha Gupta,
dat. 174, vol. ix. pi. v, fig. 13.

5. Thomas’s facsimile.

do.

20,

do.

as No. 1.

40. 3VJy coin of Skanda Gupta, dat. 142.

50. Coin of Toramana, Cunningham, Arch. Survey, vol. ix. pi. v.
fig. 18.

70. do. , of Buddha Gupta, as 2nd form of 4.

90. My coin of Bakra (Chandra?) Gupta. Indian Antiquary
vol. vi. for 1877, p. 57.

100. As 4.

Column O. Early Valabhi. 1

2. Grant of Dh&rasdna II. Ind. Ant. vol. vi. (photograph made
by Dr. Buhler in my possession).

5 do. do. Ind. Ant. vol. viii. for 1879, p. 301. Photograph.

6. do. Guhas6na, Ind. Ant. vol. iv. for 1875, p. 174.
Photograph by Dr. Buhler in my possession, also grant of
Siladitya I., J.B.A.S. Bombay, vol. xi. p. 311.

^ 1 The Valabhi dates extend over a period of about 240 years. These dates
give three nearly equal periods of about 80 years, say from 206 to 290 (Valabhi),
290 to 365, and 365 to 447 ; the first period terminating with the reign of
Siladitya I., and the third commencing with that of Siladitya III.

376

THE GENEALOGY OF MODERN NUMERALS.

7. Grant, of Dhruvasena L, Ind. Ant. vol. v. 1876, p. 204. Phot

do.

Siladitya I.

do. ix. 1881, p. 239.

do,

do.

Dharasena I.

do. do*

do.

10.

do.

do. do.

do.

40.

do.

Guhasena

do. v. 1876, p. 207.

do.

60.

do.

do. vi. 1877, p. 9.

do.

70.

do.

do. vii. 1878, p. 73.

do.

80.

do.

Siladitya I., J.R.A.S. Bombay, vol. ii. end.

90.

do.

do. Ind. Ant. vol. ix. 1880, p. 239.

Phot.

200.

do.

Dharasena I.

do. v. 1876, p. 204.

do.

Column P.

Middle Yalabhi.

Grant

of DMrasena IV.,

Ind. Ant. vii. 1878, p, 900.

Phot.

do.

Dhruvasena II.

do. vi. 1877, p. 15.

do.

Dharas<kia IV.

do. 1872, pp. 16 and 64,

. do.

do.

Kharagriha II.

do. vii. 1878, p. 78.

do.

do. do.

do.

10.

do.

Dhruvasena II.

do. vi. 1877, p. 17.

do.

20.

do.

Dharasena IY.

do. i. 1872, pp. 16, 64

. do.

30.

do.

Dhirasena IY.

do. vii. 1878, p. 94.

do.

200.

do.

Dhruvasena II.

do. vi. 1877, p. 15.

do.

Column Q. Later Valabhi.

1 .

Grant of Siladitya Y., Ind. Ant. vol. vi. 1877, p. 19.

do.

Siladitya III.

do. v. 1876, p. 211.

do.

Siladitya IY., .

T.R.A.S. Bombay, vol. xi. p

. 311.

do.

Siladitya V., Ind. Ant. vi. 1877, p. 19.

Phot.

do.

Siladitya Y.

do. vi. 1877, p. 19.

do.

10.

do.

Siladitya IY. J.R.A.S. Bombay, vol. xi. p. 311.

40.

do.

Siladitya Y. Ind. Ant. vi. 1877, p. 19.

Phot.

70.

do.

Siladitya III.

do. v. 1876, p. 211.

do.

300.

do.

Siladitya III.

do. do. do.

do.

400.

do.

Siladitya IY. J.R.A.S. Bombay, vol. xi. p. 311.

377

Art. XXIII . — The Cuneiform Inscriptions of Van , deciphered
and translated . By A. H. Sayce.

It is now more than half a century ago that the existence of
Inscriptions written in the Cuneiform character, and found In
different parts of Armenia, first became known. The French
Professor, Saint-Martin, in 1823, gave an account in the
Journal Asiatique of the antiquities of Van, and drew atten-
tion to the fact that the Armenian historian, Moses of
Khoren e, has described them in such detail as to make it
probable he had seen them with his own eyes. In the curious
romance, compiled partly from the Old Testament, partly from
the legends of Greek writers, partly from the names of localities,
which was made to take the place of the forgotten early history
of Armenia, these monuments were ascribed to Semiramis, to
whom Van was imagined to owe its foundation. Saint-Martin
concluded that some of them, at any rate, must still be in
existence, and at his instigation, therefore, a young scholar
from Hesse, Prof. Fr. Ed. Schulz, was sent by the French
Government to Armenia, in 1826, in order to examine them.
In 1828, accordingly, Van and its neighbourhood were
thoroughly explored by Schulz, who succeeded in discovering
and copying no less than forty-two Cuneiform inscriptions.
Considering his utter ignorance of both the language and the
character, the accuracy of his copies is really wonderful. They
were published in the Journal Asiatique (3rd ser. vol. ix.
No. 52) in 1840, but the unfortunate discoverer never returned
home, having been murdered in 1829 by a Kurdish chief,
along with several officers of the Shah of Persia. His papers
were subsequently recovered from the Prince of J ulamerk.
Three of the inscriptions turned out to belong to the Persian
king Xerxes, and to be composed, like other Akhsemenian
inscriptions, in the three languages of Persia, Babylonia, and
vol. xiv.— [new series.] 27

378

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

Elymais. 1 The remaining thirty-nine were written in a
special syllabary and in a language unlike any found else-
where. An inscription in the same language and syllabary,
however, was discovered in 1840 in quite a different part of
the country. It was found by a Prussian officer, Capt. von
Muhlbach, a little to the west of Malatiyeh, on the eastern
bank of the Euphrates, between Isoglu and Komurhan. The
rock on which it is engraved is close to the village of Isoglu,
and consequently more than 250 miles westward of Yan. The
inscription was published in the Monatsberichte uber die Per-
handlimgen der Gesettschaft fur Erdhunde zu Berlin , vol. i.
pp. 70-75, as well as in the Original Papers read before the
Syr o- Egyptian Society of London , i. 1, pp. 131 sq., where it is
accompanied by “ Remarks ” by Prof. Grotefend, who laid in
them “ the first foundation for the future interpretation of the
Wedge Inscription discovered on the Upper Euphrates/’ and
corrected Lassen’s opinion that the Yannic inscriptions
belonged to very early Assyrian kings. Another inscription
of the same class was subsequently discovered, in 1847, by
Sir A. H. Layard, at Palu, carved high up on the face of a
cliff, on the summit of which are the ruined remains of an
ancient castle. Palu stands on the eastern bank of the
Euphrates, midway between Kharput and Mush, and on the
road between Malatiyeh and Van, from which it is about 180
miles distant.

In the same year the first attempt to read the inscriptions
was made by Dr. Hincks, whom no problem in decipherment
ever seemed to baffle. Two papers were read by him “On
the Inscriptions of Yan/ 1 before the Royal Asiatic Society,
Dec. 4th, 1847, and March 4th, 1848, and published shortly
afterwards in the Society’s Journal (Yol. IX. pp. 387-449).

_ 1 The close resemblance, as regards both the forms of the characters and the
dialect they express, between the inscriptions found in the 2nd column of the
Akhsemenian texts, and at Mai Amir in Susiania, led me in 1874 (Tr. Soc . BibL
Arch. vol. iii. p. 2) to state my conviction that the so-called Skythic or Proto-
medic was really the old language of south-western Elymais. The discovery that
Kyros and his predecessors were kings of Anzan rather than of Persia, has con-
firmed this belief, since Anzan was the native name of the district in question,
and the fact that it was the original kingdom of Kyros would sufficiently explain
the prominence given to its language in the inscriptions of Darius and his
successors.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

379

The Persian Cuneiform inscriptions had now been made out,
the decipherment of the Assyrian texts had been begun, and
Grotefend, in the “Remarks” mentioned above, had compared
the inscription of Malatiyeh with those copied by Schulz at
Van. The acumen and success with which Hineks pushed
his researches is, however, surprising. He determined the
values of a considerable part of the characters, and in this way
settled the phonetic powers of several characters in the inscrip-
tions of Nineveh which had not previously been known. He
endeavoured to translate portions of the inscriptions, and
actually made out not only the meaning of ideographs like
those denoting c people 9 or ‘city,’ but even the signification
of one or two words. Thus he showed that the suffix -khini
denoted the patronymic, Isbidm-khini-s , for example, being
4 the son of Isbuinis , 5 and that the frequently-recurring word
ada or adae signified 4 he says.’ He also pointed out that
the suffix -s represented the nominative both singular and
plural, that the accusative singular was expressed by the suffix
-ni (or, as he read it, n), and that the suffix -di in the singular
corresponds to -( o)ste in the plural. He thus had the merit
of recognizing that the language of the inscriptions was inflec-
tional, though the inference he drew, that it was Aryan, was
a false one. He was no doubt right, however, as we shall see
later, in inferring that ^ in the nominative was pronounced
simply s and not syllabically se , and it is very probable that
he was also right in reading Jipjil as nin rather than nini.
He further noticed that the way in which the characters are
engraved is of itself a test of the age of an inscription. In all
the later inscriptions a wedge which ought properly to intersect
another is divided into two parts for example, instead

of >|-) in order to prevent the stone from breaking at the
point of intersection ; whereas the inscriptions of the two
earliest kings, Sarduris I. and Isbuinis, as well as a few of
Menuas, the son of the latter, do not observe this rule, but
follow the Assyrian practice of allowing one wedge to run
across another. The syllabary, however, was still but in-
completely determined, and the royal names were read by

380

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OP VAN.

Hincks Niriduris, Skuina, Kinuas, and Arrasnis. But before
the publication of Bayard’s “Discoveries in the Ruins of
Nineveh and Babylon,” ch. xviii., Hincks had corrected these
erroneous readings, and the names accordingly appear as
Milidduris, Ishpuinish, Minuas, and Argistis. Of these, the
first only is incorrect.

Soon after the publication of Hincks’s memoirs, M. de Saulcy
published a short pamphlet of 44 pages entitled “ Recherches
sur l’ecriture cuneiforms assvrienne : inscriptions de Yan ”
(1848), and the Yannic inscriptions were noticed by Sir H.
Rawlinson in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society ,
Vol. XII. p. 475 (1850).

Meanwhile the Hon. F. Walpole had discovered a new
Yannic inscription when travelling from Van to Erzerum in
1850. It was engraved on the broken shaft of a column
outside the church of Patnos (Patnotz) between Sulimbak
and Melasgerd on the north side of Lake Yan. He heard
of other similar inscriptions existing in the neighbouring
village of Kayelk, but illness unfortunately prevented him
from visiting them. 1 An inscription of Menuas, recording the
restoration of a palace, has also been found near Erzerfim, at
Hassan Kalaa, the ancient Theodosiopolis, by de Saulcy, and
published in his Voyage autour de la Mer Morte, pi. ii. 1.

After the publication of Hincks’s paper, little was done for
many years towards the decipherment of the Yannic inscrip-
tions. In 1864, however, four new ones were published in
the Travels of Nerses Sarkisian, a book written in Armenian
and published at Venice (Nos. 4, 5, 7 and 8). Besides these,
Nerses Sarkisian published four others which had already
been copied by Schulz (No. 1=29 of Schulz, No. 2=27 of
Schulz, No. 3=28 of Schulz, No. 6=12 of Schulz). Two
more were brought before the notice of European scholars by
Prof. Friedrich Muller in 1870 (Bemerkungen uber zicei
armeniscfie Keilimchriften, Vienna) ; one of which had been
discovered by the Yartabed, Mesrob Sempadian, at Tsolagerd
near Edshmiadzin, and published in the September number
for 1870 of a Journal entitled Ararat which appeared at
1 The Ansayrii, vol. ii. pp. 151-2 (1851).

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OP VAN.

381

Edshmiadzin. It turns out to be identical with an inscrip-
tion found by Kastner on the right bank of the Araxes opposite
Armavir, and published in the Melanges asiatiques of the
Academy of S. Petersburg, vol. v. p. 117. Another inscrip-
tion, unfortunately much mutilated, from the neighbourhood
of Erzerum, was communicated to M. Lenormant by the
Armenian priests of the College Mourat at Paris.

M. Lenormant himself once more resumed the task of
decipherment which had been dropped by Hincks. In his
Lettres assyriologiques , voi. i. 1871 (pp. 113-164), he
gave a sketch of early Armenian history and geography
according to the Assyrian monuments, and at the same time
attempted to determine the grammatical forms and meanings
of certain words in the Tannic inscriptions. Sir H. Rawlinson
had already pointed out that the proto-Armenians of Tan
were in no way Aryans and that the Alarodians of Herodotus
(iii. 94, vii. 79), the Iberians of other writers, probably
represent the Urardhians, or people of Ararat, of the Assyrian
texts. M. Lenormant now went a step further and tried to
show that the language of the Vannic inscriptions, which he
proposed to call Alarodian, belonged to a family of speech of
which the modern Georgian is the best-known representative.
It is certainly a fact that the Georgians once extended much
further to the south than they do at present, and are at the
same time the nearest existing non-Aryan population to the
locality in which the non- Aryan inscriptions of Tan are
found. It is also a fact that the general, structure of the
Tannic language agrees most remarkably with that of
Georgian ; both are inflectional, though not in the same way
as either Aryan or Semitic, while some of the grammatical
terminations as well as roots seem to be the same in both.

M. Lenormant, moreover, was the first to point out that
the suffix -bi denoted the first person singular of the verb,
that the possessive adjective ended in -naite (“Georgian: ani ”),
and that parnbi signified 4 I carried away/

At this point the problem was taken up by the late Dr.
A. D. Mordtmann. In 1872 he published a long and elaborate
examination of the inscriptions in the Zeitschrift der deutschen

382

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

morgenlandischen Gesellschqft, vol. xxvi. pt. 3, 4, under the
title, “ Entzifferung und Erklarung der armenischen Eeilin-
schriften von Van und der Umgegend,” and five years later
followed it up by an additional article on the subject in the
same periodical ( Z.D.lf.G . vol. xxxi. pt. 2, 3, 1877).
Dr. Mordtmann transliterated and analyzed all the inscrip-
tions, adding a running commentary and a most useful index
of the words met with in them. He also determined the
meaning of twelve new words: adaki 4 some 5 or ‘partly/
ui 4 and/ ctsgubi 4 1 sacked/ suMni 4 buildings/ udcies 4 that/
ini 4 this/ siubi 4 1 led away/ tarsua and khuradio 4 soldiers/
kuruni 4 given/ zadubi 4 1 have made/ and zasgubi 4 1 have
slain/ and further suggested that cida meant 4 and. 5 But
he failed to do more, partly because of a false theory, partly
thro null giving incorrect values to a considerable number
of the characters. His false theory was the assumption
that the Vannic language was not only Aryan, but Armenian,
and that it was only necessary to turn to an Armenian
dictionary to discover the meaning of every word in the in-
scriptions. He forgot that, even granting the language to be
an early form of Armenian speech, it wy /Id still have been
impossible to recover the signification of its words by simply
consulting a dictionary of modern Armenian, without tracing
the past history of the Armenian language and the changes
undergone by its phonology. But the early Armenian dialect
discovered by Mordtmann in the Vannic inscriptions is, as
Hiibschmann has remarked (Kuhn’s Zeitschrtft , vol. xxiii.
pp. 46-48, 1877), no Armenian at all in any period of its
history, and Mordtmann himself' with all the phonetic and
philological licence he allowed himself, was obliged to confess
44 that in the use of grammatical forms an almost limitless
capriciousness prevails, so that not only in similarly formed
phrases, but even in the use of the very same words wholly
different flections are employed, which makes it impossible, at
all events at present, to formulate strict rules.” A theory
which compels such a confession to be made stands self-
condemned. Without a grammar no decipherment is possible,
and until we are able to compile one, it is clear that our efforts

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

383

to interpret the language have met with no success. But
even had Mordtmanns theory been correct, the erroneous
values he assigned to a large number of the characters would
have caused his attempt at interpretation to be a failure,
I have given a list of most of these in an article in Kuhn's
Zeitschrift (voL xxiii. pp. 407-409, 1877), in which I criticized
his method and conclusions, and pointed out that alsui-si-ni,
which he made to signify ‘ gracious/ and misread msimini ,
really means ‘multitudinous' or ‘all. 5 Among his false
readings may be mentioned kam and kham for ul, gan for
IcJii-ni, kur for tar, tu for ku, na for khi, maz for Ichal, an for
cilia, zi for se, and hu for su, while many of the ideographs
found in the inscriptions were wholly misconceived, the deter-
minative prefix of 6 stone/ for example, being resolved into
ni-za, the ideograph of ‘lord’ being supposed to mean the
god Nebo, and the ideograph of ‘tablet 5 a gate or public
building. In fact, Mordtmann was but slightly acquainted
with Assyrian and the Assyrian syllabary, and since the
Vannic system of writing is entirely borrowed from that of
Assyria, it is not wonderful that his attempt to explain it was
unsuccessful. It thus becomes intelligible how he could
transform a purely Assyrian inscription, that of Sarduris I.,
the son of Lutipri, into a Vannic one, and endeavour to
extract its signification out of the pages of a modern Armenian
dictionary. His geographical identifications aptly illustrate his
whole method of working. Countries and towns are assigned
to definite localities, merely because the names given to them
in the inscriptions have a somewhat similar sound to those
occurring in modern maps, or in the classical geographers, and
as so many of the characters are misread, even this faint
resemblance frequently does not exist. It is characteristic of
him that he changes the name of the god Khaldis into that
of the goddess Anaitis, thus misreading the character ►>-,
on the ground that Anaitis was a leading deity among the
Aryan Armenians of the Persian and Greek periods, while
the name of the goddess, which the Assyrian inscriptions
show us was pronounced Sara or Sar, is transformed into
Bagri for a similar reason.

384

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

Arbitrary and incorrect as Mordtmann was, however, he
added something to our knowledge of the Vannic language,
and by classifying and analyzing the inscriptions rendered the
work of decipherment easier for those who came after him.
The first who followed him did neither. Dr. Louis de Robert,
in a volume published in 1876, and entitled, Etude philologique
sur tes Inscriptions cuneiformes de V Armenie, undertook to
prove that the inscriptions were in Semitic Assyrian ! As
might have been expected, he proved only that he knew
neither Assyrian in particular nor the Semitic languages in
general. On every page he displays an utter ignorance of the
first elements of Assyrian decipherment. Characters which
are used phonetically he turns into ideographs, and assigns
meanings to them which they never bore. Where other means
fail, a character is divided into two; c a tablet/ for

instance, is translated 6 quatuor, tria* ! It need hardly be said
that the grammar he finds in the inscriptions is still less
Assyrian or Semitic than the grammar which Mordtmann
finds in them is Aryan. In fact, Dr. de Bobert undertook a
most difficult task without first preparing himself for it by the
study of Assyrian, He states that the inscriptions given in
his book had been copied by himself, but they are usually less
correct than the copies of Schulz.

A year or two after the appearance of this philological
curiosity some interesting bronze objects were discovered in
the neighbourhood of Lake Van, and procured for the British
Museum by Sir A. H. Layard. Among them are the repre-
sentation of a fortress and the figure of a winged bull with
human head, which, though made after an Assyrian model, has
peculiarities of its own. * Along with these objects a bronze
shield was found, bearing the name of Rusas, and thus, as we
shall see, fixing their date. The palace from which they were
brought has since been excavated by Mr. Hormuzd Rassam,
who has found there fragments of other inscribed shields. 1

1 These are not the first bronze objects obtained from Van. A bronze solar
disk of remarkable form, and resembling the solar disk of Hittite art, discovered
in the neighbourhood of Van, is figured in the Melanges asiatiques de l' Acad, de
JS. Petershourg^ vol. vi. pp. 486, etc. It bears a curious resemblance to a human-
headed and winged solar disk of bronze found at Olympia ( Archdologische Zeitung ,
37. 4, p. 181 ; 1879), as well as to two similar ones found at Palestrina or Prames'te
(Mon. delV Institute, 1876 and 1879).

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

885

Mr. Rassarn, and subsequently, in 1881, Captain Clayton,
have also sent to England squeezes of several inscriptions,
some of which were previously unknown. The value of these
squeezes need not be pointed out, since they enable the Cunei-
form scholar, who has no opportunity of seeing the originals,
to examine, for the first time, the exact forms of the Yannic
characters.

Sir A. H. Layard had already visited Armenia in 1850, at
the time when he was excavating in Assyria, and had there
made copies of the inscriptions in Van and its immediate
neighbourhood. His copies, which have never been published,
are extremely valuable, as they are much more accurate than
those of Schulz, and not unfrequently clear up a doubtful
passage in the latter. Among them, moreover, are several
inscriptions which Schulz did not see ; among these may be
mentioned the two belonging to Argistis from the church of
Surp Sahak (Nos. xlv. and xlvL), which contain much
interesting historical and philological matter, and above all
the second Assyrian inscription of Sarduris I. (No. i.).
Inscriptions in the Yannic character now began to he noticed
to the north and east of Armenia. I have already referred to
that copied by Kastner, near the ruins of Armavir: three
others were found by the Vartabed Mesrob Sempadian in
Georgia (at Alichalu, S.E. of Lake Erivan, at Elarh in the
same, neighbourhood, and at a spot to the north of Eranos the
ancient Tsag), and published by him in an Armenian journal
appearing at Moskow under the title of Le Nouvelliste rime
(Nos. 87 a (1862), 45, and 53 a (1863)). Another inscription
was discovered by Kastner at Kalinsha, near Alexandropol
(No. xlvii.), and published in the Melanges asiatiques de
l 9 Acad . . de 8 . Petersbourg , vol. iv. p. 675. It is much to be
desired that his example would be followed by Russian savans ;
an archaeological congress which meets at Tiflis, for example,
might well despatch a commission to take photographs and
squeezes of the Cuneiform inscriptions found within Russian
territory before they become wholly illegible. A correct copy
of the inscription of Alichalu (No. Iv.), which seems of con-
siderable historical importance, could easily be made. But it

386

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

•was not in Georgia only that the monuments of the Vannic
kings were found to exist. As early as 1838 Sir H. Eawlinson
had visited the Cuneiform inscription of Tash Tepeh, near
Chillik, on the Tatau, southward of Lake Urumiyeh, and
found it to consist of twenty-one lines of writing ( Journ . Roy .
Geog. Soc. vol x. p, 12). A faded photograph of it is now in
the Asiatic Museum at St. Petersburg, and a squeeze, which
seems to have been lost, was sent by Dr. Blau in 1858 to the
Museum of the German Oriental Society at Halle ( Z.JD.M.G .
vol. xiii. p. 259). Westward of Tash Tepeh, In the pass of
Kelishin, 12,000 feet above the level of the sea, and not far
from Ushnei, Sir H. Eawlinson visited another Cuneiform
inscription of forty-one lines engraved on a column of stone
(Journ. Roy . Geog . Soc^ p. 21). A cast of this was sent to
Halle along with the squeeze of the Tash Tepeh inscription
by Dr. Blau, through the hands of Prof. Eodiger, but it was
unfortunately broken upon the journey. It had previously
been copied by Schulz, but the copy was lost after his murder
at Julamerk. Khanykow also took a cast of it (in 1852),
which was destroyed on its way home, and a squeeze in 1 853.
Five hours from the pass, according to Eawlinson, “ there is
a precisely similar pillar, denominated also Keli-Shin, upon
the summit of the second range, which overlooks the town and
district of Sidek. This also is engraved with a long Cuneiform
inscription ; and as it is said to be in far better preservation
than the one at IJshnei, it would be very desirable to examine
and copy it.” The inscription, which is about five miles
eastward of Eowendiz, was subsequently (in 1853) visited by
Dr. H. Lobdell, an American missionary (Z.D.31.G. vol. viii.
p. 602). Eawlinson also discovered two similar pillars at Keli-
Sipan, on the Little Zab, but without inscriptions. Brosset
was the first to point out that all these inscriptions were in
the Vannic character, and probably recorded the military
expeditions of the Vannic kings (Melanges asiatiques de V Acad,
de 8 . Petersbourg , vols. iii. and vi.).

While Mr. Bassam was adding to our knowledge of the
inscriptions contained in the Vannic kingdom itself, M.
Stanislas Guyard had made an important discovery, which was

THE CUHEIFOBM IHSCBIPTIONS OF VAN.

387

announced in the Journal Asiatique, May- June, 1880. The
occurrence of the ideograph denoting ‘a tablet’ in a long phrase,
which is repeated at the end of a good many of the inscrip-
tions, had led him to conclude that the phrase in question
represented the imprecatory formula found in the same place
in Assyrian as well as Akheemenian Persian inscriptions. An
examination of the words contained in the phrase soon showed
that his conjecture was right. An important assistance was
thus obtained towards the decipherment of the inscriptions,
since the length of the passage not only added a number of
new words to the list of those whose meaning was already
known, but also helped considerably towards the reconstruction
of Vannic grammar.

I had myself been working for some years at the inscriptions,
and the method which had enabled M. Guyard to make his
discovery had already revealed to me the meaning of several
other phrases occurring in them. With the help derived from
these I was able to determine the signification of the words
which M. Guyard did not attempt to explain in the phrase
whose general sense he had discovered. The ideographs so
freely employed by the Yannic scribes had already showed
me that not only the characters but the style and phraseology
of the inscriptions were those of the Assyrian texts of the time
of Assur-natsir-pal and Shalmaneser II. I believe, therefore,
that I have at last solved the problem of the Yannic inscriptions
and succeeded in deciphering them, thereby compiling both a
grammar and a vocabulary of the language in which they
are written. Owing to the number of texts, their close
adherence to their Assyrian models, and the plentiful use of
ideographs, it will be found that the passages and words which
still resist translation are but few, and that in some instances
their obscurity really results from the untrustworthiness of the
copies of them which we possess.

I shall first deal with the geography, history and theology
of the Yannic population so far as they can be recovered from
the Assyrian or the native inscriptions, and then give an
account of the mode of writing and a sort of grammaire
ramnnee of the language, each grammatical form being proved

388

THE COTEIFOBM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAH.

by a comparison of the texts. Next will follow an analysis
and translation of the inscriptions, arranged chronologically
and furnished with notes, an index of all the words and proper
names contained in them concluding the memoir.

I. 1. The Geography of the Inscriptions.

The sites on which the Vannic inscriptions have been dis-
covered sufficiently indicate the locality to which those who
composed them belonged. They are mostly found either in
the city of Van itself or in its immediate neighbourhood. It
is evident, therefore, that the kings who caused them to be
engraved had their capital at that city, and that their power
extended over the country which forms the shores of Lake
Van. Their kingdom lay mostly on the eastern and north-
eastern shores of the lake, few monumental remains of Vannic
power existing on the southern shore, while the monuments
that are met with on the western side are rather records of
invasion or temporary conquest than of permanent occupation.
The same must also be said of the monuments northward of
Mount Ararat and the Araxes, and in the neighbourhood of
Lake Erivan. Koughly speaking, therefore, the region now
represented by the vilayet of Van, or rather the district
bordered on the north by the Ala-Dagh, on the east by the
Kotur range, and on the south by the Erdesh Dagh, formed
the kingdom of the early Vannic monarchs. The country is
called Biaina or Biana in the inscriptions, and the name given
to its capital, the present Van, is Dhuspas or Dhuspaes,
The latter is evidently the ©cocnria of Ptolemy (v. 13, 19;
viii. 19, 12), the Tosp of Moses of Khorene, which we are
told was the older name of Van. Hence the lake is called
Thospitis in Ptolemy (v. 13, 7), and ThSpitis in Strabo (xi.
p. 529).

The name Biaina is not met with in the Assyrian inscrip-
tions. On the other hand, the Assyrian kings frequently
mention the Mannai, the Minni of the Old Testament (Jer. li.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OP VAN.

389

27), the Minyas of Nicolaus Damaseenus, 1 and the resemblance
of this name to that of Yan has led to the common assumption
by Assyrian scholars that the Mannai of the Assyrian monu-
ments were the inhabitants of the Biaina of the Yannic texts.
But a careful examination of the passages in which the Mannai
are mentioned shows that this assumption is erroneous.
Shalmaneser II. (Lay. Inscr. 96, 161-173), in describing his
march northward from Khupuscia, which adjoined the northern
frontier of Assyria, and represented the classical Corduena,
states that he successively traversed the countries of Khupuscia,
the Madakhirai, the Mannai with their capital city Zirtu or
Izirtu, Kharru and Surdira, and finally Parsuas. Now Parsuas
occupied the south-western shores of Lake Urumiyeh, from
which, therefore, the territory of the Mannai could not have
been far distant. Samas-Rimmon, again fW.A.1. i. 30 ;
ii. 37-40), in describing the same line of march, makes the
districts successively traversed those of the Khupuscians, the
Sunbians, the Mannians (written Manai), and the Parsuans.
Here the place of the Madakhirai is taken by the Sunbai, and
the Parsuai are placed next to the Manai. Finally, Sargon
(Botta, 145, 24), starting from the land of the Zimri, or
Kurdistan, passed first through Ellip, in the neighbourhood
of Hamadan, and then, turning northward, through Bit-
Khamban, Parsua, the Mannai, Urardhu (Armenia), and the
Kaskai or Kolkhians. In the time of Sargon, therefore, the
Mannai still adjoined the Parsuai, while their northern
frontier touched that of the Urardhians, who, as we know
from the Assyrian records, had been extending their territory
in that direction. It is clear that the Mannai had nothing to
do with Lake Yan, but on the contrary lived on the south-
western shore of Lake Urumiyeh. As we shall see, ‘the
land of Mana,’ mentioned in the Yannic inscriptions as. over-
run by Menuas, Argistis, and Sarduris II., is placed in the
same locality.

i Ap. Joseph. Aniiq. i. 3, Euseb. Fmp. &>. 9. According, to the local
tradition, the ark had rested on Mount Baris above Minyas. Baris is the Inbar
of the Book of Jubilees (ch. 5), which Epiphanius (Adv. Ear. l. 5) makes the
boundary between Armenia and the Kurds (see Syncell. Chrome/, p. 147 ; &.
Cedreims, Comp . Mist. p. 20).

390

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

The name under which the kingdom of the Tannic princes
really goes in the Assyrian inscriptions is that of XJrardhu or
Ararat. It is first mentioned by Assur-natsir-pal (Layard's
Inscr . i. 9), who describes his conquests as extending “from
the sources of the Supnat” or Sebbene-Su “to the country
of XJrardhu.” From his annals, however, it would appear
that he never actually penetrated as far as the latter district,
unless Arardu (W. A. I. i. 18, 61) is the same name as XJrardhu.
After leaving Kirruru, which bordered on Khupuscia, Assur-
natsir-pal entered Kirkhi of Bitanu, and there captured “ the
cities of Khataru, Nistun, Irbid, Mitcia, Arzania (Arzanionum
oppidum in Arzanene), Tela and Khalua, cities dependent on
the powerful countries of XTsu, Arua and Arardu/' As the
sources of the Supnat, where Assur-natsir-pal imitated his
predecessors Tiglath-Pileser I. and Tiglath-Adar by erecting
an image of himself, are made the western terminus of his
conquests in the north, we may gather that the land of
XJrardhu began on the northern side of Mount Kasiyari or
Niphates and eastward of Mush. Shalmaneser II., however,
the son -and successor of Assur-natsir-pal, seems to have been
the first Assyrian king who actually came into contact with
XJrardhu. .He tells us on the Black Obelisk (1. 44) that in
his third year (b.c. 856), after quitting the Hittite city of
Pethor, now represented by Tash-atan, a few miles south of
Jerablus or Carehemish, he overran Alzu in the neighbourhood
of Palu, then Dayaeni and Nimme, and finally reached
Arzascun, “ the royal city of Arrame of the land of the
XJrardhians.” He next made his way to Gozan and then
to Khupuscia. The inscription of Kurkh (20 miles from
Diarbekir) informs us that Shalmaneser had already, in the
year of his accession, come into conflict with Arrame (or
Arame, as the name is there written). After leaving “the
city of Khupuscia’' in the land of Nahri, he had attacked
Sugunia, a stronghold of Arame, “king of the XJrardhians,”
and had then marched to “the sea of the land of Nahri” or
Lake Yan, where a figure of himself and a Cuneiform inscrip-
tion were engraved on the rocks. The campaign of the third
year is narrated at greater length than in the brief annals

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

391

of the Obelisk. We learn that the Assyrian king set out
from Tul-Barsip, the Barsampse of Ptolemy, probably the
modern Kala’at en-Nejim, and after passing through the
districts of Sugab or Sutakh and Bit-Zamani and the mountains
of Zimdanu and Mirkhisu, had found his way to Isua and
Bnzite, the Anzitene of classical geography, both of which
are included in the Alzu of the Black Obelisk, and had
there set up an image of himself and an inscription in the
city of Saluru. He then crossed the river Arzania, the
classical Arsanias (now the Murad Su), overran Sukhme with
its capital Yastal, and passing through Bay&ni found himself
before Arzascu, “ the royal city of Arrame of the Urardhians.”
Arzascu was destroyed ; an Image and inscription set up among
the mountains of Eritia, the cities of Aramale and Zanziuna
threatened, and the army then marched down to the shores
of 6C the sea of Nairn” or Lake Van. Here a likeness of
the Assyrian king, accompanied by a Cuneiform inscription,
was engraved, and the Assyrian forces moved eastward into
the territories of Asaliu or Suha, also called Asu, king of
Gozan, from whom Shalmaneser received by way of peace-
offerings, “ horses, oxen, sheep, goats, and seven camels with
two humps.” Here again, in the chief temple of the capital
of Gozan, an image and inscription of Shalmaneser were set
up, and the Assyrians passed into the land of Nahri, then
governed by Cacia or Caci, “ king of the city of Khupuscia.”
It was only subsequently that the Assyrians learned to call
the whole district Khupuscia in place of the vague title of
the land of Nahri or “ Rivers.”

In his fifteenth year, Shalmaneser was again in the same
regions (Layard’s Inscr. 47, pp. 28-33). After setting up
an Image of himself at “the sources of the Tigris,” he
marched into the lowlands of the country of Dhunibun, and
there destroyed “ the cities of Arame of the U rardhians as far
as the sources of the Euphrates.” Here Asia, king of Dayani,
gave him tribute, and Shalmaneser erected a statue of him-
self in the latter’s capital. Dhunibun must accordingly have
been on the western side of Lake Van, the sources of the
Euphrates being those of the river of Mush (the Kara Su).

892

THE CHHEXFOKM IHSCEIPTIOHS OF VAH.

Twelve years later Dayan- Assur was sent against Seduri of
Urardhu, whose forces he encountered after crossing the river
Arsanias (Bl. Ob. 144).

It is possible that the name of the Yannic capital Dhuspa(s)
is to be found in that of Dhuruspa, the city in which Sarduri
or Sardaurri king of Urardhu was besieged by Tiglath-Pileser
II., after he had been defeated in Cistan and Khalpi, districts of
Kumrnukh or Komagene, and compelled to fly for his life to
the 44 bridge of the Euphrates, the boundary of his kingdom.”
At this time, however, the kingdom of Urardhu extended much
further to the west than in the older days of Shalmaneser II.

It is strange that no mention is made of Urardhu (or
Arardu) in the Yannic texts. It is certainly not a Semitic
word, and the explanation of it from the Zend hara-haraithi
is shattered by the fact that the name occurs in Assyrian
inscriptions long before the time when an Aryan, much less
an Iranian, population made its way so far to the west, The
proper names contained in the Assyrian records show that the
westward extension of the Aryan race in Media Atropatene
and Armenia was subsequent to the fall of the Assyrian power.
An ancient bilingual tablet (W.A.I., ii. 48. 18) makes

Urdhu the equivalent of of which the Accadian

pronunciation is given as tilla, the latter, as Sir H. Rawlinson
long ago pointed out, being probably a Semitic loanword,

and meaning 4 the highlands y (from nSp). IVV
usually signifies the land of Accad or northern Babylonia,
but since it is not glossed in this passage and stands, moreover,
between Akharru or Palestine, and Kutu or Kurdistan, it
would seem that it is here employed to denote Armenia.
Urardhu, therefore, contracted into Urdhu, would have been
the designation of the highlands of Armenia among the Baby-
lonians as early as the 16th or 17th century b.c. Possibly
it was then applied only to the mountainous country immedi-
ately to the north of Assyria, and was not extended to the
districts further north until the Assyrians had become better
acquainted with this region, and the native names of its
several states. But it is also quite possible that the name

THE CUNEIFORM- INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

393

belonged from the first to the great mountain ridge still called
Ararat, and that the reason of its non-appearance in the
Tannic texts is, that it was properly the name of the mountain
only, though applied to the neighbouring district by the
Babylonians and Assyrians. According to the Biblical account
of the Deluge, the ark rested on one of the mountains of
Ararat, and “ a widespread Eastern tradition ” makes Gebel
Gudi the mountain in question. Gudi seems the same word as
the Accadian Guti or Gutium, Semitized into Kutu, which
Sir H. Rawlinson has happily identified with the Goyyim of
Genesis xiv. Guti denoted Kurdistan, and the mountain of
Nizir, the peak on which the Chaldean legend of the Flood
makes the ship of Sisuthrus to rest, is placed in Guti by
a geographical tablet (W.A.I. ii. 51, 21). Assur-nat sir-
pal (W.A.I. i. 20, 33 sq.), after leaving Kalzu or

Shamamek (to the south-west of Arbela), marched to the
town of Babite, and thence to the land of Nizir, called Lulu-
Kinaba, he tells us. by its inhabitants. This fixes the position
of Nizir among the mountains of Pir Mam, a little to the south
of Rowandiz, and suggests the possibility that Rowandiz itself
was the spot where Babylonian tradition localized the descent
from the ark. 1 It is somewhat remarkable that “the wide-
spread land of Kute ” is transferred to another part of the
world by Shalmaneser II. in the inscription of the Balawat
Gates. He there states (iii. 2, 3) that he ravaged the land of
Kute, “from the city of Arzascun to the country of Gozan, and
from Gozan to Khupuscia,” the context indicating that this
was the tract of country over which the power and influence
of Aramu the Urardhian king extended. Here, therefore, the
position of Kuti is moved from the mountains of eastern Kurdistan
to the shores of Lake Y an, to the very locality, in fact, in which
the Hebrew tradition placed the descent from the ark, and in
which Gebel Gudi is situated. The old Babylonian bilingual
tablet which makes mention of Urdhu, places it, as I have
already said, between Palestine and Kutu, the latter country

1 Rowandiz seems to be tbe Baris of. Nicolaus Bam., the Lubar of Jewish
tradition. See note on p. 389.

vol. xiv . — [new semes.]

394

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

beino- ideooTaphically represented in the Accadian column by
-cfnT JT ‘the fortress of the valley of Anu.’

‘The vallev of Anu 5 usually denotes one of the quarters of
Babylon, and I can explain the name only by supposing that
the practice of garrisoning Babylon with Kurdish troops from
Gutium, which we find was the case in the time of Nabonidus,
was of long standing.

In Jer. li. 27 Ararat, or Urardhu, is called upon to destroy
Babylon, along with the Minni or Mannai, the kingdom of
Ashkenaz and the Medes. As the Medes were to the south-
east of the Mannai, with their centre at Hamadan, Ashkenaz,
which intervened between them, will have occupied much the
same position as the modern Ardelan. The country is called
Asguza by Esar-haddon, 1 which suggests that the Biblical
mm is a misreading for .

Just as Urardhu is not found in the Yannic inscriptions, so
Biaina, the native name of the Yannic kingdom, is not found
in the Assyrian inscriptions. The name of Biaina, however,
is still preserved. It is plainly the Buana of Ptolemy ( Geog .
v. 13), the modern Yan, called Iban by Kedrenos (Hist. ii.
p. 774). It is curious that while Dliusp&s, the ancient name
of the capital city, has become the name of the province, the
old name of the province is now confined to the city.

Though Biaina is not found on the Assyrian monuments, there
is a name mentioned upon them which may have been based
upon it. This is Bitanu or Bitan, written ^

Bitani, >-< J^TII It Sfh Batt&ni, and Bit-ani

(with a manifest play on the Assyrian bit- Am ‘ the house of
Anu ’). Assur-natsir-pal makes mat nirib sa bitani ‘ the low-
lands 2 of Bitani ’ synonymous with mat Urardhi or Ararat (Lay.
Inscr. vi. 24, 5, and W.A.I. i. 23, 129 ; 23, 122), from which
we may infer that Bitanu denoted the district in the vicinity of
Lake Yan. In ‘W.A.I. i. 20, 13, he further speaks of JJrume
sa bitani sa sarrani sa sade Nairn ‘ Urume of Bitani (and) of

1 'W.A.I. i. 45, ii. 30.

2 Niribu is a niphal derivative of eribu ‘ to descend,’ and is always used of me
low ground into which one descends from a height.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OP YAN.

395

the kings of the mountains of Nahri/ at a time when he was
in the neighbourhood of Amida or Diarbekir. As the Uruma-
vans were employed as soldiers by the Hittites in the age of
Tiglath-Pileser I. (W.A.I. i. 10, 101), the district they
inhabited could not have been far from the Hittite frontier and
the region north of Edessa (TTrfah). Elsewhere (W.A.I. i.
18, 59 ; 22, 112) Kirkhi is described as being 6 of Bitani/ and
(in W.A.I. i. 25, 97) Kirkhi is stated to be ‘ in front of
the land of the Hittites/ and eastward of Kummukh or
Komagene. Zamua or Mazamua is also said to be 4 of Bifcani "
(Black Ob . 50, and Balaimt Gates , ii. 2), Lake Yan itself
being called 4 the sea of Zarnua of Bitani’ (Bah Gates , ii. 2).
The name of the country was properly Mazamua, and its
capital city, also called Mazamua, is mentioned in geographical
lists (W.A.I. ii. 53, 2, 4; 52 , 2, 7) among other places on the
Armenian side of the Taurus range. The shortened form
Zanma was distinguished by the addition of the words 4 of
Bitani 5 from another Zamua which lay among the mountains
of eastern Kurdistan between Sulamaniyeh and the Shirwan,
and against which Assur-natsir-pal made more than one
campaign. The Armenian Zamua adjoined, it is clear, the
southern shore of Lake Yan. Shalmaneser II. (W.A.I. iii.
8, 2, 76), when making his way to the country of Mazamua,
descended into the lowlands of Buna’iz, and there encountered
the people of Idu and their kings, who avoided the Assyrian
army by taking to their boats and sailing away over Lake
Yan. As they were pursued by Shalmaneser, and a battle
was fought 44 in the middle of the sea,” it would seem that the
fugitives had made for the island of Aghtamar. Now it is in
this island that an inscription of the Yannic king Menuas has
been found (No. xxix. B.), which mentions the erection of an
inscription in the land of Erinuis or Aidus, and in the city of
Akliiunikas, which seems to be the modern Akhavank or
Akhyavansh. 1

1 Nigdiara, king of the Idians, defeated by Shalmaneser in b.c. 856, is called
Migdiara by Samas-Rimmon, whose general, Mulis-Assur, captured 300 cities
belonging to his son and successor, Khirtsina or S'artsina, on the shores of 4 the
sea of the setting sun/ i.e. Lake Yan (b.c. 824).

396 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

However this may be, it is plain that Bitanu was the name
given by the Assyrians to the country which stretched away
from the southern shore of Lake Van to Diarbekir and the
eastern bank of the Euphrates, and when Assur-natsir-pal
makes it synonymous with Urardhu, it is of the southern part
of Urardhu that he is thinking. It seems to me possible that
Bitanu may represent Biaina, assimilated by a slight change
to two Assyrian words which had the meaning of “house of
Ann,” and that its application was extended to denote not
only Urardhu but the districts south of Urardhu as well. But
it is also possible that the Buna’iz of the Kurkh inscription
may really be Biaina. At all events, it seems necessary to
correct ^ Buna’iz into Bunae. I

ought to mention that the word Bitanu is not preceded by
the determinative prefix of country, but this seems due to its
assimilation to Bit Anu

We know from the Assyrian inscriptions that the alliances
of the kings of Urardhu in the time of Tiglath-Pileser II.
extended as far west as Mi lid, the modern Malatiyeh, and the
Vannic monuments tell us that their campaigns had previously
carried them almost up to the gates of this city. Menuas has
left an inscription (No. xxxiii.) cut in the rock of the castle-
hill at Palu on the Euphrates, in which he states that after
passing through the countries of Gupa(s) and the Hittites, he
had erected a monument at the city of Khuzan (the modern
Khozan), and in the land of Puteria (perhaps Palu), in order
to record his victory over the king of Melidhia or Malatiyeh,
Gupa(s) I would identify with “ the land of Cuppu,” through
which Assur-natsir-pal passed, on his way from Ehuzirina,
a city of Kummukh or Komagene, on the eastern bank of the
Euphrates, but not far from Milid. After traversing Cuppu, he
found himself in 6 the middle of the cities of the countries of
A’assa and Kirkhi ’ (W.A.L i. 25. 97). 1 Another inscription

1 Kirkhi is described as - opposite the land of the Hittites,’ i.e. the northern
portion of the Hittite territory on the east bank of the Euphrates. Among the
towns of Assa and Kirkhi were Umalie and Khiranu in Adana ; after leaving
these, the Assyrian king marched into the land of Amadanu, that is, the district of
Araida or Diarbekir. Having burned Mallanu in Arkania, and the cities of
Zamba, he crossed the Sna (W.A.I. i, 25. 97 sq.), reached the Tigris, and then

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

397

has been left by Sarduris II. on the cliffs near Isoglu, on the
eastern side of the Euphrates, and in the close neighbourhood
of Malatiyeh. In this the Yannic king describes his conquest
of Melidha or Milid, as well as of the districts dependent on
it. Argistis, also, recounting his conquests on the rocks of
Yan, states that after ravaging the countries of the Hittites
{Elude) and of Niriba, he carried away the spoils of Melidha
or Melid. He then quitted the town of Pit! ... or
Pilai . . ., a mutilated name which may be identical with
that of Puteria. Niriba is plainly the Nirib or 4 lowlands ?
of the Assyrians, who, as we have seen, made it a province of
Bitani, and included Kirkhi in it. I fancy that it is here
used of the plain of Diarbekir, which had acquired an Assyrian
name after the Assyrian occupation of the country by
Shalmaneser I. (b.c. 1300), Sarduris II. makes Kar-nisi,

4 the town of the men/ a city in the neighbourhood of Melid
(No. L), and the name of Kar-nisi shows that it must have
been an Assyrian colony or garrison. According to Assur-
natsir-pal (W.A.I. i. 21, iii. 16) Nirbu was in the mountains
of Kasiyari or Masius, at the foot of Mount Ukhira, and
adjoined Nahri on the one side and the Supnat on the other.
Among its cities were Tuskha, Cinabu, and Tilu, perhaps the
modern Tilleh at the junction of the Sert river with the
Tigris, besides Mariru. The Khate of the Yannic texts are
the Hittites, Khate exactly corresponding to the Assyrian
Khatti , the Egyptian Kheta, and the Hebrew MT We gather
from the Yannic inscriptions that their territory was close to
that of Melid, though on the eastern rather than on the
western bank of the Euphrates, which would agree with the
position assigned to the northern part of the Hittite region by
the Assyrian monuments. Besides the passages already
quoted, there is another notice of the Khate in one of the in-
scriptions of Menuas (No. xxxii.). Here 44 the territory of the

the towns of Barza-Nistun, Dandamnsa, and Ameda. From Ameda tie withdrew
to Allabzie and Uda, in the mountains of Kasyan or Masius. Amadana is men-
tioned along with fifteen other mountainous regions by Tiglath-Pileser I. (W.A.I.
i. 12, iv. 58), who, after passing through them, reached the banks of the
Euphrates, Crossing the river, he made his way to Nimme, Dayaeni and twenty-
;one other districts of { Nairn’ , '

398

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

Hittites ” is mentioned in the line preceding that in which
the defeat of the soldiers of the land of Alzu is recorded,
though unfortunately the mutilation of the text prevents us
from determining: the exact relation between the two lines.
The geographical position of Alzu is known from the Assyrian
records. Tiglath-Pileser I. states (W.A.I. i. 9, i, 62 sq.) that
at the beginning of his reign “ twenty thousand Moskhians
and their five kings, who for 50 years had occupied the lands
of Alzu and Purukuzzu which owed tribute to Assyria . . .
took possession of Eomagene.” From this we may infer that
Alzu was not far distant from Komagene, which formed the
northern frontier of the Hittites, Alzu is again mentioned by
Shalmaneser II, on the Black Obelisk. In his third year,
he tells us, he quitted the Hittite city of Pethor (Pitru), now
Tash At an, “ on the further side of the Euphrates and on the
river Sajur,” then descended into the lowlands (. Nirbi ) of
Alzu, and then marched against Dayaeni, Himme and
TJrardhu. More details of the campaign are given in the
Ivurkh inscription, as has been mentioned above. There we
learn that the Assyrian army made its way from Pethor
through the land of Sugab or Sutakh into the city of Bit-
Zamani ; then climbed over the mountains of Zirndanu and
Mirkhisu (portions of Mons Masius), and so descended into
Enzifce and Isua, after which they erossed the Arsanias,
ravaged the land of Sukhme and then found themselves
in Dayaeni. It is plain that Enzite must form part of
Alzu, which Tiglath-Pileser I. places to the south of the
Murad. Alzu (or Alzis) is coupled with the land of the
Hittites by Menuas (Ho. xxxii. 7), and at Palu the latter
king either includes Palu in the Hittite territory, or makes it
the northern frontier of the latter (xxxiii. 11). He also
seems to imply that Malatiyeh lay within the Hittite do-
minion. This is distinctly stated by Argistis (xxxviii. 15, 16),
according to whom the Hittites adjoined the western borders
of Hiriba (xxxviii. 12, 13). Consequently, if Eiepert is right
in placing the Anzeta of Ptolemy (the capital of Anzit£n§) at
the sources of the Sebbeneh Su (or Supnat), Alzu will be the
district between Palu and Ediini, Niriba will lie to the south

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

399

of it, and the Hittifces of the Tannic texts will extend from
Diarbekir to Malatiyeh, and from Kharput southward, that is
to say, between parallels 38 J and 40 of longitude, and 38§ and
37 of latitude.

The Tannic kings seem rarely to have followed the road to
the west which leads by Bitlis and Mush ; at all events, the
only memorials of them found on this route are the two frag-
mentary texts of Menuas in the churchyard of Irraerd, of which
Capt. Clayton has taken squeezes. They preferred to march
along the more northern and safer highway. Their dominion
extended as far as Ardish and Patnotz, on the north side of Lake
Tan, and at times much further. Their western frontier-city
in this direction, in the time of Shalmaneser II., was Arzascu.
This touched upon the kingdom of Diaus and his descendants,
in which I would recognize the Dayaeni of the Assyrian texts,
the accusative of Diaus being Diyaveni. The kingdom lay
upon the Murad Chai, in the neighbourhood of Melasgerd,
which may have been built by Menuas to secure his conquest
of the country (see No. xxx.). One of its cities, Zuais, is
now represented by the village of Yazlu-tash. As the district
commanded the high-road to the north-west, its possession
enabled the king of Tan to occupy the whole country along
the banks of the Euphrates as far to the west as Hassan
Kala’a (see No. xxxv.) and Erzerum, where the mutilated
inscription now in M. LenormanPs possession was found.

In the north the Tannic kings penetrated beyond the
Araxes, as far as Lake Erivan. Inscriptions of Menuas and
Argistis have been discovered near the ancient city of Armavir,
the Armauria of Ptolemy, and at Kalinsha, north-west of
Erivan (No. xlvii.). If the inscription of Alitschalu (No. Iv.)
belongs to a king of Tan, it would show that his arms had
reached the lake itself. The district in which Armavir stood
was known as Etius, the whole country north of the Araxes
as far as Erivan going under the name of Etiunis, “ the land
belonging to Etius ” (see xxxiv. 2). From the short in-
scription engraved .by a certain king, “Sarduris the son of
Bapis,” near the village of Atamkhan on the south-western
bank of Lake Erivan (No. liiL), it would appear that the

400

THE CHNEIFOBM INSCRIPTIONS OP VAN.

inhabitants of southern Georgia had adopted the Vannic
syllabary, and that their language differed only very slightly
from that used at Van.

Towards the east, the Vannic inonarchs made several expe-
ditious. From xlix. 4 sq. it appears that to the south-east of
Etius lay Babilus, a name which Dr. Hincks very naturally
supposed to represent Babylonia. The district must have
been in the neighbourhood of the modern Khoi, and I would
identify the name with that of Babyrsa, which Strabo places
near Artaxata. South of Babilus came the land of Mana, the
Mannai of the Assyrian texts and the Minni of the Old
Testament, with whom the kings of Van were constantly
at war. The western frontier of their territory adjoined
the kingdom of Van, from which it would have been divided
bv the range of the Kotftr. The capital, Sisidikhadiris
(xliii. 39), must be the Izirtu of the Assyrian inscrip-
tions. South of Mana was Barsuas, the Barsuas or Parsuas
of the Assyrian inscriptions, on the south-western shore
of Lake Urumiyeh, and adjoining Bustus, the Bustu of
the Black Obelisk, line 186 (see No. xxxix. 10, 12, notes).
Here, too, was the city of Sararas or Satiraraus, called Siti-
varya on the Black Obelisk (184). The Vannic kings seem
never to have gone further south than Bustus ; had they done
so, they would have followed the march of Shalmaneser II.,
who, after leaving Bustus, entered the mountains of the Zimri
or Kurds, and then descended upon Khalvan or Holvan. It
was here, at Sir-Pul, that Sir H. Bawlinson found and copied
the inscription of Kannubanini, king of the Lulubini. The
name of the Zimri is, I think, preserved in that of the moun-
tain-range of Azmir. East of them came the heterogeneous
tribes known to the Assyrians as Madai or Medes. South of
the latter was the land of Ellip, which included Hamadan and
Behistun. Behistun (Bagistana) is, I believe, referred to by
Sargon as Bit-ili ‘the house of the gods’ (Botta, ii. 16),
while Mount Elwend is Aranzi fBotta, v. 17), the Orontes
of classical geographers, which the Persians Aryanized as
Urwandha, whence the modern name. Long before the days
of Kyros, Ellip had become Median.

401

THE COTEIFOEM INSCBIPTIOHS OF YAH.

The localization of the chief districts mentioned in the
Vannic texts enables us to assign approximately their true
places to such minor localities as the land of Baruatainis (xlix.
17), north of Babilus, or the different countries named Babas,
one of which was in the neighbourhood of Barsuas and Bustus,
Similarly some idea may be gained of the towns close to Van
itself from the list of gods in the great inscription of Meher-
Kapussi. The most complete list of the Vannic towns,
however, which we possess is contained in the annals of
Tiglath-Pileser II. The copy given in Layard’s Inscriptions ,
18, 20, sq., is, unfortunately, not always to be trusted (the
characters in the middle of each line being placed a line too
low), and I have been unable to find the squeeze from which
it was made in the British Museum. Nevertheless, it is on
the whole an important and trustworthy document. The text
runs thus": “ Sardaurri the Urardhian against me revolted,
and with Matihil (son of Agus) made conspiracy : in the
neighbourhood of Kastan and Khalpi districts of the city of
Kummukh his destruction I wrought, and all his camp I
captured. The terror of my servants he feared, and to save
his life his own fields he devastated. In the city of Dhuruspa,
his city, I besieged him, and his many soldiers in front of his
great gates I slew. An image of my majesty I made and
before the city of Dhuruspa 1 raised. For (70) casbn the
ground in the land of Urardhu utterly from above to the
bottom I ravaged. I marched and had no opponent. The
land of Ulluba to its whole extent, the cities of Kastirru,
Parisu, Tasukha, Mandhu . . . , and Sarduarri to the city of
Diru ; the city of Parisu, the city of Babutta, the city of
Lusia, the city of Bisia (and the city of) IJlla (?) to the pos-
session of the city Sikipru (and) the city of the Asurdayans of
the country of Assyria I turned. In the midst of Ulluba the
springs of the land of Urardhu ... I took, and to the frontier
a prefect besides I appointed. A city I built : the city
‘ Assur-exists ? I called its name. My prefects, the guard of
the cities Usurnu, Usurra, Enu, Sassu, Lup . . . , and Lukia,
to the mountain, in addition to the chief musician, I brought.
The cities of Kuta, Urra, Arana, Taba and Vallia, as far as

402

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

upon the river Euphrates, the frontier of the city of Kum-
rnukh, the cities Kili . . ir, Egeda, and Diua, the sons of the
cities Abbissa, Kharbisinna, and Tasa of the land of Enzi, the
cities Uganu and Benzu, the springs of the land of XJrardhu
(even) the river Eallab and the river Sukur . . . , to the
frontier of Assyria I turned/ 5 Ilganu or Anganu may be the
Alganis of v. 18. The city of Sarduarri must have been built
by a Sarduris, while that of the Asurdayans seems to have
owed its foundation to the Assyrian king Assur-dayan, whose
wars with Argistis will be noticed further on. The Tannic
king's name is written Sardaurri, Sarduarri, Saraduarri, and
Sarduri by Tiglath-Pileser.

§ I. 2. The History of the Inscriptions.

It is now time to turn to the question of the age to which
we must assign the inscriptions of Tan. Dr. Mordtmann
believed that the oldest of them does not go further back than
about b.c. 700, but I think I can show that Mr. George
Smith was more correct in placing the line of kings whose
monuments we possess between the Assyrian kings Shal-
maneser II. and Tiglath-Pileser II.

In the first place there is the striking resemblance between
the forms of the Tannic characters, the mode in which they
are used, and the style of the inscriptions on the one side, and
the writing and style of the texts of Assur-natsir-pal and
Shalmaneser II. on the other. M, Lenormant speaks with
truth of “ la frappante analogic du style cles inscriptions de
Tan redigees en assyrien avec celui des textes epigraphiques
d 5 Assur-nasir-pal et de Salmanu-asir IT. ; cette analogic est
telle qu’elle ne peut manquer de reveler un bien etroit
voisinage de dates/ 5 The use made of ideographs and, as
we shall see, the phraseology of the inscriptions, are alike
exactly modelled after the inscriptions of Shalmaneser II. and
his father, not of the older or later Assyrian kings. Pakeo-
graphically and philologically, therefore, it is to the period of
Shalmaneser II. and to no other that we must refer the date
of the introduction of the cuneiform syllabary into Armenia.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

403

And the fact that the two oldest inscriptions are composed,
not in Tannic, but in Assyrian, shows that they were coeval
with the date in question. There can be no older inscriptions
which remain unknown to us.

Then, secondly, the annals of Shalmaneser II. supply a
very good reason why it was in his time that the Assyrian
mode of writing made its way into the kingdom of Urardhu.
It was now for the first time that the Assyrians came into
contact with the Tannic monarchy, while the king whose
campaigns caused them to do so was in the habit of carving
cuneiform inscriptions on the rocks of the northern districts
through which he passed, and of setting them up in the towns
which he occupied. We happen to possess one of these in-
scriptions, that of Kurkh, and the earlier Tannic texts are
closely modelled after it in both writing and style.

But the contents of the Tannic inscriptions themselves
afford the best evidence of the period to which we must refer
them. The kingdom of Milid or Malatiyeh w r as overthrown
by Sargon in b.c. 712, the city itself destroyed, its last king
Tarkhu-nazi carried captive to Assyria with 5000 of his
subjects, and an Assyrian governor placed over the district,
with his capital at Tul-Grarimmi. Tarkhu-nazi’s predecessor
had been Sulumal, who had been one of the allies of Sarduris,
king of TTrardhu, against Tiglath-Pileser II. in b.c. 743, and
appears as one of the tributaries of Assyria in b.c. 732.
The Assyrian monuments give us no further information about
Milid and its rulers till we get back to the reign of
Shalmaneser II., when we find that (in b.c. 854) it was under
the sway of Lalli. On the other hand, as we have seen,
Milid and its kings are not unfrequently mentioned in the
Tannic texts. In fact, the latter furnish us with a complete
list of Milidian kings from the time of Menuas to that of
Sarduris II. The contemporary of Menuas was Siicla(?)ni{?)-
zauada (No. xxxiii. 15) ; the contemporary of Argistis
Khilaruadas I., son of Tuates or Tualas (xxxviii. 6) ; the con-
temporary of Sarduris II. Khilaruadas II., son of Sakhus (1. 2).
These princes must have reigned before the destruction of the
kingdom of Milid in b.c. 712, and as none of the names agree

404 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

with those of the two last kings, they must, further, have pre-
ceded them. Sarduris II., therefore, must have rendered
Ivhilaruadas tributary before the year b.c. 743.

If we give an average of twelve years to the reigns of the
five Miiidian sovereigns, we shall have b.c. 810 as the approxi-
mate age of Menuas. The successful campaign of Sarduris
against Milid would well account for the appearance of the latter
shortly afterwards among the allies of the Urardhian monarch.

The mention of the Hittites in the Vannic inscriptions
bears the same testimony as the mention of Milid. The
Hittite power was destroyed by Sargon, who took Carchemish,
the Hittite capital, in B.c. 717, and made it the seat of an
Assyrian Satrap. When, therefore, we find the Hittites
named in the Vannic records, we are justified in inferring that
the latter are earlier than the reign of Sargon. For a similar
reason, the mention of Assyria in the inscriptions of Argistis
points to a period before the destruction of Nineveh.

I have thus far assumed our acquaintance with the names
and succession of the Vannic kings who have left records of
themselves. It so happens that (with one exception) they
follow in regular order, the king of one series of inscriptions
being: the father of the king: of another series. The earliest is
Sarduris I., the son of Lutipri(s), to whom belong the two
inscriptions in the Assyrian language already referred to.
The other kings succeed in the following order : —

Ispuinis, the son of Sarduris 1.

Menuas, the son of Ispuinis.

Argistis, the son of Menuas.

Sarduris II., the son of Argistis.

If we may judge from the number of campaigns carried on
by Argistis, his reign would have been one of considerable
length.

The list of kings thus begins and ends with a Sarduris.
Now Sarduris was also the name of the two kings who begin
and end the long period during which the Assyrian annals are
silent about Urardhu and its rulers. In b.c. 833, Dayan-
Assur, the general of Shalmaneser IL, defeated Seduris or
Sarduris of Urardhu, and in b.c. 743 it was again a Sarduri or

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

405

Sarduris who was king of IJrardhu when war broke out
between that country and Assyria. The Assyrian monuments
record the name of no Urardhian sovereign during the inter-
vening period. Since, as I have shown, everything points to
the introduction of the cuneiform system of writing into
Armenia in the time of Shalmaneser II., or immediately after-
wards, we seem justified in identifying the first Sarduris of
the Vannic texts with the opponent of Shalmaneser. If this
conclusion is correct, the number of reigns between him and
the second Sarduris ought to bear a reasonable proportion to
the length of time that elapsed between b.c. 833 and b.c. 743.
This length of time amounts to just ninety years. Supposing
that Sarduris XL had mounted the throne a little before b.c.
743, say in b.c. 745, and that Sarduris I. had similarly
acceded to the throne in 835, we should have four reigns for
ninety years. This would give the rather high average of
twenty-two years for each reign. But it is more than probable
that Sarduris II. had reigned for some time previously to his
war with Tiglath-Pileser, since in this war Mil id appears as
a subject-ally, and its conquest, as we learn from one of the
inscriptions of Sarduris, had been one of his own achievements.
Moreover the reign of Argistis seems to have been a long one,
while if we turn to Assyrian history we find that here, too,
a period of eighty-seven years (from b.c. 913 to b.c. 825) is
covered by only four reigns.

A more serious difficulty exists in the fact that Sarduris I.
calls himself the son of Lutipri(s), -whereas the king of
IJrardhu, against whom Shalmaneser had to contend in b.c.
857 and 845, was Arrame or Arame, and already in b.c. 833,
only twelve years later, his antagonist was Sarduris. It is, how-
ever, quite possible that the reign of Lutipris had been a short
one of less than twelve years ; it is also quite possible that
the name of Shalmaneser's opponent of b.c. 857 is wrongly-
repeated in B.C. 845, when, it must be remembered, the
’ Assyrian king himself did not take part in the war, and that
Lutipri(s) ought to be substituted for Arrame. But I am
more inclined to conjecture that Sarduris I. was the leader of
a new dynasty $ the ill-success of Arrame in his wars with

406 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

the Assyrians forming the occasion for his overthrow. At all
events it must be noticed that Sarduris does not give his father
Lntipri(s) the title of “ king,” and that the introduction of a
foreign mode of writing into the country looks like one of
those innovations which mark the rise of new dynasties in the
East. The consolidation of the power of Darius Hystaspis
was, we may remember, accompanied by the introduction of
the cuneiform alphabet of Persia.

During one part of the ninety years to which I would
assign the reigns of the Vannic monarchs, we learn from the
Assyrian canon that there was fierce and persistent war be-
tween Urardhu and Assyria. From b.c. 781 to b.c. 774
Shalmaneser III. was engaged in an almost continuous
struggle with the Urardhians, and, since in the last year the
scene of the war had been shifted to the country of the Zimri,
it would seem with doubtful success. Two years later he was
succeeded by Assur-danan or Assur-dan III. These wars
ought to be mentioned in the Vannic inscriptions, if my view
of their chronology is right. And such is actually the case,
Argistis claims to have overcome 44 the soldiers of the country
of Assyria*’ 1 (Nos. xxxviii. and xxxix.), and this, too, either in
the country of Bustus or on its borders. Now Bustus adjoined
the Zimri of the Assyrian texts, so that we should probably be
right in fixing the campaign in b.c. 774. If Argistis reigned
for thirty years, and his son Sarduris II. came to the throne in
B.c. 750, the victories of Argistis would exactly coincide with
the period when we know from the Assyrian Canon the
struggle was going on between Urardhu and Assyria.

Judging from the analogy of other passages, the very name
of the Assyrian king is given in xxxviii. 52. The gods of
Van are said to have given the lands Harsitani , “ belonging to
Harsitas,” and the soldiers of Assyria to Argistis. I believe
Harsitas to be an attempt to represent the name of the Assyrian
king Assur-dan, the s and r of Assur being transposed. That the
aspirate might be sounded before initial a in Vannic pronun-
ciation where it was omitted in Assyrian, is clear from the
fact that the proper name which the Assyrians wrote Aza is
written Haza in Vannic (No. liv. 1). It may be objected,

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

407

however, that the name of Assyria is correctly written
As-sur , from which it would appear that the Vannic people
knew how to pronounce it. But this inference is not justified.
It is plain that V was used as an ideograph, adopted like
other ideographs from the Assyrian syllabary, since it not only
has no suffix attached to it, but does not even end in a vowel, as
it ought to have done had it been a phonetically- written Yannic
word. Instead of the stereotyped Assur, we should have
Assuri and Assurni. From the way, therefore, in which the
word is written, we cannot infer the way in which it w r as
pronounced. For anything we know, it might have been
pronounced Harsi, which, by the way, would supply the geni-
tive ending required before the governing noun kurctde
( soldiers. 1 I should add that in b.c. 743 we find an Assur-
dain-ani Assyrian governor of Mazamua, and therefore at no
great distance from the kingdom of Yan.

One question still remains to be answered. Why is it that
the connected series of Yannic inscriptions, after continuing
uninterruptedly for nearly a century, ends so abruptly with
the reign of Sarduris II. ? The answer, I think, will be found
in the history of Assyria. With the foundation of the second
Assyrian empire by Tiglath-Pileser II. (b.c. 745) the expan-
sion of Vannic power in the warmer and more fertile regions of
the south was checked, and its very existence rendered doubt-
ful. The allies and vassals of the Yannic prince were one by
one made tributaries of Assyria, and in b.c. 735 Tiglath-
Pileser besieged Sarduris himself in his capital, erected a
monument of his victories just outside the city, and wasted
the plain of Yan for 450 miles. The blow inflicted on the
country was one from which it would have taken long to
recover, and patriotism would have prevented its monarchs
from continuing to engrave inscriptions, every letter of which
reminded their subjects of the enemy who had erected a similar
monument in the sight of Van itself. For many years to
come, moreover, the Yannic kings had something else to
think of than monumental records of their conquests. They
had indeed no conquests to record. Ursa, the successor of

408

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

Sarduris, devoted himself to the formation of a confederacy
against the growing empire of Assyria. In B.c. 716 he
induced the Maunai to murder their king Aza, the son of
Iranzu, to place a certain Bagdatti on the throne, and to
unite with Mita of the Moschi, as well as with the Tibareni,
Milid, Atuna, Karalla and many other kingdoms against
Sar°'on. But the effort was unsuccessful ; the confederates
were crushed, and in 714 the army of Ursa was destroyed,
260 of the royal clan captured, and Ursa forced to take refuge
in the mountains while his territories were wasted. Muzazir
in the southern part of Urardhu was taken and burned, and
its king Urzana compelled to seek safety in flight, while his
wife and children, treasures and people, as well as the images
of his gods Khaldi and Bagabartu, fell into the hands of the
Assyrians. The fall of Muzazir and the capture of his god
Khaldi reduced Ursa to despair, and he committed suicide.
His successor, Argistis II., was too weak to send aid to his
ally Mutallu of Komagene, when his territory was annexed by
the Assyrians in b.c. 708. Argistis II. was still reigning
after the accession of Sennacherib in b.c. t 05, since he is
mentioned in a despatch-tablet written to Sennacherib by
Pakhir-Bel, the governor of Amida or Diarbekir, from which
we learn that Butunnu, Kharda and the other cities in this
part of Assyria had to be carefully garrisoned up to the
frontier of Dhuruspa itself. From this time forward we hear
little more of Urardhu, though we know that it continued in a
state of passive hostility to Assyria, and that accordingly the
sons of Sennacherib fled to it for refuge after the murder of
their father.

The son and successor of Argistis II. was Erimenas, as
we are informed by the inscription on the bronze shields
discovered by Mr. Rassam. He must have been on the
throne when the Kimmerians, driven from their old seats
on the Sea of Azof, probably passed through the Arme-
nian territory on their way to Khupuscia (not Khutuscia),
where they were met by Esar-haddon about B.c. 680, and
forced westward into Asia Minor. Erimenas was followed by
his son Rusas, who erected the palace near Van, the ruins of

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

409

which ha v"e been excavated by Mr. Rassam, and sent an
embassy to Assur-bani-pal at Arbela, to ask for an alliance
after the overthrow of Teumman by the Assyrian king. Later
on in Assur-bani-paPs reign, another embassy arrived from
§ar-dur or Sadur of Urardhu, 44 whose fathers had sent to the
fathers ” of the Assyrian monarch to make brotherhood, bear-
ing with them presents and words of salutation. This
Sarduris III. must have been the successor of Rusas, and it
is clear that at least as late as b.c. 640 Van was still
ruled by its old TTrardhian kings, and not yet in the hands
of the Aryans. Rut the invaders, who subsequently occu-
pied the larger part of Armenia, and penetrated into the
Caucasus under the name of the Iron or Ossetes, were close
at hand.

Already in the time of Sargon, the usurper who seizes the
throne of the Mannai after the murder of the legitimate prince
bears the distinctively Iranian name of Bagdatti. It was the
first sign of the coming change which was to transform the old
kingdom of IJrardhu into the Aryan land of Armenia. The
Aryan conquest no doubt occupied a considerable length of
time. In the time of Darius Hystaspis, one of the pretenders
to the throne of Babylon is an TTrardhian who bears the
characteristic name of Khaldita or Khaldida 44 the dwelling
of Khaldis.” But the name IJrardhu has degenerated into
TTrasdhu, and before the overthrow of the Persian Empire by
Alexander the Vannic kingdom and language had become
things of the past, and a new race was in possession of the
mountains of Ararat. According to Strabo (xi. p. 771) it
was the descendants of Hydarnes, one of the seven Persian
conspirators against the Magian, who became kings of Armenia,
and reigned there from the time of Darius Hystaspis to that
of Alexander the Great. This tradition would make the
Aryan occupation of Armenia coeval with the victory of
Aryanism in Persia at the end of the sixth century b.c. On
the other hand, the Armenian history of Moses of Khorene
contains nothing that is trustworthy before the reign of Vahe,
who fell in battle against the Greeks ; and the fact that Van
is the predecessor of Vah4 not only shows that the Armenian

VOL. XIV.— [NEW SERIES.] 29

410

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

■writers had no authentic records before the age of Alexander,
but implies also that the foundation of Yan as an Aryan town
does not go back beyond that period. However, the Aryan
name Tigranes must have been in use in western Armenia
when Xenophon led the Ten Thousand through it, since in
his romance of the Cyropcedia he makes a prince of that
name the son of a king of Armenia. Armenia, too, XJrasdhu
in the Babylonian text, was one of the provinces over
which Darius claims sway (see Hdt. iii. 93), and Xerxes
inscribed his name by the side of that of Argistis on the rock
of Yan.

If the people of Urardhu were not Aryans, it is plain that
we must look for their existing kindred among the nearest
non-Aryan population. This, as M. Lenormant perceived,
is the Georgian. The advance of the Aryans from the south-
east would naturally have pushed the old population northward,
first beyond the barrier of the Araxes, then beyond the Kur.
But the whole of the earlier population could not have been
thus displaced ; some of it at least must have remained behind
and become mixed with the conquerors. The mixture would
be greater the nearer we approach Georgian territory. There
is evidence that the Georgians once extended further south than
they do at present, and it would be well worth investigating
how far the Georgian physical type can be traced in the
direction of Lake Yan. The natives of Urardhu represented
on the Balaw&fc bronzes have a very peculiar type of face,
almost a negro one in fact, and the Assyrian artists have
endeavoured, however unskilfully, to bring out the contrast
between themselves and the people of Van. The latter are
further represented as wearing the same tunics and boots with
pointed ends as the Hittites, while their heads are protected
by helmets not unlike those of the Greeks, and they use small
round shields, swords and spears.

It is impossible not to be struck with the general structural
resemblance of the Yannic and Georgian languages. Both are
inflectional, though neither Aryan nor Semitic, and the character
of the flexion is similar in both. I have noticed, moreover,
two or three roots which seem the same, e.g. par 4 to take away.’

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

411

But any detailed comparison of Tannic with Georgian, or with
any of the Caucasian languages such as IJde or Abkhas, must
be left to those who have specially devoted themselves to their
study ; a mere examination of the grammar and vocabulary
which is all that I can pretend to, leads to no trustworthy
result . 1

1 The first attempt that has been made to analyze the Georgian language
according to the scientific method is to be found in an article "by M. J. A.
Gatteyrias in the Revue de Linguistique et de Rhilologie compared (xiv.) for
July, 1881, pp. 275-311. It is impossible not to he struck by the resemblance
of the results obtained by M. Gatteyrias to the grammatical facts of the Yannic
inscriptions. “The suffix which expresses relation,” that is, the Yannic genitive-
dative, is i in the personal pronouns, as in Yannic stems in -i ; Gatteyrias
believes it to he a demonstrative, entering into combination with other letters in
%-man 4 he,’ i-gi, i-si ‘that,’ like the Yannic i in i-ni ‘this,’ i-u ‘thus,’ ie~s
1 which.’ Local nouns ending in a and e insert me before the suffix isa (e.g.
Jordane-vie-sa £ of the Jordan’), like Yannic local nouns which suffix -ve after -na
(e.g. Biaina-ve). In MSS. other nouns take the semivowel (as tsa-vie-sa ‘of
the sky’) just as in Yannic. As in Yannic, too, -is- is an adjectival suffix, as
well as M. Gatteyrias shows that the Georgian sa is originally a local

demonstrative, as it is in Vannic, while da forms adverbs of place as it does in
Yannic. The Yannic ini-da ‘here ’ is strictly analogous to the Georgian man-da
‘there,’ and sada is ‘there’ in Yannic, ‘where’ in Georgian. The phonology is
remarkably alike, so far as can he seen. Georgian possesses the vowels a, i, u, e,

and o (as does Yannic, if we make ^ o), the semivowels ie, and vie, and the

aspirated ho (Yannic ha). The first person of the verb is formed by the suffix -hi,
as in Yannic, while the 3rd pers. pi. contains, as Gatteyrias shows, the suffix -ni,
as in qiuareb-en ‘ they love,’ ar-i-an ‘they are’ (arie-dha is ‘ he was ’ in Yannic).
In Yannic -ni marks the 3rd person both singular and plural. The nominative
and accusative plural of Georgian nouns terminates in -ni and (e)bi, which
M. Gatteyrias shows must be analyzed into -n-i and eb-i, i alone marking the
case, We may compare the Yannic eba-n-i ‘ countries ’ and ati-b-i ‘ thousands.’
The suffix th is shown to have had originally the local sense of ‘ departure,’ and
then to have passed into a locative suffix. It is difficult not to compare the
Vannic locative di, especially when we find that th is also found in verbal forms
like dae in Yannic, and that the suffixes atka, ath, eth , ith, iatk, oik, and nth are
traced back to da. Shina or shi, which now forms the locative in Georgian, is
the old word for ‘house,’ which may be the same as the Yannic asi(s). The
Yannic suffix li seems to he found in the Georgian adjectival all, eli, Hi, and uli,
which show that a suffix li is attached to stems in a, e, i, and u. Tim pronoun
of the 3rd person is identical with that of Yannic— mes ‘he,’ mani 1 him ’ — the
‘demonstrative’ case being men and m(a)s ‘to him’ ; even rnisi ‘his’ is the Yannic
mesi(s). In the Vannic ada ‘ and,’ we find the origin of the Georgian copulative
conjunction da. The only dialects allied to the Georgian, which are at present
known are the Mingrelian — the nearest akin, of which Klaproth has published some
phrases in the Journal Asiatique 1829, while Zagarelli has lately published some
studies upon it ; the Suanian, said to be full of foreign words ; and the Lazian,
spoken nearest the Rlack Sea, and more archaic in character than the Georgian.
A grammar and vocabulary of it have been published by Rosen in the Abhandlungen
der Berlin. Akademie, 1843, 1845. The elements of Georgian grammar are given
in Brosset’s Grammaire , 1834, the analysis of the verb having been subsequently
accomplished by Friedrich Muller, and a Dictionnaire g eorgien-russe-fran gais,
by P. D. Tchubinof, appeared at St. Petersburg in 1840.

412

THE CTTNEIFOKM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

§ I. 3. Theology of the Inscriptions.

The Assyrian inscriptions tell us that Khaldi was the supreme
deity of the TJrardhian race, and there is hardly a Tannic
inscription in which the name does not appear. But Khaldis
was not only the supreme god : he was also the father of other
«-ods who were called “the Khaldians” after him, and there
were moreover, many Khaldi’s belonging to different localities
and worshipped by different tribes. Hence the kings invoke
‘ the Khaldi’s ’ (Khaldi-ni dat. pi.) and ‘ Khaldians ( Khaldi -
ni-ni) as well as ‘Khaldis’ (Khaldi dat. sing.). The whole
pantheon of Biainas is set before us in the long inscription of
Miihiir Kapussi, in which the two kings, Isbuinis and his son
Menuas, prescribe the offerings to be made to the various
deities of their faith. Here “ the four Khaldi’s of the house"
are spoken of (11. 12, 21), together with “the Khaldi’s of the
peoples” “the Khaldi’s of the fortress” (11. 17, 29), “the
protecting Khaldi’s” (11. 17, 30) and the like. We may
infer from this that the kingdom of Urardhu had once con-
sisted of a number of small independent principalities, each
with its special Khaldis, and that after their conquest and
amalgamation these special Khaldi’s were united into a national

^By the side of Khaldis stood the Air-god Teisbas or Teisebas,
whose name is once phonetically written (No. xx. 15), and the
Sun-o-od, whose name seems to have been Ardinis (See No.
1. 39). These three formed a Trinity which stood apart by

itself at the head of the pantheon.

The following is a list of the other gods arranged alpha-

betically : —
Adarutas.

Adbinis.

Adias.

Airanis.

Aldutusinis.

Alus-TJ rulive-Si vali.
Arazas.

Ardhuharairus.

Ardis.

Arhas.

Arnis.

Arsimelas.

Artsibaddinis.

Auis or Avis (the water-god).
Ayas (the earth-god).

Babas.

THE COTEIFOHM IHSCKIPTIOHS OE YAH.

413

Bartsias.

Deduainis.

Dhu ranis.

Dhuspuas (god of Tosp).
Eliahas.

Elipris.

Eriuas.

Hanapsas.

Harubainis.

Ipkharis.

Irmusinis.

Kilibanis.

Kueras.

Khalrainis.

Kharas.

Khudhuinis.

Nalainis.

Sebitus.

Selardis (the moon-god).
Siniris.

Subas.

Sardis (the year-god ?).
Silias.

Tsinuyardis.

Talapnras.

Uas (or Yas).

Uias (Yias).

Uninis.

liras.

Ziukunis.

Besides these the great inscription of Meher-Kapussi
enumerates various deities belonging to special countries and
cities, a list of which will be found at the end of the com-
mentary on the inscription, where the gods are classified
according to the offerings presented to each. We learn from
the same inscription that worship was also paid to 6 the horse-
men ’ or ministers of Khaldis and Teisbas, as well as to the
dead who were under the protection of Khaldis. It is
remarkable that no mention is made in this inscription of the
goddess Saris. In fact, except in the proper name Sar-duris,
borne by three Yannic kings, she is only once alluded to (No.
xxiv.). I am, therefore, inclined to believe that the goddess
was not a native one, but was imported from Assyria along
with the Assyrian syllabary. At any rate, it is worth notice
that the first king who hears the name Sar-duris writes his
inscriptions not only in the Assyrian characters, but also in
the Assyrian language, and that Sar(is) looks very much like
a modification of the Assyrian Istar. In Assyrian itself st
may become as in isacan for istacan. The name of the
goddess is always written by means of the Assyrian ideograph
(-4-) riW except in liii. 2, a text which probably
belongs not to the people of Yan, but to a kindred tribe.

414

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

Originally it would seem the Urardhians had no goddesses,
only gods.

The introduction of the Assyrian Istar into the country,
however, introduced at the same time the old Babylonian
myth of the death and resurrection of the Sun-god, whom
Istar loved. As I pointed out in the Academy , Jan. 28th,
1882 (p. 63), the legend of Er, the son of Armenios, with
which Plato ends his Republic , can be traced back to the
subjects of Sarduris. As I have there said, 66 Though Plato
calls Er a Pamphylian, the name of his father Armenios
points to Armenia, and it was from Armenia that the legend
originally came. M. Emine, in his Russian translation of
Moses of Khorene (pp. 254 , 255 ), has pointed out that Er is
Ara the Beautiful, beloved by Semiramis, the Assyrian queen,
according to Armenian legend, and slain on the field of battle.
Mar Apas Katina, from whom Moses of Khorene quoted the
story, related how that Semiramis, in passionate love for the
beauty of the Armenian king, vainly sought his hand, and,
all other means of persuasion failing, marched against him
with the army of Nineveh. A fierce battle was fought on
the plain of Ararat, so called from the hapless prince who
•was slain there by the soldiers of the Assyrian queen. In an
agony of grief Semiramis called her gods to help, and essayed
hy magical art to recall the dead man to life. But though
her efforts were fruitless, she calmed the Armenians by pre-
tending that 6 the gods Aralez 15 had restored him from death.
As M. Emine says, it is clear that in the original form of the
myth the dead man was actually brought back to life ; it was
the influence of Christianity which caused this portion of the
story to be modified. The spirits called Aralez still had their
place in popular belief as late as the fourth century of our
era, since, according to Faustus Byzantinus (v. 36), it was
said of the Armenian general Mushegh (a.d. 384) that ‘as he
was a brave man, the Aralez would descend and restore him to
life.’

u Now there can be little doubt that in the legend of Ara we
have but a repetition of the myth of Aphrodite* and Addnis,
of Istar and Tammuz, of the beautiful Sun-god beloved by the

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

415

goddess of nature, and slain by the winter only to return once
more to life. M. Fr. Lenormant has long since shown that
Semiramis is the Assyrian Istar, the Greek Aphrodite ; and
the story of Semiramis, borrowed by Ktesias from Persian
writers, is but a rationalized form of the old Babylonian myth
of the goddess of love and war. The Armenian Ara is the
Accadian Tam muz, whom the Phoenicians called Adonai,
Adonis, and we must see in him a name of the ancient
Armenian sun-god.

44 But who were the Aralez ? The Armenian writers tried to
explain their name from the verb lezul 4 to lick/ as though
they had 4 licked ? the wounds of Ara and so restored him to
life. This is plainly a mere piece of Volksetymologie . Baby-
lonian mythology, however, here comes to our aid. The
underworld to which Tainmuz descends is called in the
Accadian legend the land of Arali ; and Arali, though the
land of the dead, is also the land where 4 the waters of life ’
bubble up from under the golden throne of the spirits of
heaven and earth. Arali, moreover, was the lofty mountain
on whose summit the heaven rests, and was rich with gold, like
the regions beyond the Hyperborean mountains in Greek
story. It lay in the 4 extremities of the north/ the place of
shadows, and seems in later times to have been identified with
the mountains of Ararat, the very spot where the tale of Ara
was localized. We are, therefore, tempted to believe that the
gods of Arali were the prototypes of the 4 gods Aralez ? of
Armenian legend.

44 The belief, I think, becomes a certainty when we turn to
the list of Assyrian kings given by Ktesias. Ktesias professed
to have derived his statements from Persian originals, and the
progress of Cuneiform research has supplied us with evidence
that he spoke the truth. The earlier part of his Assyrian
history consists of myths rationalized in the way in which, as
the opening chapters of Herodotus show, the Persians were
accustomed to treat the mythology of their neighbours. I
have already alluded to the myth of Semiramis; and her son,
Ninyas, c the JSFinevite/ is also called Zames — that is, the
Assyrian Samas or Samsu, the Sun-god. The two successors

416

THE CUHEIFOBM INSCEIPTIOiS T S OF VAN.

of Ninyas were Arios and Aralios, with whom Moses of
Khorene makes Ara I. and Ara II. contemporary in Armenia.
Now Aralios seems plainly our Arali, while Arios seems
equally plainly Aria, 4 the destroyer/ the Accadian name of
Nergal as king of Arali. Nergal or Aria was the Sun-god
during the hours of night and darkness, as Tam muz was
during the time of daylight and summer.

44 Whether or not Ara is the same word as Aria is, I think,
doubtful. The Greek form Er speaks against it, and it is
better to suppose that Er, or Ara, was an Armenian name for
the Sun-god, which in later times was confounded with the
Arios (Nergal) of Ktesias.” Ardinis would appear to be the
Yannic name of the Sun-god, and, according to the inscription
of Meher-Kapussi, sacrifices were offered both to 44 the dead of
Khaldis,” and to 44 the Khaldises of the dead.” The latter
would be the Aralez of the Armenian historians. It may be
added that the legend unmistakably points to the fact that the
worship of the goddess Saris came from Assyria. This will
be the origin of the tradition which brought Semiram is to Yan.

According to Sargon, 1 the two gods worshipped at Muzazir —
a district between Khupuskia and Ararat 2 — and carried off by
him were Khaldia and Bagbartuv. Khaldia, we are further
told, was the god of Ursa of Ararat, who was so much affected
by the news of the capture of his deity as to commit suicide.
Perhaps we may infer from this that Bagbartuv was not his
god, and as the name may also be read Bagmastuv, it may be
of Aryan origin, and the first sign of Aryan influence in this
part of Asia. A bas-relief at Khorsabad (Botta, Monument de
Ninive , pi. 140, 141) represents the temple of Khaldia— a
form of the name which must be noticed — as built on a square
platform, and surmounted with a pediment which has a
pyramidal shape. A door stands in the middle of the facade,
adorned with four square columns. Round shields, with a
lion’s mouth in the centre, are hung upon the walls, like the
shields in the Jewish temple. They explain the use to which
the bronze shields, found by Mr. Rassarn near Yan, were put.

1 Botta, 148, 4.

2 See Black Obelisk, 176-179.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

417

The soldiers are depicted hacking the image of the god to
pieces, and removing plunder from altars, which stand on one
leg, and tripods. On the right of the entrance is the figure of
a cow giving suck to a calf, and in front are placed two large
bronze bowls or “ seas,” containing 1 astral water, and supported
on tripods which have the feet of bulls. The whole temple
and its surroundings betray the influence of Assyria, like the
bronze solar disk from Yan mentioned on p. 384, and the bronze
winged bulls with human heads procured by Sir A. H. Lavard
from Yan, and now in the British Museum.

§ II. Syllabary and Grammar.

The syllabary used in the Yannic inscriptions is a modified
form of that employed at Nineveh in the ninth century b.c.
As has already been said, the forms of the characters are those
found in the inscriptions of Assur-natsir-pal and Shalma-
neser II. At first the wedges were cut across one another as
on the Assyrian monuments, but during the reign of Menuas
the nature of the rocks on which the texts were engraved
caused the sculptors to divide a wedge in two when it inter-
sected another, 4 - for instance, becoming >~Y>~. This was
to prevent the stone breaking at the point of intersection.

Each character was allowed to retain only one phonetic value,
and (with 18 exceptions) only those characters were adopted
which denoted the four vowels, a, e, i, u, and the open
syllables ba, bi , bu, etc. In order to express the vowel of a
syllable with greater clearness, the character denoting it was
commonly written after the one which contained the consonant,
la, for example, being written ba-a. In this way, the people
of Van came very near to changing the syllabary into an
alphabet. Indeed, in one instance at least, the change was
actually made. The final -s of the nominative, as Dr. Hincks
pointed out, is represented by the character ^ se , which
must be read here simply s. This is proved by our never
finding a vowel written after it, as well as by its interchanging
with is after the vowel i (e.g. iii. 1), and it is curiously con-
firmed by the usage of the Cypriote or Asianie syllabary in

418

THE COTEIEQBM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

which a final consonant is similarly denoted by a character
which consists of the consonant in question followed by e.
Dr. Hincks, however, was wrong in thinking that the -ni of
the accusative was also to be read simply -w, since this termi-
nation is sometimes followed by the complementary vowel
i or e.

Along with this syllabary a considerable number of ideo-
graphs and determinative prefixes were also borrowed. The
grammatical terminations of the ideographs were generally
denoted by adding to them other characters nsed phonetically
to express the sounds of the terminations ; these correspond
to the phonetic complements of Assyrian. At times the word
itself or the latter portion of it was written b}^ the side of the
ideograph which stood for it. The extensive use of ideographs
induces me to believe that before the introduction of the
Cuneiform syllabary the people of Yan had been acquainted
with another system of writing which was in large part ideo-
graphic. We now know that such a system of writing was
actually in use from an early period among the Hittites and
the natives of Lesser Armenia, where it had probably been
first invented, and the way in which what are evidently
phonetic complements are plentifully interspersed among the
ideographic characters of the Hittite inscriptions is the exact
counterpart of what we find in the Yannic texts. Inscriptions
in Hittite hieroglyphics may yet be discovered within the
limits of the old kingdom of Ararat.

The only paleeographical difficulty presented by the Yannic
inscriptions is one due to the faultiness and inaccuracy of the
copies of them which we possess. Most of these copies are
excessively bad ; in many cases, as we shall see, the text can
be restored only by the help of parallel passages. Sir A. H.
Layard’s copies are by far the best ; next come those of Schulz ;
but all suffer from having been made by persons unfamiliar
with the Assyrian mode of writing. There are certain
characters, resembling each other in form, which are constantly
confounded. These are ^T<y da and >-££^<1 li ; ma and
na; Iche and mu; and te and la.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

419

Fortunately squeezes of many inscriptions have now been sent
to the British Museum by Mr. Hormuzd Eassam and Capt.
Clayton, and these have shown me what the characters really
are in the stereotyped phrases which occur over and over again.
They have also set the general accuracy of Sir A. EL Bayard's
copies in a strong light, and so raised the presumption that
where the latter differ from the copies of Schulz, the fault lies
on Schulz’s side.

List of the Yannic Characters.

fi -

(fe) ? rf/ri

sfl «

Hid

dim

*> J=d? v a

^ u

-VA

s=nr*= hu > u

9 U

--Id

»-«y ba

A U

>-g»- lu and pu

tt] ab, ap

M> M- k

p-yy ft, ^

EC ♦»

-eT<T, ^T<y &

-d

-£d<h

-PT<! «

s<y du

ad, at

-id

T^TTT

el, %l

JZ^JlY dha, (dhe)

<d*

420 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

I-

me, mi

2TT

+ 44f

-TTT^

urn

-II

£i

^«II

za, tsa

-t

-IH

^<11

-II

tsi

tsu

*1-

j£III

pu , bu

~T<

b=TT

te (f dhi)

-YT<T

-<m> *cm »

Mia

<MM «•

❖

kid

t ’S 5r

►V

|£l >-&**-

Mie

HfTT-

IfcJ

—

bad

try

bar

<T-

bur

se , ^

bal

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

421

garovhar(xxxvii.

t £=

tap

26; xxxix. 62).

bhal

*TT

gur (xliii. 13)

hhar

gis

ssld

£ar

*=YTT

hid

-V

SUV

bur

t^TTT

lib

bar

t E y.

>-»-

>1^

bob

dur

t TBT

nin

dliur

tor

Ideographs.

^<0 (jjms, khulas) ‘king’

>~II ( euris ) ‘ lord ’

41 41* 6 governor 5

(tarais) ‘strong 5
(Aas) ‘man 5
^Yy Y ( Jibiras ) ‘person 5
|| ‘son 5

fi child, 5 ‘boy 5
‘people 5

^| (afe) ‘ soldier 5
»- ^ | ‘ slave 5

‘language, 5 ‘tribe 5

W ( ebanis ) ‘ country 5

^|f ( inanis ) ‘city 5
jz|TTT (<m$) ‘ house 5
^TTTT ^y>- (asida,dhuluris)

4 palace 5

~iw -m 4 firm house 5

tryl* —It ‘s ate ’

(? kabbis) ‘stone’

tifflf. scm *T ‘ tablet 5
<11 -M (tuais) ‘ gold ’
‘silver’

JlVy ‘bronze’

422

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

s^y 4 a

(Idmsus) 4 flesh 5

^TTT^ tfood ’

( kalis ) ‘sacrifice’
JgE]| ‘victim’

Jjg|j (susis) ‘ slieep ’

( pakhinis ) ‘ ox ’

($1 ‘wild ox’

-§= ‘ lamb ’

D.P. }} tZz] ^<! « ? >
dhunis) ‘ camel ’

D.P. V jjlff (navusisy horse’
^ (sekhiris) ‘ alive ’

-4 It ‘ man 7’

j2^- 4 in all 5
6 hostile 5

J ffiz ( abidadu ) 4 to burn 5
4 to give’
g y~ 4 to make 5

4- 4 twice 5

5kT ‘ sixt y’

\\ Va 4 ^ our ^ oms ?

J 4 times 5 (Lat. 4 vices ’)
fc: W ^ « war-magazine 5

(c t f; SUS ^ « month 5
4 year 5
>->yh ^ god ?

QArdinis) 4 the sun-
god, 5 4 the day 5
4Afl ( Teisbas ), 4 the
air-god 5

>->yh 4 heaven 5

{{{ ( Selardis ) 4 the

moon-god 5
V" 4 Assyria 5

It 0 tiaver?

+ifc 4 to have 5
t^HU ‘ shepherd’

Determinatives.

j->|- Det. Prefix of divinity
y D.P. of an individual
]*>- D.P. of a woman
D.P. of a people

D.P. °f an i ma ^

1=1 D.P. of wood
P* Det. Affix of plurality

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

423

The characters to which an asterisk is prefixed occur only
in the two inscriptions of Sarduris I., which are written in
Assyrian. Exclusive of these, there are 73, or perhaps 74,
characters used to express open syllables (including simple
vowels), 18 to express closed syllables, while there are 58
ideographs, of which 21 are compound, and 12 are also
employed phonetically, together with at least 7 determinatives.
One of the ideographs is taken, not from the ordinary

Assyrian form, but from the hieratic Assyrian form, of the
character, s y^ 2 T’. Compare the Susianian or “ Protomedic 59
The ideograph if correctly copied, is a

curious mixture of the two characters £ language ’ and

^M'peopie-’

Among the simple ideographs, 12 are also used with
syllabic values (jy, jBjf ] >

V"). Of these, is only once found in
a Yannic inscription as an ideograph (li. 8) — though used as
such in the two Assyrian texts i. and ii.— as is also the case
with ^yyy^ (li. 8). On the other hand, occurs only

once with a syllabic value (xxxvii. 18), while m usually
has ^ attached to it if employed ideographically, and there is
a distinction in form between >-<y>-< * alive ? and >->~y< U,
An attempt is made to keep ideographs apart from characters
which are used phonetically ; thus XX is 4 four, 5 not If

>— < is used as an ideograph in v. 7, we shall have to increase
by one the number of ideographs.

in Assyrian has the variant values of ne, iz, pi,
pil, bit, dhe and dha. Its value in Yannic, however, is fixed
partly by the word ku~ -di ‘on departing ’ bv the side

of kiulhubi 1 1 departed,’ partly by its occurrence in the name
of Malatiyeh, the Assyrian Milidia or Melidi, which is written
He-U-ZZ&^-u-ni in ISTos. xxxiii. 16,
xxxviii. 16, etc. We cannot read the character as dhe here,
since parallel grammatical forms show that in hu-^^^J-a-di

424

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

the vowel (a) marks the vowel of the preceding character.
Just as we have ustadi and not ustectdi , so we should have
kudhabi and not kudheadi. On the other hand, in | Eu-i-
ru-khi-i-ni-e-i (xlv. 37), we must read dhe, unless
the a is intended to stand for a.

The character ^ always has the value tu, as is proved in
various ways. Thus we find it followed by the vowel w as in
tu-hu-U (xxxii. 3) by the side of the more usual tu-bi, and in
xxxiv. 13 ha-al-du-bi is written ha-al-tu-bi. It also forms
part of the name of the district Bustus, which is Bustu in the
Assyrian texts. Just as the more easily-formed character J was
adopted to express the sound su in preference to Jif , so ^
was adopted in the stead of . In v. 30, 81, vii. 6, xii. 3,
j-Hp^ ma y be used with the value urn. That has the

pmver of khe, and not of gan or he — which are further powers
of it in Assyrian— is made clear by xxvi. 5, xxxiii. 18, where
Is-pu-liu-i-ni-e-t. takes the place of the usual Is-pu-hu-i-
ni-e-khi. So, too, al-khi xlix. 17, al-khi-e 1. 2, 6, and al-khe

.11 2

xxxiii. 16. That >— < is bad is shown by its bei
followed by a d (as in bad-di-ni, v. 24, by the side of ba-di-ni-ni
xliii. 2). Similarly is followed by d in kid-da-nu-u-da

(xxxii. 4). I read bur rather than pur, since is

replaced by ba-al in the name of Baltulkhi (xxx. 25, and xlv.
16). For ►£»=*- see xxxii. 7. As is followed by r in
the proper names farm ... xxxvii. 28, and Kulbitar-ris,
1. 30, while the Katarzas of Menuas (xxxi. 6) is the Kudhurzas
of Argistis (xxxvii. 18), I make it tar. The value of
is fixed by the variant spelling khci~QV in kharkhcirsubi (xxxviii.
19 , 44 ), and that of by its representing in the name of

Sarduris (liii. 2) the syllable which is written Sar and Sara in
the Assyrian texts. We learn that was gis from the
variant spellings of Argistis and gissurie. >f- is shown to be
bar and not mas by the name of the country of Bar-su-as, the
Assyrian Parsuas or Barsuas (see xxxix. 12).

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

425

A word always ends with a line. The only exception to
this rule is No. xlix. 13 , 14, where we have 6 the country of
Dakive-edia * — where eclia is regarded, not as a suffix, but
as an independent word with the independent meaning of
1 people — xxx. 21, 22, where - khinie is regarded in the
same way, and xxx. 34, 35, where the compound arkhi-urudani
is divided.

The Cuneiform syllabary was probably inadequate for the
expression of all the sounds belonging to the Tannic language.
It is difficult to determine the exact pronunciation of the
character which I have transcribed e (as in Assyrian), but
I fancy it was a. It is not unfrequently attached to a final long
a ; thus we have lakuada and lakuadae , Dhuspd and Dhuspae
or Dhuspae . But we find also tiuclaie (which I would read
tiudaye) by the side of tiudae, and e not unfrequently follows
% as in istini-i-e. I is, I believe, sometimes used for the semi-
vowel ?/, as in the example {tiudaye) just quoted, or in the
particle iu c thus. 1 That the semivowel y was known in
Tannic is shown by a word like ya-ni , xlv. 26. U seems
similarly to be written occasionally for % as in the adjectival
termination na-u-e , which I would read nave , ui for vi, and
uedia for vedia, or in namsis 1 a horse/ On the other hand,,
the pronunciation of u appears to have been u as well as u.
Thus, by the side of al-su-u-si-e (v. 49) we find al-su-i~si-e
(v. 12), where it is better to assume that the combination
u 4- i represents an attempt to express u than that in al-hi-u™
si-e the vowel sound of i has fallen out. Perhaps ui stands
also for u rather than for vi. represents not only hn,

but also u, while ^ is preferably?- used for what I suppose to
be u . Thus we have Is-pu-hu-i-ni-kM-ni-s (xxvi. 2), but
Is-pu-tt-ni-khi-ni-s (xx. 2, 9). At the same time ^ and
interchange elsewhere. For the sake of clearness,
I have always transcribed as hu, though it must be

remembered that its common power is simply u.

The diphthongs are ai, au , ei (ae, ie, ue), and ia ; probably
also ui. But it is difficult to distinguish the cases where we
have to pronounce a diphthong from those in which the two

VOL. XIV. — [NEW SERIES.] ^

426

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

vowels are sounded independently. Thus, analogy would lead
us to write kha-ubi rather than khaubi, although we have the
contracted form khubi (xxxviii. 13, xl. 54).

It is the fault of the Cuneiform system of writing itself
that the sounds of b and p are expressed by the same character
in bu and pu, ah and ap, ib and ip, ub and up. The fact that
pa exists by the side of ba, and pi by that of hi, shows that in
pronunciation the language made a distinction between the
two consonants.

It is impossible to determine the exact pronunciation of the
dental sound which I have represented by dli, or of the sibi-
lants s and ts. Bh became cl in sudukubi (1. 27) by the side
of the older mdhukubi (xxx. 24, etc.), but it is represented by
13 (dh) in Assyrian (in Bhuruspa—Bhuspas ), and 0 in Greek
(in Saunrla). That s had the same sound as the Assyrian
s (T) seems to result from the proper name Haza, which is
written Aza in Assyrian. The Vannic language, by-the-bye,
appears to have had as much partiality^ foi the aspiiate as the
Assyrians had little. In the name of Sarduris the Yannic s is.
represented by the Assyrian D (s). What the exact sound of
k was I cannot even conjecture.

Phonetic decay seems to have affected the language very con-
siderably. Diphthongs become vowels and consonants disappear.
In khubi (xxxviii. 13), for khaubi, au has become u, like klmdaye
(xxxi. 22) for khaudaye, and ai passes into i in Binae (xx. 7)
for Biainae, though we also find ulustabi (xxxiv. 7) for ulustaibi,
and Bianaste for Biaina.de, while ua regularly becomes u, as in
the 3rd sing, present of the verb. The terminations especially
suffer. Thus we have gmuri (xlvi. 9) for gimirie, and dudaye
becomes duclae (xix. 17) and even duda (xxii. 9). Final d
is lost after the time of Menuas in adakicl. Since the name
of the capital Bhuspa(s) is always written Bhitruspa in the
Assyrian inscriptions, it would seem that r between two
vowels tended to disappear. Probably there were two rs, one
of which was so slightly sounded in pronunciation as not to
be written in the native texts. If Bitanu really represents
Biaina(s), and is not due to a mere Volksetymologie, it would
further seem that t between two vowels might be lost, just as

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN. 427

it is in Aryan Armenian. In mclukubi dh is softened into cL
On the other hand cl after s is hardened into t, as in Biamasfe .
Ealtubi and haklubi appear in the variant copies of the same
inscription (xxxiv. 13) as well as zaclualz and zatuali (v. 2, 33),
The near approach made by the Vannic syllabary to an
alphabet mast not be forgotten in dealing with the phonology
of the language. The addition of a vowel, therefore, to a
character which already contains it does not necessarily imply
that the vowel was a long one, as it would in Assyrian ;
it merely determines the vowel inherent in the preceding
character.

The Noun. — The noun has two numbers, singular and
plural, and at least seven cases, but no gender. The nomina-
tive sing, ends in s, and the vowel which precedes determines
the stem to which the noun belongs. Accordingly we have
nominatives like Menu- as from stems in -a, like Argist-is from
stems in 4, and like al-us ‘ whoever,’ or ats-us l * ‘month’ from
stems in - u .

The genitive singular terminates in 4, as in Menuai pida
(xxii. 3) ‘ the memorial of Menuas/ Tariria-i ‘of Tariria 5
(xxiii. 2), examples which show that the genitive preceded the
governing noun. So, too, from stems in 4 we have me-i ‘ of
him/ and Menuai-ne4 ‘ of her belonging to Menuas 5 (xxiii. 1).
This 4 seems to be a weakened form of a more original -ye,
since we find gisla-ye and gisla-e agreeing with Tariria-i
(xxiii. 1). In this way we are able to connect it with the
dative singular, which also terminated originally in e (though
not, apparently, in ye), the two cases being flectionally and
syntactically one and the same. The long inscription of
Isbuinis and Menuas (No. iv.), which recounts the offerings to
be made to the various deities, gives us many examples of this
genitive-dative. Thus we have Hanapsa-e by the side of the
shortened form Manapsa-a , Melardi-e , and Arni-i-e , Khaldi-i
by the side of Khaldi-e (e.g. v. 1). The following is a list of
the principal genitive-datives occurring in this inscription : —

1 Alsus is really the case denoting duration of time (v. 2), which seems to have

been the nominative in Aannisv/AT. :

428

THE CUHEIFOBM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAH.

Stems in -a.

Stems in -i.

Stem in

Suba-a

Khaldi-i Sel

Eliaha-a

Ahui-e (Ahuye)

Talapura-a

Sardi-i-e (Sardiye)

Baba -a

Selardi-i-e (Selardiye)

Ai-a (Ay a)

Elipri-e

Arha-a

Siniri-e

Adi-ya

Khaldi-nav-e

Ui-a (Uya)

Baba-nav-e (Baba-nau-e)

Khara-a

Inua-nav-e

Araza-a

Aai-nav-e

Hura-a

Most of these are deri-

Erina-a

vatives in -di, -n, and

K u era- a

the adjectival -nav or

Adaruta-a

nahu.

In the case of stems in -a, a distinction was made between
the genitive which ended in i, as Menucd and the dative
which had the contracted form in -a, as Saba, though, as we
have seen, the more original form of the genitive also was

gklaye .

The accusative singular is marked by the suffix -ni, as is
shown by the imprecatory formula in which the accusatives
p&i-ni ‘name/ arkhe-urudd-ni ‘family/ and inai-ni ‘ city/
follow one another. The spelling of inai-ni-e (xxi. 15) shows
that the vowel was long, and rather e than i ; and we find -ni-e-i
in xl. 1. The suffix of the accusative might be omitted after
the local affix -da; thus we have pi-da aguni ‘the memorial
he has set up/ by the side of arkhe-uruda-m. The patronymic
termination -khini(s), on the other hand, instead of affixing a
second -ni, lost its original one ; e.g. Argisti-ni Menua-khi-(e)
‘Argistis son of Menuas* (xxxvi. 5), Diave-khi ^-nie ‘the
lands of the son of Diaves’ (xxiv. 7), and this happened even
when the substantive was without the accusatival suffix ; as in
xxx vii. 6 , Diave-khi nu dubi ‘ I destroyed the king the son
of Diaus/ The accusative is used with an instrumental sense,
as in na-ra-ni 6 with fire ’ (xxxii. 45).

An adjective, even if used substantially, dropped the accu-

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

429

sative suffix -ni, and terminated in simple ie or L Thus we
have alme Dhuspae 'inhabiting Tosp/ badusi'de cayed’ or 'old 1
(xvii. 5), written badusi-i-e (x. 8). From this we may infer that
M was really the suffixed demonstrative ini. Similarly, where
two substantives followed one another without a conjunction,
the suffix -ni might be dropped in the first or even in both,
as mi suse 4 house (and) columns/

The local case was denoted by the suffix - da (sometimes
-dai, as in xxxiv. 41, xl. 29), as is proved by many examples.
Thus we have pi-da, 6 a memorial/ from pi(s) 4 a name/ Tariria -
Mini-da 1 the place of the daughter of Taririas 1 (xxiii. 3),
khuradi-ni-da 4 the camp 9 or 4 place belonging to the soldiers 5
(xxxii. 4), Sadahadae-khini-dd-ni 4 the place (acc.) of the son
of Sadahadas ? (xxxii. 6). After s the d became t , as in
Khatina-s-td-ni 4 the place (acc.) of the Hittites ’ (xxxii. 7),
It is difficult to understand why the accusative suffix -ni is
attached to -da in some cases and dropped in others. The
local suffix was originally dae or da (e.g. pidae xxii. 10).

The suffix -di must mark the locative, as in usta-di 4 on (my)
approach/ kudha-di 4 on leaving/ nu-a-di 'among the people
of the king 5 (xli. 13 ), khuii-a-di 4 in the service (?)/ isti-di
ulkhu-di 4 in this campaign 1 (1. 22), JBianaidi (xli. 7) con-
tracted into Biainadi (lv. 14 ). After s - di becomes te r e.g .
Biaina-s-te plural locative 4 belonging to Biainas/ 1 After the
verb siidJmkubi 4 1 plundered/ we find XlX.gryyyy >=y>- y«<
e-di 4 three palaces/ (xxx. 26), and ebani-a-tsd-di-ni 4 the
chief of the people of the country/ where, however, di may be
the suffix of agency as in Khal-di-s . The form in te (= de)
shows that - di was originally -de or -die.

The same relation that exists between the vowels of the
two suffixes da and di exists also between the suffixes kai and
Id. -kai, as will be shown, is the genitive-dative of a noun
formed by the suffix -ka(s), which denotes 'family/ 'clan 5 or
4 race/ Thus we have Da-di-ka-i (xxxix. o) 4 of the family
of Dadis 1 (whose name is written Dadas in line 32), and
Argisti-ka-i 4 to the family of Argistis/ In xlix. 2, we read

1 Te here must stand for -tie, just as -di will stand for -die.

480 THE CUNEIFORM IHSCRIPTIOHS OF YAH.

^ Ma-nci-ni ebani-e la-ku-ni | Sar-du-ri-ka-i J Ar-gis-ti-khi-
ni-e ‘ the land of the Minni they have given to the family of
Sarduris the son of Argistis/ where the patronymic is in the
dative singular agreeing with Sardurikai .

The suffix -hi denotes the adverbial case, as is shown by
the adverb adaki ‘ partly/ The original form of the suffix,
however, was kid, as we learn from adakid (xxxii. 9), which
may perhaps be analyzed into ki+d* The dental d may
represent either the locative - di or the local - da . Of more
doubtful meaning is the suffix -uki, which seems a compound
of the adjectival -u (as in bad-u-ki , al-u-si) and the termina-
tion -hi We find it in ebani-uki (xxxix. 1, 25), as well as
ebani-uMe-di (xlv. 10), where the sense seems to be \a part
of the country/ but unfortunately the context is in neither
place clear. In 1. 27, a passage parallel to xlv. 10, the
contracted form ebani-hi-di occurs (if the copy is right). By
the side of ebani-uki we also get ebani-nka-ni (xxxix. 7, 31),
with a termination which we have in ik-uka-ni ‘goods.’ It
seems to signify ‘ tribal/ ‘ belonging to the clan of the country/
With ebani-uki must be compared kai-ulrid (xxx. 13), written
ka-ukie in 1. 23, from the same root apparently as ka-di (1. 11).
The word must signify 6 with weapons ’ or ‘ by war/ where
the adverbial meaning is evident. Compare also iniiki (iii. 1)
and inukcmi (xxi. 5, xliv. 11).

I have not been -able to discover any examples of the
nominative plural unless it be tasmus (xxx. 17), but we see
from the expression -4 -T«< -s that it ended in s. The
genitive-dative plural terminated in -nie (nS) (lv. 3) and -m\ as
in Khaldi-ni c to the Khaldises * (v. 12, etc.), Khaldi-ni-m ‘to
the gods belonging to Khaldis ’ (v. 17, etc.). The plural
adjective following and agreeing with this dative ended in -ie
(e) attached to the suffix -s ; e.g. Khaldi-ni alsiii-s-e ‘to
all the Khaldises v (v. 12), Khaldi-ni diru-s-i (v. 13). If,
however, the preceding substantive had been changed into
an adjective by the adjectival suffix -ni 9 the adjective following
took -ni, as Khaldi-ni-ni al'mi-hi-ni ‘ to all the gods belonging
to Khaldis/ Similarly in v. 15 we have ->f T«<

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OP VAN.

431

Ar-tm-lw-i-ni-ni ‘to the gods belonging to the city of Artsns/
Stems in a preserved their vowel if we may judge from the
dat. pi. of the adjective usma-s-L

The accusative plural terminated in more than one way. A
stem in 4 ended in -e, as suse 6 sheep ’ from susis (xxxvii. 15,
xlviii. 29, xlv. 22, xxxi. 17). That we must read suse here
and not sus is proved by the spelling in xlviii. 29. E might
become i ; e.g. sekheri 4 alive 1 (xxxvii. 42) by the side of
sekherie i.e. sekheri (xxxvii. 13). This was especially the
case if the noun ended in -nis ; as in pakhini ‘ oxen ’ (xxxi. 17,
xl 39), though we also have ebanie . The suffix -ni of the
singular was added to a collective in -a ; thus we have
- huedia-ni !«< c womanfolk ’ (xlix. 10) as well as
- huediani (xlix. 20). But the plural sign here denoted the
sense of the word rather than its true grammatical construc-
tion ; tarsua-ni ‘soldiers/ for instance, is grammatically a
singular. This is also the explanation of the forms ^y>~
J«< -ra-ni (xxxix. 35) and |<« -ra-ni (liii. 6),
which are connected with the adjective -a-ri-e (v. 78,

xxxi. 13). Nouns in -u formed the acc. pi. in long u ) as
hakhcm ‘chariots’ (xxx. 20), ncivU 4 horses , (xxx. 20), as well
as ncwuse (xlv. 26). Nouns in -a similarly had an accusative
in -d ; thus we find tarsua 4 soldiers ’ by the side of the sing.
tarsuani, and ebana in 1. 26.

Another accusative plural was made by reduplicating the
local and locative suffixes da and di, and dropping the final
vowel as in the adverbial case in -kid. Thus in xx. 3 we find
-Hfyf armanidad 6 tablets/ in 1. 25 bibudid 4 vases/ That the
plural is intended here is shown by. the form ^|«< -da-da-e-
di-ni , nudadaedini (xxx. 24) 4 the people of the (two) kings/
Perhaps - dad expressed the dual and -did the plural.

When the local suffix denoted a single place in which a
number of objects was collected, it was attached to the plural
accusative of the noun ; e.g. asida 4 the site of the palaces 9
(xxx. 27). It thus frequently expressed an abstract, as
kureda 4 tribute ’ (xxx. 14), and so a collective which has the

432

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

force of a plural, as amuyada c castles" (xxxi. 4). See note
on xxx. 14.

It is possible that in the forms Biainas-te 4 among the
Biainian (gods) " and Khatinas-ta-ni 4 the seat of the Hittites,’
the s before the suffixes -cli and -da may represent a plural.
But it may also be the adjectival formative which we have
In dirusis.

Duration of time was expressed either by the nominative
sing, as atsus manus 6 each month " (v. 2) or the acc. sing, as
ardini ‘ during the day/ 4 publicly/ The distributive 4 day
by day " was expressed by ardinini (v. 2).

A case which may be termed perfective was formed by the
suffix -li. When followed by a participle, this case represented
the ablative absolute of Latin. Thus we have inili
mduali (v. 2) 4 after this gate was built " and inili
zatuali (v. 33) 4 after these gates were built"; from which we
learn that the form was the same in both sing, and plural.
Elsewhere we read mesuli 4 after the summer 1 (v. 30), and at
the end of the sentence dusisiuli-ni 4 after the winter " (v. 31),
where the final -ni is the sign of the dative plural agreeing
with the datives plural which have preceded it. In v. 9
occurs the expression alus-urulivesmali, where the suffix -ve
is a dative singular agreeing with 4 god ’ understood, li the
perfective suffix and alus the pronoun 4 whoever " united with
uruli-ve in a sort of compound. Literally the phrase runs :
4 To him whoever (is) after the offspring when they have been
carried away."

These suffixes may be added one to the other, and new
forms thus created. From nu, for instance, the accusative
plural of nns 4 a king," we get nu-dadae-di-ni , where di is the
suffix of agency, while dadae is the local plural, and ni the suffix
of the accusative. Agununkla , again, "the place of buildings"
(xxx. 27), is composed of the local suffix -da> the accusative
suffix n$ y the plural -Uy and the adjectival n.

433

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

The Declension .

Stems In - a .

Sing. PL

Horn. Menuas

~ ^ , Menuai }

Gen.-Dat . , V

Khara a J

-as ( c gods ’)

( ebana

Acc. Menuani

5 (kliuradia)

f gunuse

Instr . narani

arnuyada

Local. Biainadi

Biainaste

Adverbial adakid, adaki

Durative

Perfective zaduali

zaduali

Stems in 4.

Nom. Khaldis

n -p. , Khaldi )

Khaldini

Khaldie J

Acc. Khaldini, Argistikhi

Instr .

suse, pakliini

Local pida, pidae, buradani

f kurSda, asida,
1 armanidai

Local . Khaldedi, Khaldidi

Adverbial ebaniki(di)

Durative ardini (ardinini)

bibudid

Perfective inili

inili

Stems in -u.

JSTom. atsus

tasmus

Gen.-Dat. Sebitue, Iskigulu

Acc. atsuni

bakhau, nu

Instr.

Local buruda

Locat . ulkkudi

Adverbial kaiukid, kaiuke
Durative atsus

Perfective urpuli, urpuli-ni

nudada

434

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

Formative suffixes are numerous. We may first signalize
the patronymic khini, as Menua-khinis 4 the son of Menuas/
Argisti-khinis 4 the son of Argistis.’ This suffix seems a com-
pound of two others, khi and ni, which will explain why it is
that the second syllable (ni) is dropped in the accusative. We
find khi in several words with the sense of 4 belonging to/

4 originating from’; e.g. arkhi 4 children ’ from the root ar
4 to bear/ tukhi ‘captives’ from tu 4 to carry away/ alkhe
(1. 2) and alkhi 4 inhabitants/ Ni or n is commonly employed
to change a substantive into an adjective. Thus we have the
genitive-dative Menuai-ne-i 4 belonging to Menu as 1 (xxiii. 1),
Khaldi-ni-ni 4 to those belonging to Khaldis ’ (the gods be-
longing to the family of Khaldis), khuradi-ni-da 4 the place
belonging to the soldiers/ i.e. the camp (xlvi. 15), Ehaldi-ni-dcm
4 to those of the place belonging to Khaldis’ (v. 15), where a
fresh adjective in -s has been formed from the compound
Khaldinida .

This adjectival suffix -ni must be carefully distinguished
from the Sectional -ni of the noun and verb, which seems to be
derived from the demonstrative ini 4 this/

Side by side with this suffix ni, we find another adjectival
suffix net, which has what may be termed a territorial sense.
Khaldi-nas means ‘belonging to the land of Khaldis ’ as op-
posed to Khaldinis 4 belonging to Khaldis/ The latter may
stand alone as a substantive in the sense of 4 the Khaldinian/
4 The gate of the land of Khaldis 1 is KJuildina
(x. 4, etc.), not KhaldinL On the other hand we have Khati -
nas 4 Hittite 1 (xxxiii. 11), Khatinaidi 4 among the Hittites ’
(xxxviii. 12), by the side of Etiu-nis ‘Georgian’ (xliii. 34),
Etiwniedi ‘among the Georgians’ (xliii. 47). See also ebana
(1. 26).

-ue or -ve is a possessive suffix, denoting possession or
attribute. Thus we get ippue (v. 4) 4 (to Teisbas) the inundator’
from the root ip ‘inundation/ khula-hue or khulave ‘possessing
kings ’ (1. 10), where the adjectival ending replaces the genitive
of possession. It may be followed by the suffixes di-a as in
-hu-e-di-a 4 womanfolk.’ Notice the remarkable aim urn •
li-ve siua-li of v. 9.

THE CXIHEIFOBM IHSCEIPTIOHS OF YAH.

435

The suffix is attached to the territorial suffix -na when pos-
session of a country is implied. Hence we have in the dative
Ar-di-ni-na-ku-e 6 to the god of the city Ardinis/
Jfwnenu-nave 4 (to the god) of the city Kumenus ’ (v. 14). If
the name of the country belonged to a stem in a preceded by ??,
the word was treated as if the final - na formed part of the
suffix, as Biainave 4 belonging to the land of Emilias’ (xxvi. 6).
The dative plural has the same form as the dative singular ;
e.g. -4- Khaldi-nave D.P. asi y«< 4 to the soldiers of the
land of Khaldis/ The double suffix may be attached to the
adj. in -ni ; e. g. Dhiispci-ni-na-ve 4 belonging to the land of
the Tospian 5 (v. 14).

A frequent suffix, which indicates 4 people of/ is - cl Thus
we find ebani-a tubi 4 the people of the country I carried away ’
(xxxii. 3, etc.), Khaldi-a 4 for the people of Khaldis'’ (xxxvii.
16, etc,), tarsu-a 4 soldiers/ khuradi-a 4 armies/ '^■-vedi-a
4 womenfolk/ In the two latter w r ords - a is attached to the
suffix of agency which is itself preceded by the suffix re in
the last word. In xiiii. 75 we read XI xlhuhwi-a agunu-ni
gunns& khaubi 4 the people of eleven palaces (and) the plunder
for a spoil I acquired/ and in xli. 13 nuadi 4 among the people
of the king/ The proper name Menuas probably contains the
suffix, though it may be a past participle. Words to which it
is attached are treated like stems in -a, but, as in nouns which
terminate in da, the acc. suffix -ni may be dropped. Hence
we find tarsua (xlv. 9) as well as tarsuani. If the acc. suffix
is dropped however, the word ending in -a ought to be fol-
lowed by another accusative to which ~ni is attached (see xlv,
9, xiiii. 75, etc.).

The suffix of agency is -rfi, which is also the locative ending.
It is not difficult to understand how a suffix indicative of
locality should come to be used in the sense of individuality or
agency. The suffix occurs in the name of the supreme god
Khal-di-s, as well as in those of the Sun-god Ar-di-ni-s and
the Moon-god Selcir-di-s* Compare also Sar-dls and khum-di .
I have already referred to ve-di-a 4 wornanfolk/ where we
have a form which is once wiitten y Dakive- edict (xlix. 14),

436

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

owing to the latter part of the word having to overlap into the
next line, as well as to ^ J <«-da-da-e-di-ni (xxx. 24). We
also find ]<«-ve-di-a (xlv. 15), literally ‘people of the
individuals of the kings/

Mention has been made above of the gentilic suffix -ka, as
in Urbi-ka-s (liv. 9), Dhumeiski-ni-ka-i (1. 11) where it

is attached to the adjectival -ni, Argisti-ka-i , Dadi-ka-i , etc.
Inu-ka-ni (xxi. 5) is 4 a suite of chambers, 5 iku-lca-ni 4 a series
of furniture, 5 i.e. ‘goods/

We now come to a suffix -tsi, of the exact meaning of
which I have some doubt. We find the following examples
of it : xxxiv. 15, 4 1 changed the name of the city Lununis to
| Menua - tsi-da-ni 4 of Menuas the place of the chief (?)

of the citizens * ; xxx. 28, 4 the palaces, the place of plunder,
ebani-a-tsie-di-ni sudhukubi the chief (?) inhabitants of the
country I despoiled/; xxxviii. 15, ustadi Khaii-m-tde 4 on
approaching the chief (?) of the land of the Hittites 5 ; 1. 11,
asi J«<-tsi 4 the chief (?) of the cavalry’; vii. 1,
Khaldie urpu-a-tsi zaduni 4 the chief (?) men of the shrine of
Khaldis he has made 5 ; xlv. 40 ?) a-ni-tsi clubi ‘the

chief of the people (?) I destroyed/ Of. ... . yasina-td-e
xlviii. 11 and xxxix. 12, and xliii. 12. The phrase parallel to
ebani-a-Ue-di-ni sudhukubi is ^ | <«~da- da-e-di-ni sudhu-
kubi (xxx. 24), and III. ^ ebanie-dae-di-ni sukhukubi ‘the
inhabitants of the three countries I despoiled ’ (xlv. 8).
Compare also xxxix. 5, 6, arieni | JDadi-kai Kulasini V"
Babcini sudhukubi 4 the possessions of the house of Dadis, the
lands of Eulasis and Babas, I despoiled 5 ; and xxxviii. 57,
y T«< tsi-e. If my conjectural rendering of tsi

by ‘chief’ is not accepted, the only other interpretation of it
of which I can think is 4 dependents ’ or 4 all ’ (see xxxix. 5,
6, and xlix. 19).

There are three other suffixes which very rarely occur, and
of which I can offer no explanation. These are -me as in
khasi-alme , askhu-me (xxiv. 6), by the side of askhu-da-ni

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

437

(six. 12) — for which see note on the passage, and cp.

. . . me ]«< xix. 5 and . . . daeme, xli. 13 ; — zi in armn-zi
(xxviii. 9) and gala-si (xi. 4) by the side of bur-gala-da
(xxxi. 3) ; and -ta or -da, which we have in the name of
Khaldida or Khaldita, the father of the pretender to the throne
of Babylon in the time of Darius Hystaspis.

One of the suffixes employed to form adjectives is s or si, as
in Khaldinida-s-e, quoted above, diru-sie (v. 13), almi-si- s
‘multitudinous,’ etc. The difference between the meani no-
given to a stem by -si and -ni is illustrated by the two
adjectives, alsui-si-s ‘being a multitude,’ i.e. ‘multitudinous,’
and alsui-ni-s ‘ belonging to a multitude,’ i.e. 1 of multitudes ; ’
see xx. 7.

Another formative of the adjective is s, which especially
follows the vowel u. Thus we have alu-se ‘ inhabitant,’ mdi(s')
‘royal,’ ma-si(s ) ‘powerful.’ The adjective in s may be used
as a participle governing a case ; thus alusie D/utspae ‘ inhabit-
ing Dhuspas ’ (where the substantive follows in the genitive),
adaisi ikukanedini ‘assembling (p) the men of property’ (li. 4).
It is also attached to the local suffix, as

-ve-da-sl-nie

(xl 79).

Ri is another suffix used to form adjectives, as in eu-ris
‘lord/ sekheris ‘alive/ Compare, too, dhuhm($) ‘a palace/

Among the substantive suffixes is which we have in atibi
‘ thousands/ and niribi ‘ the dead ’ (v. 20, etc.). Compare, too,
Teisbas ‘the Air-god/ I can offer no explanation of the
suffix which we find in the dative plural baddi-m-ni {? baddis-
uni) by the side of baddini (v. 25).^

Compound derivative forms worthy of attention are
a§i(^«<yveda-du-da ‘the ruined quarters of the cavalry ?
(xliii. 43), arm~u-si-ni-da ‘place of the fortress/ and khuradi-
ni-da-ve-da (xxxvii. 5).

Compounds were formed by dropping the Sectional suffixes
of the first of two compounded substantives, which, as in the
Aryan languages, defined the second. Thus we have arkhi-
uruda(s ) ‘ family ’ (literally 6 children-household ’) ; ip-tu 6 to
bring an inundation’ (xliv. 13).

438 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

The genitive or defining word preceded the noun it defined,
as in Menmi pidu ‘ the memorial of Menuas 1 (xxii. 3) ; in the
case of the personal pronoun, however, the genitive mei followed
its governing noun. This also seems to have happened occasion-
ally in other instances, since we have ‘ the gods of the lan-
guages ’ written ideographically in v. 3, where the ideograph
of ‘ languages ’ follows that of ‘ gods. 1 It is possible, however,
that in reading, the order was reversed (just as in Japanese
when written in Chinese characters), the whole being regarded
as a single ideographic expression.

The adjective preceded the word it governed, as in aluse
Dlmspae ‘ inhabiting Tosp,’ and if in the accusative, lost the
suffix -mi like patronymics in -khinis.

Otherwise the adjective followed its noun.

In place of the genitive, the defining substantive might
be changed into an adjective by the attachment of an adjectival
suffix. In this case it might precede the word defined ; e.g.
Menuamiei gislaye ‘of the mother (?) of Menuas.’ But it may
also follow, as nue khulave ‘ king of kings ’ (li. iii. 10), nue V'
Surcive 1 king of Suras 1 (li. iii. 9).

The Numerals. — The numerals are denoted as in Assyrian,
y for 1, yy for 2, ^ for 10, etc. However, 0 r \ repre-
sents 9 and XX 4, to avoid confusion with ^ ( sa ). ^ is 60,

but y< 70, y« 80, and y<« 90. >f- is ‘ twice’ (xxxvii. 14,
etc.), ‘ sixty 5 (xliii. 16, 78). Instead of writing XIIIM. or
XXIIXM., the people of Yan wrote XMIIIM. andXXMIIIM.,
from which we may infer that they said ‘ ten thousand, three
thousand 5 and ‘twenty thousand, three thousand 4 ’ instead of
‘thirteen thousand' and ‘twenty-three thousand. 5 ‘Thousand’
was atibi (xxxvii. 14, etc.).

The noun following a numeral higher than ‘ one 5 was usually
in the plural, though the singular might also be used (see
v. 5-37).

The Pronouns . — Of the personal pronouns I have discovered
only the third. This is mes ‘ he 5 (xxx. 16, xlv. 40), the
genitive- dative being mei> the local case meida (xlix. 11), or

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

439

media (liv. 5), and the possessive meie$i($) (v. 31), with acc.
sing, me-si-ni in xxx. 15, xxxiv. 14, xlix. 17, etc. Unlike
other adjectives, the possessive pronoun stood before its noun
in a quasi-substantival sense, and the substantive which
followed might accordingly drop the Sectional suffix (nt) m
Hence we have mesi-ni pi and not mesini pini (e.g. xxxiv. 14).
The accusative is ma-ni 4 him 1 (xis. 19, etc.), and we also find
manini (v. 24, xix. 6) used as a dative plural. While mei is
employed in the sense of 4 of him, 1 and made to follow its
noun, mu is an indeclinable possessive pronoun signifying
c his/ 4 its 1 and 4 their/ attached enclitically to a substantive
(xxxvii. 5, etc.). Instead of mu we have ma after agimuni
‘spoil 1 (xxxvii. 26, see xxxix. 62, xliii. 39). 1

The third personal pronoun accordingly has the following
forms : —

Possessive :

Sing . Nom.

Gen.' JDcit.
Ace .
Local

Bat .

Acc.

Indeclinable
Sing. Nom.

rues.

mei.

mani.

me-da (liv. 5).

See meiada, xlix. 11.
(manini, xix. 6).

P mani.

( me 4 his/ 4 its/ 4 their/
( ma 1 4 his/

(meisis, mesis).

Gen.-Bat . (and Acc.) meisi.

Acc. mesini.

The analogy of the first person singular of the verb would
lead us to infer that hi was the pronoun of the first person.

In liii. 6, hi seems a dialectal variety of mu : see note on
the passage.

The relative pronoun is ies, as in alus udas tiudae ies zadubi
4 whoever destroys that which I have done 1 (xx. 13, etc.).

1 As ma is found only in one passage (xxxvii. 26), it is very possibly a false

440 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

atm uclas tiudae ies D.P. Lununini khaubi 4 whoever destroys
that in that I conquered the city of Lununis ' (xxxiv. 18, 19).
Udas is also written hu-da-e-s (xxxi. 29, etc.). We might
read udase and iese as accusatives plural, but I prefer to regard
udas and ies (or yes) as indeclinable pronouns in the same
durative case as atsus (v. 2), since udae-s-e by the side of udae
and udani would not be easy to explain. The adverb hi
6 thus 9 belongs to the same root as the relative pronoun. Aim
is the Indefinite 4 whosoever/ and is followed by the verbal
form in -dae or •da. We find the adverbial alukid (probably)
in v. 26.

The Demonstratives are (1) ini c this/ an acc. sing., the
meaning of which was discovered by Dr. Mordtmann ; (2) the
indeclinable eha ‘this’’ (v. 25, where -it follows a noun of
locality in the accusative ; 1 xiii. 8, where it precedes the accu-
sative singular, but without the acc. suffix; xliii. 16, 78, where
it precedes the acc. plural; and xlviii. 29, where it also pre-
cedes the acc. plural) ; (3) udas 4 that ’ ; (4) istis 4 this 9 ; and
(5) sukhe (v. 27, 28, 29) ‘ these/ 4 this/ which always follows
its substantive and seems indeclinable. Udas has already been
noticed in connexion with the relative ies . Besides udas, we
find the accusative singular udani (liv. 5), the acc. pi. udae
(xxi. 12, xxxiii. 24), and the gen.-dat. sing, udai (xliv. 8,
xlviii. 19, 1. 37). Udas, udani , and udae are all used abso-
lutely, without a noun ; udai precedes a noun turi or turie.

Istis is only twice found in the singular (in the dative isti
(xliii. 15) after Khaldi , and in the locative (istidi), 1. 21, where
it comes before its noun). Elsewhere it is always in the
plural, following its noun, and forming the plural of the
singular ini and eha . Besides the dative plural isti-ne or
isti-ni , we find also the derivative isti-ni-ni c belonging to
these 5 (e.g. xxxviii. 43, D.P. base D.P. lutu siubi isti-ni-ni
4 the men, and the women belonging to them, I carried away ’),
as well as isti-ni-ve-di-a (xxxi. 15) 4 the people belonging to
them/ The plural dative istinie is construed with the col-

1 Since it precedes its nonn in other instances in which it is found, it is possible
that here also we are to construe it with the plural nouns 4 gods ’ and ‘ cities ’
which follow. Dv-* ■■■■■/ -P ■:

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAX. 444

lective singular dative Khaldia , Khaldia istinie being ‘ for
these people of Khaldia/

The root of ini seems to be i, which we also find in in and
ies, from which it would appear that in Yannic, as in other
languages, the relative was originally a demonstrative, I-ni
probably had no nominative, and came to be regarded as the
full form of the pronoun. Hence we have the local inida and
perfective inili formed from it. The final -ni seems to have
been the origin of the accusative suffix, which accordingly was
not attached to a noun when ini preceded it. The noun is
invariably placed after ini, which is written i-ni-i, xxxiii. 12.
The local case inida is used as an adverb in the sense of
4 here,* opposed to sada or sadae ‘there/ When the perfective
inili was followed by a substantive and a participle, the parti-
ciple might drop the perfective suffix ; thus we have ini-li
sidistua-li ‘after this gate had been restored’ in
xvii. 4, and xviii. 3, but ini-li badusie sidistmli in x. 8

(so also v. 2). We must not connect with ini the words inu-
Jd (iii, 1), inu-ka-ni (xxi. 5, xliv. 11), and inu-sini (xxi. 3),
which mean respectively ‘ as a chamber/ ‘ a suite of chambers/
and ‘ belonging to the chambers/

The Distributive pronoun is manus ‘each/ as in
aisus manus ‘every month’ (v. 2). From this we have
manudae ‘place of each’ (liv. 8). The indeclinable manu
might be attached to the stem of a noun in order to give it a
distributive sense; e.g. baddi-manu ‘ each old man’ (xxx. 17),
ada-manu ‘some and each 5 (xxxii. 10). Manu is also the acc.
pi. which follows agunu-ni in xlix. 14, 15, 17, 1. 20 (see also
1. 6). The dative plural seems to be mani-ni instead of manu -
ni: see v. 24 ; xix. 6.

The indeclinable substantive ada ‘ part ’ may also be reckoned
among the pronouns. It is most frequently employed in the
adverbial case; ada-ki — ada-ki being ‘partly — partly/ ie. ‘some
— others/ Its combination with manu in ada-manu has just-
been quoted. It is the origin of the copulative conjunction
ada ‘ and/ Distinct from either ada 6 part ’ or ada ‘ and/ is
the verbal form a-dae or a-da ‘he says’ (root a). We have

VOL. XIV. — [new series,] 31

442

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

also another ada meaning ‘the sum-total’ and used indeclin-
ably as in ada tu-klii ‘ the sum of the captives ’ (xlix. 25).

In xxi. 3 it is difficult to know whether ada signifies ‘ part ’ or
‘the whole.’ In xix. 7, 9 ada— ada is literally ‘part— part,’
i.e. ‘ both— and.’ Adae-da in xlv. 33, may be ‘ the place of
the whole,’ ‘ the commonwealth.’

The pronoun sa- is the correlative of ini. The local case
sada or sadae is used in the sense of theie (xxxix. 14, xl,
13, etc.), and the accusative sa-ni may perhaps occur in lv. 12
(cp. xia. 3). The derivative adjective sa-ve ‘ belonging there’
is found in li. 5 (cp. istini-ve-dia above). Perhaps the particle
sa, with which sa-tubi and sa-tuada are compounded (1. 1 / ,
xxx. 14, 1. 24), is the same pronominal stem. See also sa-na
xia. 3, and sa-ni lv. 12.

The Verb. The verbal stem usually ends in -u. Thus we

have agu ‘to take,’ am 1 to bring,’ asgu ‘to capture,’ du ‘to
destroy,’ hold a ‘to remove,’ khan ‘to conquer,’ kharkharu ‘to
root up,’ kudhu ‘to withdraw from,’ Jcugu ‘to write,’ paru
‘ to carry away,’ sin ‘ to carry off,’ tiu ‘ to overthrow,’ tint ‘ to
establish,’ ulu ‘to give,’ s adu ‘to make,’ ‘do,’ zasgu ‘to kill.’
Yery rarely do we find another vowel, as in usta (earlier ustai)

‘ to approach,’ and ti ‘ to call.

Several of the verbs are compounds ; e.g. ip-tu ‘ to bring an
inundation,’ sa-tu ‘to take hostages,’ sul-ustibi ‘I imposed,’
ul-ustaibi ‘I offered’ (literally ‘I approached with gifts’),
kabkar-ulubi ‘I approached’ (literally ‘I gave approach’),
sidis-tu ‘to restore’ (literally ‘to carry away back again’).
As in the case of compound substantives, the defining word
comes first.

These compounds take the place of the derived conjugations.
At any rate — with the exception of a sort of passive — I have
been able to discover no other conjugation besides the active.
In place of the causative we have a compound like ip-tu ‘ to
inundate,’ formed by the stem t-u ‘ to bring away,’ ‘ cause.

A kind of passive is formed by the prefix ap, — itself, how-
ever, really the first part of a compound. We find it in ap-
tini (xia. 3., xxxii. 6, 7, lv. 12) ‘ which is called.’ The form

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

443

not only has a passive signification, but contains the relative
pronoun as well.

The first person singular of the past tense is formed by
attaching the suffix -bi to the verbal stem; e.g. zadu-bi ‘I
have done’ or ‘I did,’ zasgu-bi ‘ I have killed ’ or ‘ I killed.’

The third person singular of the past tense is formed by
attaching the demonstrative -ni to the verbal stem ; e.g. zadu-
ni ‘he has done’ or ‘he did,’ ti-ni ‘he has called’ or ‘he
called.’

The third person plural is the same as the third person
singular, as is proved by No. v. where we have te-ru-ni !«<
(V, 27), after the double nominative 4 Isbuinis and Menuas/
by the side of te-ru-ni (11. 2 and 28). This curious fact may
be explained partly by the want of conjunctions in the Yannie
language, two nouns being coupled together without any con-
junction and thus forming a sort of compound, partly by the
origin and character of the suffix of the third person, which is
identical with the suffix of the accusative singular and the
dative plural. Thus at Palu (xxxiii. 2, 3, 8, 10) the forms
karu-ni and khau-ni are actually datives plural of the participle
governed by ustabi , like the adjective Menua-ni ‘belonging to
Menuas ; and in the common formula: Klialdi-ni ustabi masi-ne
gissure karu-ni 4 to the Khaldises I approached, the mighty
powers who have given, 1 karuni is similarly the dative plural
of the participle. See xxxvi. 6.

Besides the past tense there is a present tense, which is
also used in a future, a subjunctive and an optative sense.
The third person of this tense is formed by the suffix -daye, -dae
or -da, which seems to have been originally identical with
the local affix of the noun. Thus we have the recurring
phrase X a- dae or a-da 4 So-and-so says, 5 atm ini esi tu-dae
4 whoever shall carry away this tablet/ Like the third
person of the past tense, the third person of the present is the
same in both singular and plural ; e.g. >->~y |«<-s . . . ulu-da
(or - ulu-dae ) ‘the gods shall give’ or 4 may the gods give/
See note on xx. 10. Nothing can show more plainly that the
verb had not yet been distinctly separated from the noun and

444 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

become a true verb. The full form of the suffix of the third
person of the present was primarily -ada, as in sidutu-ada
(xx. 4), satu-ada (1. 24), but the sound of a eventually
disappeared after the preceding u, resulting in sidistuda and
the like. After the local case the form in -ada may be used
in a relatival sense, as armanidad hhu-ada sidistu-ada , 4 the
tablets which were destroyed he restores 5 (xx. 3).

Of other tenses there are no traces in the inscriptions.

The past participle was formed by suffixing - as (in the
nominative) to the verbal stem. Hence we have, in the per-
fective case, zadu-a-li 4 after having made ’ (v. 2), sidistu-a-li
"after having restored’ (x. 8, xvii. 4, xviii. 4). "When
used in the sense of a Latin ablative absolute, this participle,
with the suffix of the perfective, always followed its noun,
which also had the perfective suffix. For the participial
origin of the suffix - ada see note on xx. 10.

The present participle suffixed -es to the stem, as sies
c removing ’ (xli. 19). This suffix might even be attached to
the first person singular of the past tense. Thus we find
kharkhar-sa-bi-es, for kharkhar-su- bi~es ‘ digging up* (xli. 20),
where the change of vowel must be noticed. These participles,
like the persons of the verb, govern the accusative.

So also does the adjective in -nis when formed from a
verbal stem ; e.g. Khaldi-ni-ni . . . usta-bi Argisti-ni . . .
khau-ni Huluaniei ebani 4 to the children of Khaldis I prayed
who belong to Argistis who has conquered the land of Uluanis 5
(xxxvi. 6).

A change of meaning is sometimes expressed by a change
in the vowel of the first syllable of the verbal stem. Thus
karu-ni is 4 who have given,’ while kuru-ni is 4 the givers ’
(dative plural). Where, too, the verbal stem terminated in
-u, as was usually the case, the corresponding nominal stem
terminated in -a, as in kudhu-bi ( I departed/ by the side of
kudha-di 4 at the departure.’

Adverbs, Prepositions and Conjunctions T he adverbs found
in the inscriptions are not very numerous, and, apart from the
adverbial cases in hi, the only ones of which I can be certain
are amas, sidis 4 anew/ and nultts. It will be noticed that

THE OUNEIFOBM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAH.

445

each of these three words observes a law of vocalic harmony,
and all three terminate in - 5 . As, however, we find sidisi as
well as sidis (iii. 1, ix. 2, x. 8, xiii. 2), it would seem that
the more original termination was Among the adverbs
we may include the locals of the pronouns : inula 6 here,"
sada ‘there,’ and manuda ‘in each place/

Of similar formation to the adverbs are the two nouns
gieu (v. 28) and bums (xlv. 18, 39, xlix. 17), whence the
locative buranadi (1. 6). They are both used as accusatives
plural. I cannot explain their forms except through the false
analogy of adverbs like sidis and amas.

I know of only one preposition, pare or pari ‘ out of," from
the stem paru ‘ to carry away/ The noun follows in the
genitive-dative. 1 * When we compare pare or pari with sidisi,
it becomes probable that the genitive-dative of the singular
was the case which was stereotyped into an adverb, and more
especially a preposition. The preposition is used after the
locative of the noun ; e.g. kudhadi pare 6 on my return from/
as well as after the verb (liii. 7).

The copulative conjunction is rarely expressed, the nouns
being coupled together without any indication of their relation
beyond mere position, an illustration of the extent to which
composition was carried in the Vannie language. Where the
conjunction is expressed, it seems to be ui or m (v. 28, xxxvii.
12), and ada. Ui simply couples together sentences and
nouns, whereas ada may introduce a sentence (xlv. 19, 22),
and ad a- ada signify ‘ both — and 7 (xxi. 7, 8). In is 4 thus/

In the formation of words reduplication plays but a small
part. We find, however, a species of it in the words
mu-nmi-yabi (xli. 15), mum-muri-a-kHni (xli. 19), khar-kharu
(xli. 18) and the like.

Syntax . — The adjective follows its noun, and has the same
suffixes of case and number attached to it, unless the suffix is
-ni ; as Menuas Isbumilchinis ‘ Menuas the son of Isbuinis/
>->~y D.P. Biainaste ‘ among the gods of Fan/

1 In liii. 7, where we are dealing with another dialect than the Yannic, the noun

: after pari is in the accusative,

446

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

but Menuani Isbuinikhi , Kalclini masine 1 * gissure 4 to the
Khaldises, the great powers.’ We may also have Diave-khi
mi dull 4 1 destroyed the king the son of Diaus 3 (xxxvii. 6).
If, however, the adjectival suffix -m, preceded the Sectional
-ni in the first word, the adjective also as the second word
took the latter suffix ; e.g. Khcildi-ni-ni alsuisi-ni ‘ to all the
children of Khaldis. 3 The adjective in ~ve may precede its
substantive if the latter is the word 4 God 5 ; see v. 19.

The genitive preceded the governing noun, with the excep-
tion of the genitive of the third personal pronoun, which
followed it. We also find genitives following the noun in
v. 12 and v. 24. See also v. 17, 54.

The dative may be used to express advantage, as gun-rnd
4 for a spoil. 3

The genitive-dative can be used in an instrumental sense,
as ainei 4 with dust, 3 xx. 12.

The use of the locative must be noticed in the phrase,
xxxvii. 11, siadi Eriakhinie ebaniedi 4 on despoiling the lands
of the son of Enas.’ Here siadi seems to be the locative of
the participle, the construction being similar to that with the
perfective case, while Eriakhinie is the genitive singular. The
sense of the sentence is, 4 while despoiling the lands of the
son of Enas.’

After a locative like ustadi 4 on approach,’ an adjective
follows with the locative suffix ; e.g. ustadi ^ Abu-nie-di 4 on
approaching the land of Abus. 3 But we may have another
substantive in the locative, as ustadi Urmedi 4 on approach-
ing into the land of Urines 3 (xli. 5).

A collective noun in -a may be construed as a plural ; e.g,
Khaldi-a isti~ni 4 for these people of Khaldis.’

The nominative stands at the head of the sentence, except
mes 4 he,’ which for the sake of emphasis, apparently, follows
the verb (xxx. 16). The nominative may also immediately
precede the verb at the end of the sentence, the dative and.
accusative coming before it ; e.g. 1. 29, Khaldia istinie inanida

1 So too in tlie case of the local suffix {e.g.xxsi. 3) and locative suffix {e.g.

xxxi. 6, 7).

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

447

.... Sariduris ArgistiMinis zaduni 4 for these people of
Ehaldis Sarduris son of Argistis built the city. 5

The usual place of the verb is at the end of the sentence,
and the preposition pari regularly follows it. Occasional!}^
however, it stands first, as in arum mes ada tasmus 4 he and
the nobility brought’ (xxx. 16). At other times it may
stand in the middle, as 4 its men partly I slew, partly alive I
took (and) 25 horses, oxen, sheep’ (xli. 8, 9).

The relative may be used absolutely, as in xxii. 10, aim
■udas tiuda ies ini pidae zadubi 4 whoever undoes that which I
have made, even this monument’; xxxiv. 18, 19, aim udas
tiudae ies Lununini khaubi 4 whoever undoes that ( = the

fact) in that I have conquered the city of Lununis.’

In place of the relative the adjective in -nis is commonly
found, used as a participle; e.g. xxxiii. 2, Khaldini ....
karuni Puteriani 4 to the Khaldises . . . who have

given the city of Puterias;’ xxxvi. 4-6, Khaldinini ....
Argistini Menuakhie khauni 4 to the children of Khaldis ....
belonging to (=of). Argistis, the son of Menuas, who has
conquered.’

Composition plays so large a part in the Vannic language
that conjunctions are rare; nouns are coupled together by their
suffixes being the same, or by one of them being treated as an
adjective, or by their being regarded as forming a single com-
pound. Thus in xxx. 16, the ideographs of ‘gold’ and
4 silver 'are coupled together without a conjunction, and the
affix of plurality attached only to the last ; and in v. 31 a
whole sentence is similarly treated as a compound, the gram-
matical suffix being attached only to the last word (see note
on the passage),

III. The Inscriptions.

I must now explain the means whereby I have been enabled
"to decipher the inscriptions. The key to their interpretation
have been the ideographs and determinative prefixes or affixes
which the people of Yan fortunately borrowed along with the
selected characters of the Assyrian syllabary. The deter-

448

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

minatives indicate where we are dealing with the names of
individuals, gods, countries, and cities, with the plural number
or with words which denote stones, wooden objects, and the
like. In this way it becomes possible to break up the inscrip-
tions into sentences, and to guess at the meaning of a good
number of them. The other ideographs here come in to
render further assistance. When we find the ideograph which
denotes ‘cities’ followed first by the phonetic complement
-m, then by the ideograph of 4 burning/ and that, again, by
the syllable bi, we are justified in concluding that -ni denotes
the accusative case of the noun, and hi some person of the
verb. Duplicate texts and parallel passages sometimes furnish
us with phonetically written equivalents of the ideographs
whose meaning we know, and in this way enlarge our know-
ledge of the vocabulary. Thus the duplicate text of the
inscription of Muhur Eapussi informs us that the Yannic
name of the Moon-god was Selardis , while No. xlv. 9, com-
pared with parallel passages in other inscriptions, shows that
abidadubi signified 4 1 burnt/

As I have pointed out in an earlier part of this memoir, the
palseographical character of the Yannic syllabary proves that it
must have been borrowed from Assyria in the age of Shal-
maneser II., at a time when Assyrian monuments and inscrip-
tions had been erected by the kings of Nineveh in different
parts of Armenia, and we may therefore expect that the same
similarity which prevails between the Yannic and Assyrian
modes of writing prevails also between the Yannic and Assyrian
modes of expression. That is to say, the style and formulas of
the Yannic texts may be expected to be modelled after those
of Assyria.

Now an attentive consideration of the ideographs, and the
positions in which they are found prove that such is actually
the case. Let us take for example the favourite formula of
Assur-natsir-pal : 44 From the land of Dagara I departed ; to
the city of Bara I approached ; the city of Bara I captured ; '
820 of their soldiers I slew ; their oxen, their sheep, and their
spoil I carried away; . . . the cities I burned with fire/’
With this we may compare the equally favourite formula of

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

449

the Yannic texts : ustadi Manaidi khahubi V" Ircihuni
hulhadi pari V' Assur-nini V" Algani YIMCOCCXXI.
efft y<«-i adaki zazgabi adaki >-<p y«<

oclxxxyi. ^ &yy y«< hmccli j=y^

y«< YIIIMCCY suse f<«. Here the ideographs <xive
ns the following translation : — 44 . . . the country of Mannai
. . . the country of Irciyun . . . the country of Assyria

. . . the country of Alga(ni) ; 6421 men alive . . .

286 horses, 2251 oxen . . . 8205 sheep.” The usage of the
Assyrian inscriptions, in which an ideograph is often followed
by the word which it represents sometimes written phoneti-
cally in full, sometimes only represented by the last syllable or
two, shows us that pakhini and suse are either the Yannic words
for 4 oxen ’ and 4 sheep ? or the concluding portions of them.
The ideograph which expresses 4 alive 1 followed by the deter-
minative affix of plurality plainly refers to the ‘men 9 mentioned
previously, and when taken in connexion with the twice-
repeated adaki and the two forms in -5?, which are proved
by other passages to be the first persons of verbs, makes it
clear that we have before us a Yannic rendering of the common
Assyrian phrase “ the men partly I slew, partly alive I took.”
When we further learn from other inscriptions that the root
paru signifies 4 to remove/ that khahubi is shown by numerous
passages to mean 4 1 conquered/ that -di is the locative
termination, and that ustabi is used of 4 approaching * the gods,
we can have no hesitation in translating the whole passage :
44 On approaching the land of the Maimai I conquered the
country of Irciyun 5 on departing out of the country of
the Assyrians and the country of Alganis, etc/ 1 The passage
also gives us certain details as to Yannic grammar. Thus we
learn from it that the suffix -ni marks an oblique case, that
the plural of the word for 4 men 1 ended in and that the
copulative conjunction was little used in Yannic, while the fact
that in parallel passages the ideograph for 4 alive 7 is replaced
by the word sekheri increases our knowledge of the Yannic
vocabulary. In an earlier part of this memoir (p. 886) I have

450

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

referred to the important discovery of M. Stanislas Guyard,
which has thrown so much light on the grammar and vocabu-
lary of the Yannic inscriptions. This discovery was entirely
due to the observation of the fact that in a series of words
attached to the end of a number of Yannic texts, the ideograph
of c tablet * and the names of certain gods occurred just where
they did in the imprecatory formulae attached to the end of
many Assyrian inscriptions. It will be seen from the analysis
of the inscriptions which follow, that I have tried to follow up
the discovery of the French scholar, and with the help of similar
phrases in the Assyrian texts to determine the meaning of the
various words which occur in the formula in question.

The analysis of the inscriptions will sufficiently furnish
further illustrations of the way in which it has been possible,
first to ascertain the signification of certain Yannic sentences,
then by this meaus to sketch the outlines of Yannic grammar,
and finally to discover the similarity between the stereotyped
phrases of the Yannic texts and those of the Assyrian texts of
a particular epoch. I have given in every case the evidence
upon which the meaning I have assigned to the Yannic words
and grammatical forms rests, and there is no need of quoting
any more examples of it here. I would only draw attention
to the fact that the two earliest inscriptions ofYan are not
only written in the Assyrian cuneiform characters of the age of
Assur-natsir-pal and Shalmaneser, but are also in the Assyrian
language, and repeat the very phrases of the so-called Standard
Inscription of the first-named Assyrian king.

Inscriptions of Sar-duris I.

The only two at present known are both written in Assy-
rian. The second (No. II.) was copied by Schulz, but very
incorrectly, and is described by him as engraved on a stone
in the ruined church of S. John, at the foot of the citadel
of Van. Dr. Mordtmann explained it with the help of an
Armenian dictionary ! The accurate copy given here for the
first time was made by Sir A. H. Layard. No. L, copied by
Sir A. H. Layard, is also here published for the first time.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

451

1. ^ (?) sa T -4- -TKY -dii 2^ It I Lu-ti-ip-ri sarru

abil

The Tablet (?) of Sar-dur son of Lutipri, the
rab-e sarru dan-nu sar T

rab-e sarru dan-nu sar [

cissati

great king, the strong king, the king of multitudes,

2. sar V* Na-i-ri sarru sa-nin-su V-Ifc hu

la i ba-
king of Nairi, the king (of whom) his rival existed not ;

rihu tap-ra-te

the shepherd of habitations ;

3. la-di-ru tu -ku-un-te sarru mu-sae-nis

he who fears not opposition the king who subdues

la-can-su-te-su

those who are not obedient to him.

4. y — y -yy<y -dm- yy y « « y«<

sar sarra-

Sar-dur the son of Lutipri, the king of kings,
ni sa su-nu |<« ni

cal sarra-

of whom, all of them, the kings,

5. ma-da-tav am-khar | ^TT<T “^ ur If I ^u-ti-
the tribute I received. Sar-dur the son of Lu-

ip-ri ca-ca-ar (j|l)
tipri ground

6. tna-a ana (|) cu-bu-la-ni an-nu-te istu lib-bi >-^yy
this for cuhulani these from the midst of the

Al-ni-hu-nu
city of Alniun

7. na-tsa-cu ana-cu dur an-ni-hu ar-ti-tsi-ip
I remove ; I this citadel have built.

452

THE CUHEIFOBM INSCBIPTIONS OF YAH.

In tlie second inscription the first word is represented by
which, like denotes the Air-god when preceded by
the determinative of deity, but also signifies, among other
things, 4 a tablet/ This meaning is not certified for though
the latter sometimes expresses the Assyrian situ ‘a rock •' but
it suits the context here and may have been assigned to ^
by the Tannic scribe on account of the interchange of this
character with * n ^ ie v&me of the Air-god. The

inscription is not written in very correct Assyrian and betrays
its foreign origin. Thus same rate ought to be same rabu
(though here the Tannic scribe could claim Assyrian authority
for his error), sa 4 who ? is omitted before sanin-su, ladiru is
contracted from la-acUru, sa cal-sunu sarrani madatav is not an
Assyrian construction, though it may well be a Tannic one,
annihu should be anm, cacar kakar , and the Iphteal artltsip
artetsip. It is possible, however, that we are intended to read
the Iphteal u'artitsip where the Assyrian would have said
urtaistsip or urtetstsip }

With the name of Lutipri we may compare that of the god
JElipri (v. 8). Lutie signifies * women/ The reasons for reading
the name of the goddess who answers to the Assyrian Istar as
§ar have already been given in an earlier part of the memoir
(p- 413).

Taprate (1. 2) is the plural of the fem. noun tapratu explained
by bit-rie 4 shepherd's hut/ with which Guyard connects the
verbal form listabru ( Jour . Asiat. Jan. 1880).

In line 6 Layard gives na instead of ma , as also in
the Tth line of the second inscription, where Schulz more cor-
rectly has This inclines me to believe that in the last line
we ought to read matsacu , the Perm ansi ve 1st pers. 4 1 found 1
(Niffi), instead of natsacu. Here also Schulz has ma .

Cubulani is the plural of cubulu . What this may be I cannot
say, as I have never found the word in Assyrian. It may be
of Tannic origin, or a mispronunciation of the Assyrian
citburani 4 halls/

1 If we are to read anniu , it would "betray a dipb.tliongisati.on. of tbe Assyrian
u (in anno) on tbe part of tbe Tannic scribe.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

453

II. (Schulz I.)

1. 44® sa y >->f ^yy<y -dur yy y Ln-twp-n

? duppu

The tablet (2) of Sar-dur the son of Lutipri,

sarru rab-e.
the great king,

2. sarru dan-nu sar cissati sar Na-i-ri

the strong king, the king of multitudes, king of the land

of Nairi,

sarru sa-nin-su

the king (to whom) his rival

3. la ibs-hu ^1*“ r ^ lu f a P“ ra ~f e la-di-ru

was not ; the shepherd of habitations ; lie who fears not

4. tu-ku-un-te sarru mu-sac- [ni] -is la can-su-

opposition ; the king who subdues those who are not

te-su

obedient to him.

5 . y -»f -yy<y -dur y^ y Lu-ti-ip-ri <^( y«< -ni

Sar-dur the son of Lutipri, the king of kings,
sa cal su-nu
of whom all of them,

6. sarra-ni rna-da-tav am-khar T Hf: riT<T -dur

the kings, the tribute I received. Sar-dur

y| y Lu-ti-ip-ri
the son of Lutipri

7. ca-ca-ar ma-a [ana] cu-bu-la-ni an-nu-te istu lib-bi
the ground this for cubulani there from the midst

8. >--yy Al-ni-hu-nu na-tsa-cu ana-cu dur an-ni-hu

of the city of Alniun I remove; I this fortress

ar-ti-tsi-ip
have built.

In line 4 ni has been omitted by the original scribe, as the

454

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

copies neither of Schulz nor of Layard contain it. This is
another proof of his imperfect knowledge of Assyrian. It
must be noticed that Sar-duris is always mentioned without
the case-termination (-is) of his name, from which we may
infer that the case-endings of Tannic names are not always
represented in the Assyrian inscriptions. The Assyrian “land
of Nairi” is made the equivalent of the Tannic “land of
JBiainas,” which takes its place in all other Tannic inscriptions.

Inscriptions op Isbuinis.

III. (Schulz XXXTI.)

The following inscription was copied by Schulz upon a
round stone which had been turned into an altar in the church
of Kalacliik or Kalejik, a village about a mile north of Tan.
The stone had evidently formed the base of a column, and was
discovered in the earth near a pyramidal rock, on the top of
which there is now a small church, but which, according to
tradition, once bore a celebrated temple and idol. The second
line of the inscription is merely a repetition of the first, as is
not uncommon in Tannic inscriptions, more especially those
which were engraved on columns.

1. | Is-pu-hu-i-ni-is T -+ *Tf<T (-dur-khi)-ni-s bur-ga-

na-ni si-di-si-tu-ni

2. If Is-pu-hu-i-ni-is (|) »-]]<] -dur-khi-ni-s bur-ga-

na-ni si-di-si-tu-ni

Ispuinis, son of Sarduris, the

altar (?) has restored ;

1. >->f- khal-di-ni-ni us-(gi-ni)

0 Is-pu-hu-(i)-ni-is |^>|- >-]]<} (-dur-khi-ni)-s

2. >-> khal-di-ni-ni us-gi-ni

fl) Is-pu-hu-i-ni-is >-YT<T -d ur “khi-ni-s

for the gods children of Khaldis the favorable (?)

Ispuinis son of Sarduris

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN,

455

1. -i-ni si-di-si-tu-ni i-nu-ki . . . du-si-ni . *
as-

gi-e-i-si-da . . .

2 - *=rm -i-ni si-di-si-tu-ni i-nu-ki ba-du-si-ni . . ,
as-

(gi)- e-i-si-da ^ . . .

tlie temple has restored; as a chamber which was decayed
. . . the place of images, the country . . .

Here, as in all other inscriptions, the name of the king when
standing at the head of the sentence ends in -s ; we must, there-
fore, conclude that this is the termination of the nominative
singular. Dr. Hincks long ago pointed out that the name of
the father is added to that of the son, with the suffix - khini
attached to its stem, and the nominatival -$ following. -Mini-,
therefore, forms patronymics. In the accusative, however, as
we shall see, the -ni disappears, -khi alone remaining to denote
the patronymic. The suffix -Mi, accordingly, would seem to
be that which properly and specially denotes 4 derivation/
This is borne out by our finding it attached by itself to other
roots or stems besides those of proper names. Thus we have
al-Jihi or alkhe 4 inhabitants 9 (xxxiii. 16, 1. 2, 6), iu-khi
4 captives * (xliii. 16, 78, xlviii. 26, etc.). On the other hand,
the suffix -ni forms adjectives, and may usually be rendered
4 belonging to/ This is clear from xxiii. 1, Menuai-nei &
gislaie 6 to the wife of Menuas/ or v. 15, r«<

Ar-tm-i-hu-ni-ni 4 to the gods belonging to the city of
Artsuyun ’ ; not to mention many other passages which will
be noticed hereafter. We may, therefore, analyze Sardurkhinis
into Sardur-khi-ni-s . We learn from it that the adjective
follows the substantive, and, as in the Aryan languages,
assumes the same Sectional suffix as the substantive with
which it agrees. Since the substantive ends in ’Vyy is, it is
evident that Dr. Hincks was right in regarding final ^ as
expressing merely 5. The name of the goddess hf- -rr<r
•was pronounced Sar, as we learn from the Assyrian inscrip-

456

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF A T AN.

ti 011 s, where the Yannic royal name is variously written Sar-
duri(s), Saraduri(s), Sariduri(s ) , and Seduri(s), as well as from
liii 2 where it is written phonetically. In Assyro-Babylonian
symbolized the goddess Istar, and we may con-
sequently assume that the Yannic Sar was the equivalent
of the Assyrian Istar. Perhaps Mr. George Smith may have
been right in thinking that the Yannic deity and her name
were actually borrowed from the Assyrian. At any rate, it is
curious that she does not occur among the list of Yannic
divinities enumerated in the inscription of Meher-Kapussi
(No. v.). I believe that came to be regarded by the

Yannic scribes as a phonetic complement, since, according to
the rules of Yannic grammar, we should have to read Sari
rather than Sar. Bur is similarly written for dun, which
appears elsewhere ( e.g . v. 1), in imitation of the Assyrianizing
inscriptions I. and II. The Yannic flections were usually
disregarded by the Assyrians in their reproduction of proper
names. The meaning of Sar-duris I cannot explain. Possibly
duris may come from the root du ‘ to destroy,’ with the help
of the adjectival suffix ri ; so that the word might mean ‘ he
who destroys for Saris.’ Since, however, we find t now and
then softened into d, it is possible that the word may be
connected with tuns , for which see note on xx. 14.

In place of the non-existent character of Schulz’s

copy, 1 read na , and so get the word burgana-ni, which

occurs in v. 29. Here we read that Ispuinis and Menuas
burgana-ni suhhs tsruni c have set up this .... As the
burgana was restored before the temple, it must mean either
the altar or the image, and, for reasons which will be given
under v. 28-29, it would seem to signify rather the former
than the latter. The suffix -ni denotes the accusative, as was
first perceived by M. St. Guyard in consequence of his dis-
covery of the relationship between the favourite formula with
which the dedicatory inscriptions of Yan conclude and the
concluding formula of similar Assyrian texts. I shall there-
fore defer a proof of the fact until we come to deal with the
formula in question (No. xx.). Na, as we shall see here-

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OP YAN.

457

after, is an adjectival suffix, so that the stem of the word is
lurgct. No other similar word occurs in the inscriptions,
unless it be bariida-ni (xix. 8) or bur gala-da (xxxi. 3, 11).

Sidisi-tuni is shown by a comparison with the other inscrip-
tions to be a verb. In xvii. 5, 10, it is written si-di-is-tii-hu-ni,
which shows that must be pronounced tu, not par as Dr.
Mordtmann supposed, the rule in the Yannic inscriptions being
to write a vowel after an open syllable which ends with the
same vowel, not after a closed syllable which ends with a
consonant. Now in some Inscriptions the verbal form after a
singular nominative terminates in -ni as here, in other in-
scriptions in -bi. Thus we have Memos . . . zaduni (xxi. 2),

‘ Menuas has built/ and zaditbi in xx. 14. That the termina-
tion - hi marks the person of a verb is clear not only from the
place it invariably occupies in the sentence, but also from its
being attached to the ideograph 4 to burn 9 following the
ideographs y«< 4 cities/ The only question is what

persons or tenses -ni and -bi respectively indicate. Now I
can find no difference between the construction and sense of
the sentences in which the two are used which would lead
me to suppose they denoted a difference of tense or mood;
I therefore conclude that they denote a difference of person.
The Assyrian inscriptions, though generally in the first person,
are also sometimes In the 3rd, and it is these two persons
which I believe to be expressed by the suffixes -ni and -bi.
My reasons for thinking that -bi signified the first person and
-ni the third are the following : (1) The phrases 4 [I] burnt the
cities/ 4 [I] dug up the palaces’ and the like, which are frequent
in the historical inscriptions, are mere stereotyped repetitions
of the same formulas which appear time after time in the
Assyrian texts, and the latter are always in the first person
singular. (2) The forms with -bi occur after the introductory
phrase 4 X says/ which is not the case with those in -ni. (3)
The forms in -ni are hardly to be distinguished from- the
accusatives In -ni, which may perhaps be connected with the
demonstrative pronoun ini. In fact, they can also be used as
verbal adjectives agreeing with the dative plural of another

VOL, XIV. — [new sekies.] 32

458

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

adjective ; e.g. xxxvi. 6, Argisti-ni .... khau-ni ‘ (to the
Khaldises of) Argistis who has conquered/ I have no hesita-
tion, accordingly, in treating sidisitu-ni as a third person singu-
lar. The word is evidently compounded of sidisi and the common
root tu, which means 4 to carry away/ as is shown by such pas-
sages as (xlix. 17) dA\ JBu-i-ni-al~kki Bu-ra-

as tu-bi c the king of the inhabitants of the city Bui(s) (and)
court I carried away/ or (xx. 10) alus ini ^ m tu-dae

4 whoever shall carry away this tablet/ The context of the
inscription with which we are at present dealing leaves no
doubt that the compound verb here must have some such
sense as 4 carrying away back again/ i.e. 4 restoring/ Sidisi,
therefore, will be an adverb signifying 4 again/ ‘back/ ‘afresh/
In all the later inscriptions the word appears under the con-
tracted form sidis, from which we gather that a certain number
of adverbs ended in -s. The verb tu is compounded with two
other adverbs of a similar formation, nulus-tubi (xxxviii, 42)
and amas-tubi , and it is singular that in all three cases there
should be complete vowel-harmony, the two vowels of sidis
being botli i , those of nulus u and those of amas cl The
proper name Sarduris had already taught us that com-
pounds are not infrequent in Vannic. As in the Aryan
languages, the defining element is placed after that part of
the compound which is defined. The final -s of the adverbs
is shown by sidisi to be contracted from an earlier -si.

The great inscription of Meher Kapussi, as we shall see,
affords us a considerable number of datives. Among these
we have Khaldie , Khaldini , and Khaldinini , all derivatives of
Khaldis, the name of the supreme Vannic deity. Khaldie , as
will appear, is the dative singular, Khaldini is shown by
the numeral 4 4 ’ which is coupled with it (v. 12) to be the
plural; but what is Khaldinini ? We have already seen that
-ni is an adjectival suffix; the name of Ispuinis itself, for
example, is an adjective formed by this suffix from the stem
Ispu i and Khaldini(s), accordingly, would mean 4 he who
belongs to Khaldis/ like the Latin consularis from consid.
The dative plural of Khaldinis would be Khaldi-ni-ni , which

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

459

would accordingly signify ‘for those belonging to Ivhaldis/
Consequently there were not only the several local Khaldises
worshipped in different parts of the Vannic kingdom, but also
a large progeny of gods who were considered their offspring.
Usgi-ni is shown by the suffix to agree with Iihaklim-ni. It
must be either a substantive in apposition, or an adjective ;
more probably the latter. I have found no other example
of Ksginis in the inscriptions, and have no clue to its exact
meaning. The stem is usgi.

The ideograph is elsewhere replaced by asi 9 showing

that asis was the Vannic word for ‘temple.’ Thus in xiv. we

have : — ini *4TTT asi khiise zadiini 4 this temple M use he has
built/

In xxx. 27 : — ^yyyy ^ y«< mi-da 4 the palaces/

In xxxi. 12 : — asida c the palaces/

In xxx. 9 : — £r|yyy ^ y«< - si-da 6 the palaces/

In v. 12 again we read ^>~y Khaldi-ni JlJI -ni ^rn asie
4 to the 4 Khaldi’s of the temple/ The final -ni of mini
must denote the accusative as in burgana-ni ; we cannot read
ini 4 this,’ as the demonstrative always precedes its noun.

Imtlci will be an adverb. At least such is the force of the
final -hi in the word adaki in the phrase which I have analyzed
above (p. 449). Besides adaki we also find adakid with
*=yyy instead of This I conceive to be the earlier form,

the final dental being perhaps shortened from da or dL In
1 . 27, we have ebdni-ki-di , where the locative termination

di is added to the adverbial -Id attached to ebani ‘country/
Inu-kiy however, cannot be dissociated from the inu-ka-ni 1 of
xxi. 5 and xliy. 11 (where we have aim giei inukani ehnini
siudaie 4 whoever shall carry away or the imi-si-m of

xxi. 3. Here inuka-ni must denote something that the king
has set up or constructed, and, as we shall see, can signify only
4 a series of chambers/ 2 The next word is given in Schulz's

1 A word of similar formation is ihuha-ni i property.’ .

s The root of inns ‘chamber’ and inas 1 city’ seems to he the same. If so,
the primitive Armenians would appear to have been troglodytes.

460

TEE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

copy as: <X I C/IT ^IT Tllis clearl 7 stands for

~«T ^y ^yy ^ badasini. I must reserve a discussion of
this word until I come to No. ix.

Gieisida must be compared with v. 28: >~>|- Khaldie lime (?)
tf}] -ari snkhe ternni ui gieis >->~y (|<«) 6 to Khaldis these
offerings (?) of the men they have established and the images
of the gods/ and xliv. 11: alas giei inuka-ni esinini siudaie
‘ whoever shall carry away the . . / The latter passage
shows that giei must represent something contained in what
can be carried away, while the former passage implies that it
was something erected in honour of the god Khaldis. I
therefore conjecture that it must mean 4 an image/ The
suffix -da is explained by No. xxiv., where we read : Menuainei
'jV gislaie Taririai ini ^y nidi Taririahiiini - da tini

4 of the mother of Menuas, Taririas, this memorial one has
called the place of the son of Taririas/ So, too, we have inida
4 here/ sada 4 there/ etc., as well as asida 4 palaces/ literally
4 house-place/ from asis ‘house/ The inserted sibilant in
giei-si-da , denotes the plural, as is evident from such forms
as the dative plural alsu-si-ni by the side of the dat. sing, of the
adj, in ni~, alsusi-ni (e,g. xxii. 4, 5, Khaldinini alsusini
I Menuani ... ^ alsuini 4 to the multitudinous children of
Khaldis belonging to Menuas the king of multitudes'). We
must therefore analyze the word as giei-si-da , stem + plural
affix + local affix. 1

What follows, the copy of Schulz leaves doubtful. The
second line, however, contains the ideograph of country, which
can hardly be right, as it does not suit the context.

IV.

The following inscription runs round a pillar in the posses-
sion of a native named Hosain, in the village of Zustan, about
six miles to the north of Van. A squeeze of it has been taken

1 Si-, however, in both giei-si-da and aWui-si-ni may he the adjectival suffix.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

461

by Mr. Hormuzd Rassam, and it is now published for the first
time. The inscription consists of three lines, each of which
contains the same words; The repetition of an inscription in
this way is not uncommon in the case of the early Tannic
monuments. As the second and third lines are precisely the
same as the first, I do not give them here.

| Is-pu-hu-i-ni-s -du-hu-ri-e-khi-ni-e-s i-ni

Ispuinis the son of Sarduris this

^YYYY (as)-e za-a-du-hu-ni.
house has built.

The spelling Sardurekhines shows how little distinction
there was in pronunciation between i and e. I imagine that
i was short, e long i.

For (as)e see iii. (asini). After the demonstrative ini the
acc. suffix -ni is always omitted. E here represents the i of
other inscriptions, as in the case of Sardurekhines , which else-
where is written - Minis .

For the proof that ini is the demonstrative this **■ — a dis-
covery due to M. Stanislas Guyard, though already divined by
Dr. Mordtmann — see No. xx.

Zaduni is the 3rd pers. sing. perf. of a verb zadu. The
meaning is fixed not only by the context of this inscription,
but also by that of many others, as was seen by Mordtmann.
A favourite formula, which we shall have to discuss hereafter,
is ahis iidas tiiidaie ies zadubi c whoever destroys that which I
have made * (xx. 13, 14, etc.).

Y. (Schulz XVII.)

This inscription is engraved on a square tablet of rock,
called Meher Kapussl (Muhiir Kapussi), 14 ft. 7 in. high by
6 ft. broad, at the top of the Akkirpi, the western spur of the
Zemzern Dagh, about two miles east of Tan. Akkirpi 6 the
white hedge 3 is so inappropriate a name as to have suggested
to Schulz the possibility of its being a corruption of some
older designation. According to tradition, the semicircular

462. THE CUNEIFORM: INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

scarped cliffs of tlie Zemzem Dagli have been separated from
the acropolis of Van by a recent volcanic catastrophe. The
crater of the Nimrod Dagh, it may be observed, is declared by
the natives to have been in eruption only four centuries ago.
The tablet is divided into two, and hence looks like a gate at a
distance. This has produced a legend which relates how that
it is the entrance into a great subterranean city inhabited by
the Divs. Hence the name Meher-Kapussi or Mihr-Kapussi,
44 the Gate of Meher,” which has no meaning in either
Turkish, Kurd or Armenian, but, Schulz suggests, may
represent Mithra the Sun-god. It is only on the feast of
S. John at midsummer, it is believed, that the gate opens of
its own accord. The inscription consists of the same text
twice repeated with slight modifications, the first half con-
taining 81 lines, the second half 58 lines, the greater part
of which is now obliterated. They are separated from one
another by a blank space. As will be seen, it gives an
exhaustive list of the deities reverenced by the primitive
people of Van, and the offerings prescribed to be made for
them, and shows that Ispuinis towards the end of his reign
associated his son Menuas with himself in the government.
The Meher-Kapussi is still a place of pilgrimage, and above
it about 10 minutes to the east, on the highest peak of the
Zemzem Dagli, are the remains of an ancient fortress, once
approached by a corridor with a stair-case of 50 steps. Hard
by is a conduit, which communicates with a long series of
caverns and excavations in the rock. Shortly before Schulz’s
visit, some Turkish children had found here a small black
cylinder covered with Cuneiform characters, which, however,
they unfortunately lost. As the neighbourhood is strewn
with fragments of pottery, it would seem that the fortifications
of the ancient capital of the Vannic kingdom once extended
thus far.

THE COTEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

463

1. Khal-di-e e^hu-ri-e J Is-pu-3in-i-ni-s

| Sar-dn-ri-e-ldii-ni-s Y Me-nu-lru-a-s

32. Ktal-di-e e-lm-ri-e | Is-pu-hu-i-ni-s

I Sar-dti-ri-e-lihi-ni-s (33) y Me-nu-lm-a-s

To Khaldis, the lord, Ispuinis the son of Sarduris [and]
Menuas

2. y Is 2 -pn-hii-i-ni-ldii-ni-s i-ni-li t-'Sfl} za-a-dn-hu-a-li

S3, y Is-pu-liu-i-ni-kH-ni-s y«< za-a-tu-hn-(a)4i

the son of Ispuinis , having been built 9

2. te-ra-iii ar 4 5 * * -cli~se >->y~ ^ a-tsu-s ma-iiiKs

34. te-ir-tu 8 ar-cli-se >->$- ^ -ni-ni a-tsu-s ma-a-im-s
have set up the regulations of sacrifice , day by day (for)
month each ,

Khal-di-e-i >->L- ^ >->y~ f<«

-r © 3 y«<

34 ^ Khal-di-e (35) >->^- a^ 4|- ^y »->¥- y<«

-Ej&r«<

To Khaldis , Teisbas (the Air-god) [and'] the Sun-god f the
gods of the peoples ,

3. JgJ ^ >->y- Khal-di-e ni-ip~si~di lia-a-1

35. || y JgJ >-y^ >->y- Khal-di-e ni-(ip)-6i-di ha-(a)-li

6 lambs . To Khaldis for sacrifice

1 So Layard. Schulz has a non-existent character.

2 So Layard. Schulz has a blank.

3 So both Layard and Schulz. But we must plainly read tioni.

* Schulz has here forgotten to repeat the final of the character ar.

5 is right -and both Layard and Schulz give it—Ave must suppose

that the Tannic scribe has confounded the two characters i people ’

and £ language/

464

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

4. j = y$ y<« «< T | T MI T<« -4- KM -^-e

ip 1 * 3 -pu-hu-e >-»-f TTT At KII T <<<: ^4~ "4*

Teisb& pakliini suse
pakliini suse

3(3. •(?!? «< T I Y MI v '4~ KhaJ-di-® ip x -pu-ku-e

pakliini suse

fflfeTHTT 04 44[V] 41.111! H

pakliini suse Teisba pakliini suse

^4" *r

17 oxen, 34 sheep. To Khaldis (and) the inundator the
Air-ffod 6 oxen 12 sheep . To the Sun-god 4 oxen,
8 sheep.

5. Kliu-tUiu-i-ni-e H V MI T<«

~>f Dliu-ra-ni-i-e H M?

37. II ^ MI *->"I Kku-dhu-i-ni-e

tl i II MI "4- Dliu 4 -[ra-ni-i-]e

To Klmdlminis 2 oxen, 4 sheep. To Dhuranis an ox,
2

6. Hu-a II e=Y? V MI !<« -4- Na 5 -la 6 -i-ui-e

II *=1* v MI T«<

38. II ^ V M T«< -4- Hu-a II ^ V MI -4-

Na4a~[i-m-]e

To ffuas 2 oxen, 4 sheep. To Nalainis 2 oxen , 4 sheep.

1 So Layard. Schulz has the non-existent YI^T anc ^ <n -

. :2 Layard and : Schulz have JHH . . .

3 So ^ayavd. Schulz has The triad of Khaldis, the Air-god and

the Sun-god, so frequent in the inscription, requires Layard’ s reading.

4 So Layard. Schulz has blank.

5 So Layard. Schulz has blank.

6 So Layard. Schulz has ie in this line, la below.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

465

6. Hf Se-bi-tu-hu-e || Y MU HP" Ar-gi-me-la

imsvm

39- IT ^ V M «f Se-bi-tu-hu-e |H^H4

Ar(-6i-me-la)-e

7b Sehitus 2 oxen, 4 sheep . To Ar Ornelas 2 oxen,

4 sheep,

7, >->^ Ha-na-ap'Sa-a ^ || Js=T| ^»|- Di-du-a-i-ni-fe] 1

*TSTTM

40. R |gj — y Ila-na-ap-sa-e ^ ff JgJ ^
Di-e-du-[a-i-ni-] e

To TIanapsas an ox, 2 sheep . To Deduainis an ox,
2 sheep .

7 . >->!_ {{{ yy JgEjJ ^y Khal-di-na-hu-e ►- <-li

!«< ^ yy mi y«<

40- ^ yy MI Hf Si 2 -e-la-ar-di-e fcft ]] Mft -»f
Khal-di-(na-liu-e <)-li y<«

To the Moon-god an ox, 2 sheep . 7b the dead belonging to
Khaldis an ox, 2 sheep .

8, >->yL At-bi-ni-i-e yy JgEjJ Ku-hii-e-ra-a

^ n m y«<

40. *y$ yy MJ Hf At-w-m-i-e ^ yy jgj Hb

Ku s ~(lin) -e-ra-a

To Atbinis an ox, 2 sheep . 7b Kueras an ox, 2 sheep .
8. E-li-ip 4 -ri-e yy JBIJ >->f- Klial-ra-i-ni-e

<=K TT M T<«

41. ^ yy pj ~y M-ip-ri-te cR yy ygy («f km.)

ra-i-ni-e

To Elipris an ox, 2 sheep . To Khalrainis an ox, 2 sheep .

1 Layard’s copy allows space for this letter, and iparks a Raw in the rock,

2 Layard lias jj||Y>-. This would make Selardis the name of the Moon-
god. As Schulz has a lacuna before the first character ( me ) of the name, this is
most probably the correct reading, ......

3 So Layard.

4 So Layard, Schulz has lu, but vjo in the duplicate.

406

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

9. A-Aa-ra-ta-a |f JgJJ Hf~ Ir^mu-si-m-e

IT M

41. If JjpU — Hf-' 1 2 * A-da-ru-ta-a ^ ff Qg=0 *->h
Ir-mu-) si-ni-e

7b Adarutas an ox, 2 s7teep. To Irmusinis an ox, 2 sAeep.

9. >->f- A s -lu-s- Hu-ru-li-hu-e- Si-hu-a-li JgJ |«<

42. ^ yy ygj «~y A-lu-s-Hu-ru-n-(Hu)-e- 4 Si 4 -(hu)-a-li

To the god ‘ who (is) when the offspring are carried away ’

cm o,/', 2 sheep.

10. Al-da*-tu-si-ni-e ^ y| TgJJ >~>|- E-ri-na-a

^yilMJ

43. ^ yy Tgyj ->f A-du-tu-si-ni-e (s=Y^ yy ygyj) — y

E-ri-na-a

To Aid utus inis an ox, 2 sheep . To Ermas an ox, 2 sheep,

10. >~>^~ Si G -ni-ri-i-e || Jpl] Hu-ni-na-a

*=R n M T<«

44. tf* P4 Si-ni-ri-e xft fl Q@J -+)

Hu-ni-na-a

Zb Siniris an ox, 2 sheep. To ITuninas an ox, 2 sheep.

11. -4- A-i-ra-i-ni-e eft Jg] «f -Cff (?)'

Zu-ma-ru-e JT |E|J

45. eft ra>! A-k*.™-e yy cgj ™y

Zn-ma-a-ru-e

Zb Airainis an ox, 2 To the god of the city

Zumar an ox, 2 sheep,

1 So Layard. . Schulz : lias nl, . . 2 So Layard. : : Scliulz lias ri J

3 So Layard. Schulz is unintelligible. 4 So Layard.

“So Layard. Schulz has ap. Both Layard and Schulz have op in the
duplicate, but alap would be written a-la-ap , not cd-ap.

® So Layard.

1 The character is doubtful in both Layard and Schulz. It may be zu.
In this case the god’s name would be Zuzumarus.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

467

XL Hf Kha-a-ra-a IT M -4- A-ra-za-a

eTHT IBf

46. eft II M «f Kha-a-ra-a eft || JgJ ~f

A-ra-za 1 2 -a

To Khavas an ox, 2 sheep. To Arazas an ox, 2 sheep .

11. >->p Zi-ku-ku-ni-e (12.) Hu-ra-a

TT JbS

47. H Jill H( Zi-(hu)-ku-hii-ni-e $z]^ R JgJ ->-f
Hu-ra-a

To Ziuhunis an ox, 2 sheep . 7b Hums an ox, 2 sheep.

12. >-»^- Ar-tsi-bad-di-ni-e ^ Ar-ni-i-e

=KinSJ

48- eft |1 I@I Ai-tsi-tad-di-nins eft || JgJ -Jf-

Ar-ni-i-e

To Artsibaddinis an ox, 2 sheep. To Amis an ox, 2 sheep.

12. ->f Klial-cli-ni -ni fFff 3 a-si-e iff ^ |«<

49. yy g=yy >-4- Khal-di-(ni) £ J: 4 -ni £^4 a-si-e
To the four Khaldises of the house an ox, 2 sheep.

12. Khal-di-ni aMu-i-si-e yy m y«<

49. ^ yy m) ~r Khal-di-ni al-su-hn-si-e

7b the multitudinous Khaldises an ox, 2 sheep.

13. >~4~ Khal-di-ni di-ru-si-i-e ^ y«<

50. yy isi -4- Khal-di-ni di-ru-si-i-e

7b Khaldises of 0#, 2

1 Schulz has here Introduced the ?*« of the preceding line. It is omit feed
by Layard.

2 Layard has i. But ini * this/ does not suit the inscription, as it was
not set rip inside or outside a house. Moreover ini is not genitive.

» Layard has ri here and in the duplicate line. But in the latter Schulz
has the ideograph of “ house” very clearly, and other inscriptions (see p. 459)
show that this reading is right.

4 Omitted by Layard, Schulz has the two lower wedges only.

468

TIIE CUXEIFOKM INSCRIPTIONS OP VAX.

18. ^>f Kbal-cli-na-lra-e <m 3 i f<« ]] V Ml

so. TM(V®M IOial-di-) na-hu-e a- T«<

To the horsemen belonging to the land of Khaldis 2 oxen,

4 sheep .

13 . ^>f -44 aHii T«< TT 4$ I <<K V IMJ !«<

51- (H) (V) MI ^4 A4f 4 fes e a-si t«<

Teisba-e

To the horsemen of the Air-god 2 oxen , 4 sheep,

14 . ^ Ar-dhu 5 -ha-ra-ir-hu-e || S=^ ]<« <« ^ MI |<«

Ar c -di-ni-na-lm-e

51. H «< V IMJ (*4) Ar-dhu-ha-ar-ir-liu-e

52. ^ If MT MI)

2b Ardhuhamirus 2 oxen, 34 sheep. To the god of the
city Ardinis

14. yy Jgy y«< >-;:yy ^>|-

mimit<«

52. Ai* 8 -di-(ni) -na-liu-e >->2f- (^JO JJ MI *"£jj
Ku-me-nu-na-hu-e

an ox, 2 sheep. To the god of the city of Kumenus an
ox, 2 sheep ,

14. Dhii-us-pa 8 - ni-na-hu-e jj mi i <« 9

53. *=y$ (yy MI M) Dhu-tis-pa-na-lm-e -4-

To the god of the city of Dhuspas an ox, 2 sheep ,

15. y«< >->y~ Khal-dl-ni-m >-Jl TT-” i *=T$TTMT«<

53. cR HH4 !«< -+ Khal-di-ni-ni

To the gods , the children of Khaldis of the city an ox, 2 sheep,

1 Both La-yard and Schulz hare du, incorrectly, as is shown by the
equivalent ideograph in the duplicate line.

2 So Layard. 3 So Layard. 4 So Layard.

5 So Layard. Schulz has Ten, but dim in the duplicate text.

6 So Layard. Schulz has rad.

7 So Layard.

8 Layard has ni-di, plainly incorrectly. 9 Layard omits.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

469

15. »4" 1«< Ar-tsu 1 -hu-i-ni-ni ^ || Jg[J |<«

Khal-di-ni-da-si 2 -i-e

54. If pi] ) ^>^f- |<« ^11 Ar-tsu- hu-ni-(ni)

-KTTISJ

To the gods of the city of Artsuinis cm ox, 2 sheep .
To the gods of the place of

15. CR TT M T«< «f Sn-ba-a eft || JgJ

54. Khal-di-ni-da-si-i-e OMMDHf" Su-hu-ba-a
Khaldis an ox, 2 sheep . To Subas an ox, 2 sheep.

16. >->f- Kb al-di-na-ku-e ^^TTISJ

cstf -PI E-ri-di-a-m ^ yy jgj y«<

54. ef£ (fT) JeU Kbal-di-na-hn-e CZI-] (V[< If

ISf «f 4.#) KVf -Eff M-ya

To the gate of the city of Khaldis an ox, 2 sheep .

To the gate of the city of Eridias of the Air-god an ox,
2 sheep .

16. >.4. ^y --yy 3 Hu-wm-m-m p\ yy nuy y«<

>~4 E-li-a-ba-a yy

54. p$ yy jay -4- 4 ^ -4T Hu-i-si-m

04 yy IHH *-4- E-) li-e-ka-a
To the gate of the Sun-god in the city Hums an ox, 2 sheep .
To EliaJias an ox, 2 sheep .

17 , Khal-di-ni ar-ni-i-e |«<

-4- Khal-di-ni us-ma-si-i-e 4 h m
54. Pi yy JgJ ^4- Khal-di-ni ar-(ni)-i-e (4 yy JgJ

>~>~y Khal-di-ni) us-ma-si-e

To the Khaldises of the citadel an ox, 2 sheep . To the
Khaldises the- gracious an ox, 2 sheep .

1 So Layard. Schulz inserts a character which may be L

2 Layard has me ; but as he has si in the duplicate line, Schulz must be
right.

3 So Layard.

470

TIIE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

17. — y y«< — > 3 jL (Klial) 1 -cli-ni-ni £u-si-ni
54. yy JgJ ->f- !«< ->f- Khal-di-ni-ni (su)-lm-gi-in
To the gods the children of Khaldis of the J building (s)
an ox, 2 sheep. I wall (s)

18. Ta-Ia (?) 2 3 -ap-hu-ra-a |f JgJJ ^>y~ Ki s -li-ba-ni

-MM

55. (i=y^ yy ygj ->y-Ta-ia(?)-)ap-(hn-ra-a)^y^ yy JgJ -4-

Ki-li-ba-(ni-e)

To Talapuras an ox, 2 sheep . To Kilibanis an ox,

2 sheep .

18. V E-ba-ni-ua 4 * * -(hu-e) || J*EfJ V s

Al^-ni-na-hn-e) } (f M)

56. yy ygj V 1 E - ba - ) ni - (na - hu - ) e ->X-

yy Jgy v (Al-ga-ni-na-hu-e) —Jf-
To the god of the country an ox, 2 sheep. To the god
of the country of Alganis an ox, 2 sheep.

19. --yy (?) Tsu(?) i - m - na - iiu - e >->y- i=y^ yy jgyy

►4- y<« (--yy) At-ka 7 8 -na-na-liu-e

56. fc|* (IT M -ETT <?> -+)

57. p <V04 T«< Ml) tEf)

To the gocl of the city of Tsninis (?) an ox, 2 sheep*
To the gods of the city Atkanas

1 This is omitted in both Layard and Schulz, and may have been an
oversight of the original engraver.

2 Layard has 3 Schulz

3 So Layard.

4 So Layard.

■ fi „So Layard.

Layard: has

1 Layard has ^ Tv Schulz ^ J. Mordtmann con-

jectures If, but both Layards copy and the duplicate text show that this is
wrong. ' ,

8 So Schulz, probably rightly when we compare the next paragraph.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

471

19. yy ^ y«< y M !«< -4- ••• ai'-ra^

II *=TS <V M

57 (58) (IMHVIMM

. . . di-)ra-hu-e

2 o$en 9 4 (14) sheep . To the god of. . . c&Vas 2 14 sheep).

»■ «f T«< -fS T«< V <!!!? Mf t«<

(20) >->y~ Khal-di-ni ni-ri-bi 1 2 ^ JgE|J T«< 3

k- V <!?!! HD (~f T«< -sffi) T<«

(58) ^ pi] Khal-di-ni ni-ri-bi-i

To the god of the nations , 4 oaten, 18 sheep. To the
Khaldises of the dead an ox, 2 sheep.

20. ^>f 4 Hu- a- i-na-hu-e Ni-si-a(?) 5 -

du(?) 5 -ru-ni || |«<

58. (yy JBJJ >-»f- Hu -a- i-na-hu-e JlSpY
Ni-si~a(?)-du(?)-ru-)ni

To the gate of the city of the god Huais the city
Nisiacluras (?) 2 sheep.

20. V* Ba 6 -ba-na~hu-e ^ JBJJ

58. «( JBJJ X K B a-ba (-na -liu-e)

To ( the god) of the land of Babas 10 sheep.

21. Ha-a-ru 7 -ba-i-ni-e JB1]

59. (B\i M Ha-a-ru-)ba-a-ni-e
To Harubainis a wild ox, a sheep.

1 So Layard. Perhaps we should read »->f- |<« di-ra-hu-he, “ to the
gods of Liras.”

2 So Layard, doubtfully ; Schulz has a lacuna. The reading ni is certified
by 1. 20.

3 So Layard.

4 So Layard.

5 So Layard. Schulz has a lacuna.

6 So Layard.

7 So Layard.

472

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAK.

21. ^>3f- Ba-ba-a ^ <^I |gj ->f Dliu-us-pu-a l

^C=£iJ

To Balcis a wild ox, a sheep . To Dlmspuas ( the god of

the people of Dlmspas) a wild ox, a sheep.

21. »->|- A-liu-i-e <^Z > ~ > L A-i-a

( 22 ) ^4" Sar-cli-i-e fc|(

To Aids (the Water-god ) a wild ox. To Ayas ( the
Earth-god) a wild ox. To Sardis a wild ox.

22. Tsi-nu-ya 2 -ar-cli-e |f JgJ ->L Ip 3 -kha-ri-e ][gj
Bar’-tsi-i-a Js=f|

62. (|| J»E|| >->y Tsi-nu-ya-)ar-di-i-e

To Tsimyardis 2 sheep. To Tpkhans a sheep. To
Bartsias a sheep.

22. >-*|- Si 5 -li-i-a |E|| >->f- Ar-ha-a | p|| (23) >->|-

A-di-i-a JgU

64 . (?)

To Silias a sheep. To Arhas a sheep. To Addas a sheep.

23. >->2f- Hu-i-a >~»f- A-a-i-na-hu-e ^ [^H]

«f' ||JgJ

65 (V Ml A-a-i-na-) hu-e

To Uias a sheep . To the gocl of Aais 4 sheep. To Ardis
2 sheep.

i So Layard. 2 So Layard. 3 So Layard.

4 So Layard. Omitted by Seliulz. 5 So Layard.

6 Layard has |§§||| • Schulz omits.

7 So Layard. ' ' *

8 So Layard.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OP VAX'.

473

23. ►>¥- I-nu-a-na-lm-e <jty

66. ({tty IbU ^4 I-nu-a-na-) hu-e.

To the god of Innas 17 sheep .

24 >~>f- Kbal-di-ni bad - di - ni T«< --ISJ 1 2

bad-di-ni ma-ni-ni ul s -gu 3 -se

67. (- 4 Klial-di-ni bad-di-ni -+> r<« -ta r«<

bad-di-ni (ma-ni-ni ul-gn-se)

To all the Khaldises , the gods , food for all (and) each
(and) shields

24 y Is-pu-bu 4 -i-ni | >->~y Sar-dn-ri-klii-ni | Me-nu-a
y Is-pii-hn-i-ni-e-khi-ni

68. (y Is-pu-hn)-i-ni y^>y~ Sai'-(dn-ri-khi-ni (69) | Me-nn)-a
y Is-pu-(lin-i-ni-e-khi-ni)

by Ispumis, so?i of Sarduris (and) Menuas son of Ispuinis .

25. y Is-pn-hn-i-ni-s Y~MT<T -du-ri-khi-ni-s a-da 5
(y) Me-nu-a-s y Is-pu-bii-i-ni-khi-ni-s

70. (y Is-pu-ku-i-)ni-s y >->|- >~yy<y ~(du-ri-khi-m-s a-da 5

71. y Me-mi)-bn-a-s T Is-pu-(i-ni-khi-ni-s)

Ispuinis son of Sarduris , and Menuas son of Ispuinis

25. £i- >~>f Khal-di-ni bad-di-sa-ni ka-ab-ka-

ri-da-ni e-ba (T«< -i£f T«<

72. ( . . . . Kbal-) di-ni bad-di-(sa-ni (73) ka-ab-ka-

ri-da-)ni e-ha -4 (T«< -m T<«)

to the Khaldises of every hind place of approach

this to the gods of the nations

1 So Layard. Schulz has the non-existent

2 So Layard. 3 So Layard. 4 So Layard.

5 Layard and Schulz have li 3 but ada is elsewhere the copulative con-
junction.

6 So Layard.

7 So Layard. Schulz has -sir. doubtfully.
vol. xiv .— [new series.]

474

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

26.

7d.

26 .

74 .

27.

77.

tit TBTI ku-i nu(‘])-sti 1 la-ku-ni a-lu-kid

ar-di-ni kku-ra-la 2 -i. 3

i e ti ip na

(74) kku-ru-la-a-i

3 oxen, 30 sheep, and the they have given (?) in any

ease publicly for sacrifices (?)

(si-li) gu- 4 li ti-su-ul-du-li-ni

si-li gu-li (ti-su-ul-du-li-ni)

after dawn, after dusk (?), after dark (?).
y Is-pu-ku-i-ni-s | Sar-du-ri-kki-ni-s

| Me-nu-ku-a-s ] Is-pu-ku 5 -(i-ni-kki-m-s tf) ul-di-e
su-kke te 6 -ru-ni Klial'-di-e

(| Is-pu-ku-i-ni-s) 76 (y) Sar - du - ri - (kki - ui - s
y Me-nu-ku-a-s y Is-pu-ku-(i-ni-kki-ni-s f:|) ul-(di-e
su-kke te-ru-ni >~>f- Kkal-di-e)

Jspuinis son of Sarduris (and) Menuas son of Ispuinis
monuments these have set up to EJialdis ;

lu-ku-e-s e(?) 8 (28) -a-ri su-kke 9 te-ru-ni

ku-i gi-e-i-is

(lu-ku-e-se (?) -a-ri-e (su-kke te-ru-ni

ku-i gi-e-i-is)

flA of the men these have established and

me ( works (?) J 4 J
the images

>->f (y«< gi-) is-ku-ri
Sar-du-ri-kki-ni-s
(>-»f- y«< gis-su)-ku-ri-e
THf- Sar-du-ri-kki-ni-)s

of the mighty gods. Ispuinis the son of Sar-duris

So Layard. Schulz haB • ,

So Lavard 3 So Layard. 4 So layard.

So L wd 6 Schulz has la, incorrectly.

So Layard.' * So Layard, douhtfuEy.

Layard has £gE, incorrectly.

y Is - pu - ku - i - ni - s
(y) Is-(pu-ku-i-ni-s

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN. 475

29. y Me-nu-ku-a-s Y Is-pn-lni-i-ni-klii-ni-s

bur-ga-naVni

79. (f Me-nu-ku-a-)s y Is-pn-lui-(i~ni-*)e-khi-ni-s

(bur-ga-na-ni)

(and) Memtas the son of Ispuinis altar

29. su-kke te-ru-ni te 1 2 -ru 2 -ni ar-cli-se a-se £=y y<«
ku-i al-di~ni-i-e

80. (su-kke te-ru-ni te-ru-ni ar-di-se) a-se &=y y«<

(ku-i al-di-)ni-i-(e)

this have set up ; they have set up the regulations (and)
the gods of wood and (stone ?)

29. sal 3 - du 3 - ku - li (30) Kkal - di - (i) - e

m i@j t«< m mi r<«

81. (sal-du-ku-li ka-)a-li W M T«< Hf- Klial-(di-e

irai«<4H

after ; to Khaldis 3 sheep to be sacrificed (and)

3 sheep

30. -»f- f<« f<« a-se ul-di j" ^V-nu-li

^4- Khal-di-e

81. >-J:^y |«< (82) (a-se ul-di *T "| -nu-li ha-a-li

TP M Hb Khal-

to the gods of the peoples, the gods of the monument after the
spring ; to Khaldis 3 sheep

30. yyy >- 4 - y<« >-J:^y y«< a-se ^y ul-di me-su-li

82. di)-e ur(?) (me-su-)li

to he sacrificed, (and) 3 sheep to the gods of the peoples, the

gods of the monument after the summer ;

1 See note on III. 1. 2 So Layard.

3 So Layard. Probably we should read si for sal, as in Til. 5.

4 Layard has ta, Schulz has ta. The correct reading: is given by

Mr. RassanLs squeeze of No. TIL line 6 , where we have um or dub.

I have no means of deciding which of these two values the Varnhc scribes
retained for the character, but it was more probably um. At the same time

was gis, and not iz.

476

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

31. -»f Khal-di-e TgJ ^ TTT MI HP I«<

-sfif T<«

83. (lia-a)-li JgJ f<« (HP Khal - di - e H~ T«<

T«< TTT m

to Khaldis 3 sheep to he sacrificed, {and) 3 sheep to the
gods of the peoples

31. ci u-si-si 1 -i-hu-li-ni nie-i-e-si me-tsi 2 el s mu 8 tu(?) 3 4

83. (du-si-si-i-hu-)li-(ni (84) me-)i-e-si me-(tsi

after the winter. Their

31. a-nu-liu-ni

they have ....

[A blank line intervenes between the two duplicate tests.]
Philological Analysis.

The contest of the inscription, as gathered from the ideo-
graphs it contains, shows that we have a list of the sacrifices
to be made to the various gods of the Yannic state, and that
the names of the deities must consequently all be in the
dative ; see e.g. lines 5, 6, 7, etc. This allows us to deter-
mine an important part of Tannic grammar. The datives
terminate in ~ie as Khaldie, -me as Atbinie, -ue as Sebitue,
-nahue as Dhuspanahue, -a as Khard, -ae as Teisbae, -ni as
Khaldini, or -mini as Ehaldinini. Now as we have already
seen that the nominatives singular of Yannic nouns may end
in either -as, -is, or -us (as Menuas, Ispuinis, alus), it is clear
that there must have been three classes of nouns, distinguished
by the final vowel of the stem preceding the case-ending, of
which the datives singular were respectively -ae, contracted
into -ie, and -ue. As -ae could be contracted into we

1 So Layard.

3 Scliulz has tsi, Layard doubtfully tsi or sar.

3 So Layard.

4 One character is lost here.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

477

may expect to find that -ie and -ue could also be contracted
into 4 and

1. Klialdie , as we have just seen, is a dative. This and
most other Vannic inscriptions show that Khaldis was the
supreme god. He was not, however, either the Sun-god or
the Moon-god, who are distinguished from him (lines 3, 4).
Sargon tells us that the god Khaldia, whose image he carried
away from Muzazir, was the god of Ursa, king of Ararat (see
p. 348).

Ernie , from its position and termination, must be an ad-
jective agreeing with Klialdie . The meaning is fixed by a
comparison of the duplicate texts lii., from which it appears
that it was equivalent to -II ‘lord.’

Throughout the inscription, with one exception, the names
of Ispuinis and Menuas are coupled together in the nomina-
tive without a single character being interposed between them
which could denote the conjunction. We must therefore con-
clude that the Vannic language made little use of conjunctions,
the flexions serving to connect words together, and the words
which follow the first substantive being all regarded as adjec-
tival and in agreement with it.

2. In this way alone we can explain how it is that no
difference is made in the termination of the verb, whether it
follow one or more nominatives. Here we have teru-ni used
as a 3rd pers. plural, although elsewhere it expresses a 3rd
pers. sing. (iii. 1). Teru-ni is from a stem teru, which is of
frequent occurrence in the inscriptions. Its signification is
fixed by li. 3 : ini du teruni 4 this monument he has set
up. 5 As we shall see, it cannot mean to engrave or inscribe,
another word ( [Jeuguni ) being employed in this sense. For
ter-tu see xxi. 5.

ini-li is plainly the demonstrative ini with a flexion. The
same flexion is attached to zadrnli , and we must therefore
couple the two together as one phrase. Zadu is f to build 5 or
4 make 5 (iv. 1). We must notice that it is spelt zatu in the
duplicate text, the harder pronunciation being probably the
more archaic one. It is possible, as we shall see, that the two

478 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

verbs du-bi and tu-bi, which have similar meanings, are ori-
ginally one and the same, and we shall find more than one
instance in which fu in composition is written du. Similarly
after s the suffix di became ti or te, as in Bianaste for Bianas-de .
Between inili and zaduali comes the ideograph of ‘gate,’ in
the duplicate text 4 gates/ Just as the acc. suffix -ni is not
attached to the noun which follows ini, so here the suffix li is
not attached to the word for 4 gate/ We have a similar ex-
pression in xvii. 4, o : khal-di i-ni-li ~li si-di-is-

tu-a~li i-ni 0>~ si-di-is-tu-hu-ni c (Menu as), after re-

storing this gate, has restored this palace/ Here, however,
the suffix is attached to the substantive as well as to the
demonstrative and participle. The two parallel expressions
leave no doubt as to the sense we must attach to the con-
struction. The suffix -li, accordingly, must mark a perfective
case, like the ablative absolute in Latin ; the participle of the
verb is placed at the end of the sentence and takes the same
suffix, inserting the vowel a between the latter and the stern,
from which we may infer that the nom. sing, of the participle
would be zaduas, sidistuas.

No change is made in either demonstrative or participial
form, whether they are joined with a singular or with a plural
substantive. The acc. ini, therefore, may be considered to be
indifferently singular and plural.

We cannot read ardis a nominative sing., since the sense
requires an acc. of the object following the verb, and the form
will therefore be ardise . In line 29, we once have ardise fol-
lowing terimi, and in xix. 6 ardise appears again. Now, as the
vocabulary will show, we frequently find base or base |«<
(xlix. 9) * men/ and sme |<« 4 sheep ? following a
verb in the accusative ; and as the ideograph of plurality is
affixed to them, while we once find su-hu-se-e (xlviii, 29),
it is clear that -<? denotes the plural accusative of stems in
-L On the other hand, we also have pakbmi 4 oxen J as an
accusative plural. Lutu 6 women/ we shall see, is the accu-
sative plural of tutus.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

479

>->b is the Sun-god, as in numberless passages. In
the two duplicate texts xx. 16 we have the iiom. Hb
of the one text corresponding to -ni-s in the other,

from which we may infer that the name terminated in -tits.
Similarly we have ^-ni-s in xxx. 33, and -Hb *1

-ni-di in 1. 8. The full name is given in L 39, where the
text is unfortunately not quite certain, but seems to read
Ardinis . In Assyrian signified 4 the day’ as well as c the
sun,’ and this must be the meaning of the ideograph in such
passages as xx. 16 (see also xlviii. 10). As the compound
ideograph is joined with the ideograph of ‘month 1 in the
present passage, we can have no hesitation in rendering it here
also by * day/ The two syllables -ni-ni are attached to it in
the duplicate text. With this we must compare the adjectival
dative Khaldi-ni-ni c to those belonging to Khaldis/ and
explain the word as the dative plural of an adjective in
meaning c diurnus/ The word would consequently signify
‘for what belongs to the day/ i.e. 6 day by day/ ->f *T
and atsus are coupled together without a conjunction, like
Ispuinis and Menuas above.

Atsus is explained by the ideograph which precedes it. As
it consists of two syllables, we may assume that it expresses
the whole word, and not merely the final portion of it, since
the rule in these Yannic inscriptions is either to write the
word in full, or to give merely the last syllable of it, if nothing
more than a phonetic complement is intended to be expressed.
Thus we have either the full word ^ ebanie 4 country 5
(‘countries 5 ) or the last syllable aN me ; never V'- ba~nie .
Atsus will be the same case as that of the adverbs sidis or
nidus, and since sidis is contracted from sidisi, it would seem
that these durative cases (as we may term them) were
originally genitives singular. ■

Manus is clearly an adjective in agreement with atsus. The
context shows that it must signify beach’ or 4 every/ The
inscriptions furnish us with other forms of the same pronoun ;
mam acc. pi. xxx. 17, xlix. 14 ; mamda , local case liv. 5 ;

480

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

manini, dat. pi. v. 24. Comp, mes 1 lie,’ mei ‘ of him,’ mani
* him/

3 - 4 the Air-god’ is transliterated Te-e-i-s(e)-

ba-a-s in the duplicate text xx. 15. Accordingly we have the
dat. (Teisbd) xxvi. 1, and «f A-?!-

( Teisbae ), line 51.

The compound ideograph is given in a list of

domestic animals, after the sheep, W.A.I. ii. 44, 3, 13. It
literally signifies ‘ small offspring,’ and as it is here preceded
by the ideograph of ‘sheep,’ it is plain that ‘lambs’ are
intended.

Nipsidi is an adj. agreeing with Khaldie, perhaps compounded
of nip , and sid, the latter being again analyzable into the root
si and the suffix di (as in Khalclis). 1 What it means I have
no means of guessing. Apparently we have the same word in
six. 7, Khaldi{e) ( ni-ip-)si-di-e ^e. Here the ideograph

with the phonetic complement -e, takes the place of
the halt of our text. Further on in our present inscription
(lines 29 and 81, 30 and 81, 31 and 83) we find hall in the
duplicate text answering to £1^: in the other text. Now
represents in Assyrian the verb dhabakhu ‘to -cut the
throat of a lamb/ 4 to sacrifice/ and this is plainly its meaning
in the passages with which we are dealing. Sail will be the
dative of a noun kalis 4 sacrifice/

4. Numberless passages in the historical inscriptions, to
which we shall come hereafter, furnish us with the words
pa-khi-ni |«< and su- (u)-$e |<«, where the ideographs

show that we have before us the plurals of the Vannic words
for 4 oxen ’ and 4 sheep/ Suse cannot be merely the phonetic
complement of the ideograph because (1) it consists of

more than one syllable, (2) it is always so written without
any indication of another syllable preceding it, and (3) it is
conjoined with pahhini^ which is obviously a full word.

Ippue is an adj. in -ue like the adjectives in - nahue which we

1 Or perhaps, more probably, the s'i- is the adjectival suffix, as in alu-si, nu-si.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

481

shall consider presently. Just as BJmspamhue signifies 6 to
him who belongs to (the city of) Dhuspas,’ ippue ought to
signify £ to him who belongs to ippm* The form of the
sentence makes it evident that the word is an epithet of the
dative Teisba and is coupled (without a conjunction) with
Khaldie . It is clear from xliv. 13 (on which see note) that
it means 4 inundating,’ an epithet applied to the Air* god in
the Assyrian inscriptions.

5. Kkudhidnis is formed like Ispuinis by the help of the
adjectival suffix -ni. Compare khudhu xliii. 12, 78, xlviii. 28,
where it seems to mean 4 a portion.’

6. Sms, according to line 20, was the god of the gate of the
city Nisiadurus.

7. With Diduainis or Deduainis compare didu-li-m (xvi. 3).

7. We may accept Selardis as the correct reading of the

name given as the equivalent of -A <^<X 4 the Moon-god’
for the reasons assigned in the foot-note. The root ar or am
means, as we shall see, 4 to bring ; ’ from this ardis would be
formed by the individualizing suffix -di, which denotes a noun
of agency, as in Khal-dis from Mai ; ardis being accordingly
4 the bringer.’ If so, sel-ardis ought to signify 4 the light-
bringer,’ in which case sel- would be 4 light.’ See notes on
lines 26 and 23.

Khaldinahue is evidently a dative of an adjective formed
from Khaldis by the suffix - mint Further on we shall find
similar adjectives formed from the names of cities, and placed
before the word 4 god,’ showing that they must signify 4 to the
god belonging to such and such a place.’ Above (line 4) we
have had an adjectival ending -tie (from nom. -us), and else-
where we get the adjectival suffix -na, as in -A Khaldi-na,
4 the gate of the land of Khaldis ’ (x. 4, xi. 3), m
Khaldi-na-ni baddi-ni 4 for all the gates of the land of

Khaldis ’ (xi. 2). Consequently Khaldina-ve-s will be formed
from the adjectival Khaldmas . Since the suffix hue- (ve-) does
not of itself imply the idea of locality, as is clear from the
word ippue above, the territorial sense of adjectives in na-ve
must lie in the first suffix -na. This is confirmed, as we shall

482

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN,

see, by the use of these adjectives. Above (line 4) Hie denoted
the dative sin". ; here the ideograph attached to y*-li shows
that it also represents the plural.

4i is probably the ideograph >— < c a corpse/ 4 to die/ with
the phonetic complement -li following it. Compare the name
of the Aralez- and the Accadian cirali mentioned on p. 415 .

8. With the termination of Elipris comp, that of Lut-ipm .
Ipm may be formed by the help of the adjectival suffix -ri (as
in sekherk 4 alive 3 ) from ip 4 a flood/ The god Eliahas occurs
in line 16.

9. As we shall see hereafter, aim is 4 whoever/ and um-da
4 family/ Small must be formed like zaduali in line 2, from
the stem sin, which we learn from the historical inscriptions
meant 4 to carry away/ Uru-U-hue is a similar formation to
Ehaldi-na-hue , the suffix li taking the place of net , and the
pronoun aim is united with it in a sort of compound. Conse-
quently the exact rendering will be 4 to (the god) belonging to
whoever (may be) to the offspring when they have been carried
away/ This may possibly relate to a legend of Yannic my-
thology, or may have a more prosaic reference to a god invoked
to protect captive children.

10. Eri-nas seems to be a derivative from the same word
as the royal name Eri-menas (lii.) and the name of the city
Eridias or Irdiyas (line 16).

11 . With Kharas compare the reduplicated hharhharu 4 to
dig up ’ or 4 destroy/

12. Arfsibaddinis is compounded with baddis 4 all/ With
the first part of the word compare the name of the city
Artsuinis (line 15).

Amis is connected with arniusinida , for which see line 17.

KItaMhii is shown by the numeral which follows to be a
dative plural. We may notice the agreement of the numeral
adjective which follows with it.

For am see note on iih L If it is in the genitive singular,
we should have expected it to precede its governing noun. On
the other hand, if it were an adjective, it ought to be asinie .
In line 24 also the genitive follows its noun.

THE CUHEIFOKM IHSCEIPTIOKS OF YAH.

'483

Alstdsie is an adj. formed by the suffix si - agreeing with the
dat, pi. Khaldim. Compare dirum in the next line. Besides
alsukie we find alkdni formed by the adjectival suffix -ni and
aUuhini dat. pi. of the adjective in si- agreeing with KhaldininL
The meaning is fixed by the frequently-recurring title of the
Tannic kings, in which alsuini takes the place of the
Assyrian sar cissati 4 king of multitudes/

13. I have no clue to the meaning of the adjective dirusie.

The determinative by which cisi is preceded shows that it

signifies a class of persons. In xliii. 14 we have ci-si-

T<« -i-e 9 from which we learn that the full form of the ace.
pi ended in -ie. The exact meaning of the word is established
by xxx. 20, The analogy of the datives plural would lead me
to read the word in the passage before us asini . We must
notice that Khaldinahue is here dative plural, not singular,

4 The horsemen of the land of Khaldis 5 must be some class of
divine beings.

14. Dhuspas, the capital of the Tannic state, now Tan,
whence the Lacus Thospitis of classical geography and the
modern Tosp. See p. 388. It is curious that Tiglath-Pileser
calls the city Dhuruspa. As the name is always written
Dhuspas in the native inscriptions, the Tannic r when flanked
by vowels must have had a very soft sound, and have tended
to disappear in ordinary pronunciation. Comp. Cisester for
Cirencester . Dhuspa-ni- nalme is formed not from Dhuspas like
DJmspa-nahue , but from the adjective Dhwspanis 4 Dhuspanian.’

15. -eTT -ni must be the dative pL of an adjective formed
from the word for the city, which, as we shall see hereafter, was
i minis or inanis . Similarly Artsuinini is the dative pi. of the
adjective Artsidninis from Artsuinis. As this city is mentioned
in an inscription (xL 1) which comes from Sirka about three
miles east of Tan, we may assume that it stood here.

Khaldinidasie is a dative pi. of an adjective in s like almisie .
Da we have seen (p. 460) is the localizing affix, while -ni denotes
adjectives formed from substantives. The word therefore is
to be analyzed into Khaldi-ni-da-sie ‘to those who belong to
the place belonging to Khaldis’ or 4 the Khaldi’s/ Comp, the

484

THE CfasEIFGEM IXSCBIPTIQXS OF TAX.

formation of Dhuspa-iu-nahue above, as well as kh u ra-di-ni- da
4 a eainp ’ (xxxii. 4, etc.).

16. Eridiani is the dat. sing, of the adjective in -ni(s) from
Eridias. Irdiya will be the genitive of the substantive.

Ilumni may similarly be the genitive of the substantive
Huisinis ; but I am inclined to regard it as the dative sing,
of the adjective in -ms, Hinsinini being the dative of an
adjective formed from the adjective Euirnis 4 Huisian.’

Arnie is a genitive-dative like asie in line 12. The
root is perhaps aru 4 to bring.’ In the historical inscriptions
we find a derivative arniminida, a discussion of which I must
reserve at present, merely stating that it seems to signify
1 the citadel ’ of Yan. Literally it would be ‘ the place belong-
ing to that which is fortified,’ in which case amis will mean
‘a fortress.’ Arnuyada has nearly the same signification in
xxxi. 4, xlv. 34. We must notice that in line 12, the god
Arnis precedes ‘the four Khaldises of the house.’ Usmasie
is a dative pi. of an adjective in si formed from a substantive
usmas. In the later inscriptions it is the stock epithet applied
to ‘ the children of Khaldis,’ and I have rendered it ‘ gracious ’
not because I have any grounds for doing so, but because
some general term of the kind was needed. On the whole,
I am most inclined to believe that it meant ‘ belonging to the
city,’ coming as it does here between two epithets, which
refer one to the fortress, and the other to the wall of a town ;
but, as I have no means of verifying this belief, I retain the
more indefinite ‘gracious’ in my translations. Susini is a
dative pi. of an adj. in -nis. In xvii. Menuas describes his
rebuilding first ‘ this susi,’ then ‘ this gate,’ and finally ‘ this
palace.’ This fixes the meaning of the word either to 4 founda-
tion platform ’ or to 4 wall.’ The first meaning, however, is ex-
cluded, because (1) we should then have expected the ideograph
*y. (2) we have no reason for thinking that in a mountainous
country like Armenia a palace would be built on a platform as
was the case in the plains of Babylonia, and by way of imita-
tion in the relatively level country of Assyria, and (3) a gate
would not be built without a wall, the previous construction
of which it presupposes. In the inscriptions of Argistis and

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

485

Iiis son Sarduris, a word susini occurs, which I believe is the
same as susi, but with the initial sibilant softened, just
as the softer sudukubi takes the place of the older mdhttkiM In
a text of Sarduris II. (1. 27). Thus we read arniimnida
susini zadubi 4 the citadel (and) wall I have built ’ (xxxviii.
24, etc.), 4 14 palaces 100 cities susini (and) villages I took 9
(1. 18), ‘23 cities susini |«< I took’ (l\r. 13). Here susini
must obviously signify 4 fortresses/ and the analogy of the
Latin mmiia makes it probable that the word first meant
6 wall/ then 4 fortified wall ’ and finally 6 fortress.’ It is
possible that if susinis and sum are originally one and the same,
the sense of 4 wall ’ of any kind remained attached to the first,
while sum acquired the special signification of 4 fortified wall 9
or ‘fortress. 3

18. Ebani-nahue will be derived from a substantive ebanis,

which is of frequent occurrence in the inscriptions. It is
always preceded by the ideograph of 4 country 5 and as we
have V s e-ba-ni , etc., interchanging with etc. (e.g.

xl. 16, 17, and xliii. 34), it is clear that it is the Yannic word
for ‘country/ ‘land/ Ebanis seems to have been originally an
adj. in -m, which has itself come to be used as a substantive
like inanis 4 a city/ and Biainas 4 Yan 3 (which must primarily
have been Biai-na-s 4 belonging to the land of Bias ’). Hence
we find eba-na (xlix. 26), and eba-hu-sie (xi. 5) as if from ebas.

19. It will be noticed that whereas the singular 4 god ’

follows the adjective which agrees with it, the plural |«<
precedes.

The collocation of the ideographs expressing 4 the gods of
the nations 5 shows that the genitive might follow the govern-
ing noun (as in line 17 above). This seems to have been
preferably the case with a plural noun.

20. Niribi — the reading is certified by 1. 20 — occurs again
in the sepulchral inscription xxi. 9. Here, as we shall see,
the word appears to signify ‘corpses/ The termination is the
same as that which we find in atibi 4 thousands’ (xxxi. 15),
and azibi or azihie .

We have already had the god Huas in line 6.

488 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

Babanahue is used absolutely like an adj. in Latin, without
any substantive being expressed. A land of Babas is men-
tioned in connexion with Melitene in 1. 14, another in con-
nexion with Bustus (on the south-western shore of Lake
Urumiyeh). The Babas meant here must have lain within
Tannic territory.

21. As the name of the god Harubainis intervenes in the
middle of a list of geographical deities, I fancy the word must
mean 4 belonging to the country or city Harubas/ For the
diphthong comp. Nalainis (line 6), Deduamis (7), Khalrainis (8).
and the name of Biaims. Dhuspiias must be distinguished from
Dhuspu-nahm 4 the (god) of the land of Dhuspas 5 (line 14).
Dhuspuas (formed like Mennas , tarsuas , etc.) is rather 4 the
God of the people of Dhuspas/ as Assur was of the city of
Assur and the country of Assyria. Consequently Babas, in
the same way, will be 4 the god Babas/ as distinct from 4 the
god of the country of Babas ’ in line 20. With the latter we
may perhaps compare the city of Babite, which adjoined
Zarnua (W.A.I. i. 20, 24), or the town of Babutta in Ararat
(Biaina), captured by Tiglath-Pileser II. (Lay. 18, 27).

For the proof that aids or avis is 4 water/ see xx. 19. Its
association here with aims 4 earth/ indicates an elemental
deity. In the formula of execration we find at the end, nara
aide iiludaie (e.g. xx. 19), 4 to fire (and) water may they
consign/

Aims means 4 earth ’ or 4 dust * in the execration formula
(e.g. xx. 12), where the phrase aim ainiei inida dudaie , 4 who-
ever shall destroy this place with dust/ corresponds with the
Assyrian sa ina epiri icatamu, 4 he who (this) with dust shall
cover/ Aims seems to be formed by the adjectival affix -wi,
so that it -would properly denote 4 belonging to the earth/ i.e.
4 dust/ In this case we should expect to find a simple
substantive ayis signifying 4 earth/ Now in xxv. 6 we actually
have jf Menuant aie , where the most natural, if not the only
possible, translation is 4 in the land of Menuas/ From ayis
we should get aias 4 he who is of the earth/ and this is the
very word which we meet with in the present passage as the
name of the earth-god, which naturally follows that of the

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

487

water-god. We may therefore assume that aiu or ayis meant
‘ earth/ aim or ay as 4 the earth-god/

That Sardis is the right reading is proved by liii, 2.
According to J. Lydus (cle Mem . 3, 14), adpSw in Lydian
signified 4 the year," 1 and represented the Sun-god of the Lydian
capital. 1 The ancient name of what was formerly the first
month of the Armenian year (August) was Navasard * the new
sard/ from which we may gather that at one time sard meant
4 year ’ in the Armenian language. The word, however, is not
Aryan, and it may therefore be regarded as derived from the
language of the people who inhabited the shores of Lake Yan
before the arrival of the Aryan Armenians. In Ossetic sard(e)
is 4 summer/ It is curious that the Armenian hori and sahmi,
4 September’ and 4 October/ closely resemble the Georgian
numerals on 4 two ’ (Mingrelian shiri) and sand 4 three/ while
mareri 6 May’ is plainly mar ell, the Georgian name of the
10th month. Sardis is formed like Khaldis and Selardis by
the help of the suffix dL

The ideograph ^Z is explained in the syllabaries (W.A.I.

11. 2, 386) as arkhu (Accadian ab ), the Arabic £ j\ 4 an antelope/

From W.A.I. iv. 9, 26-27, compared with 28, 9-10, we learn
that {%Z also had the value of rimi (rimu) in Assyrian, from
which Prof. Delitzsch has rightly gathered that it had the
signification of 4 wild bull/ Accordingly in a list of animals
(W.A.I. ii. 44, 10) |<« comes between £=Y-£ |«<

4 oxen/ and |<« / oxen for sacrifice ? (P beef). In

W.A.I. ii. 32, 50 sq. the compound ideograph ^z JgJ is stated
to have been pronounced hunu and ntul in Accadian, and is
rendered in the Assyrian column by utullu (so in W.A.I. v.

12, 40), ^Z having in Accadian the value of u, and JgJ that
of iul or dhul. In W.A.I. v. 12, 38, 4 the herdsman ’ of the
utullu is mentioned. From a comparison of these passages
I conclude that the ^Z was rimu 4 the wild ox/ but was

1 It must, however, he remembered that Joannes Lydus adds that the Lydian
historian Xanthos called ^ap&ts ZvaoLs, which presupposes a root MsMwar or
kswar. / v

488

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

specially used of the animal when it had been partially tamed
and sent to pasture.

22. In Tsinumrdis we have the same element ardis ‘ bringer ’
as in Selardis. With Silias compare the locative siluadi
(xxx. 15, 1. 24).

23. For Ardis £ the bringer,’ or ‘ arranger, see line 7.
Aai-nahue implies a city or country Aais, as Inua-nahue

does a city or country Inuas.

24. Baddi-ni is a dat. pi. agreeing with KhaJdi-ni. In line 25
we find Khaldi-ni baddi-sa-ni , where the pronominal sa (as in
m-da ‘there’) makes its appearance. In xsx. 17, we have
bad-di-ma-a-nu ‘. . . each,’ the suffixed manu signifying, as
we have seen, ‘ each.’ Here the stem baddi can hardly have
any other meaning than ‘ all,’ so that the phrase will mean
«. a p anc i each.’ Consequently the dat. pi. baddini manini in
the present passage will also be ‘ to all and each.’ Baddwa{m ),
I conjecture, must be rendered ‘of every kind,’ literally
‘to ail there.’ Badi-ni-ni in xliii. 2, may be the same
word. Comp, the name of the god Artsi-baddinis above

(line 12).

The inscription on the shield of Busas, where we have
algimyani, shows that ulguse must signify the sacred “ shields,”
which were hung up on the walls of a temple in honour of the
ffods. The genitives Ispuini and Menua indicate that the
shields were dedicated by these kings. The two genitives are
subjective, not objective, and are accordingly placed after the
governing noun. In xi. 2, the word occurs again. Here we
read H-) Khalcli-m-ni baddi-ni ulgu(se) ‘for all the

gates of the land of Khaldis shields.’

Ispuini Sardurikhini is the genitive after ulgus. The final
-ni of Sarditrikhinis is retained, as -ni in Ispuini is not the
accusatival suffix, but part of the word itself.

25. For the first and last time a word couples the two
nouns Ispuinis and Menuas together, which must therefore be
the copulative conjunction. But I find no other instance of
the use of ali in the inscriptions. We must therefore assume
that the copyists, as frequently elsewhere, have confounded da

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN. 489

and li together, and that the word is really ada, which, as we
shall see, signifies ‘ and.’

Kabkaridcmi is the local case of a noun Icabkaris with the
accusatival affix attached to it. The meaning of the word is
indicated by xli. 17, ( Bi-khu-ra-)a-ni ka-ab-ka-a-ru-

lu-u-bi, which the context shows can only mean ‘the city
of Bikhuras I approached,’ and 1 . 22, istidi ulkhudi >-£yy
Melidhani kabkarulini ‘in this campaign after the city of
Melitene had been approached.’ So in xl. 80, we have ‘ the
people kabkarubi I approached.’

Elia is proved to be a demonstrative pronoun by xiii. 3,
y Memm y Ispuinikhinis sidisi-tu-ni elm ^y>- eha >-J:yy

< yienaas son of Ispuinis has restored this palace (and) this
city.’ In every other passage in which it occurs it precedes
its noun, and since in most of them (xliii. 16, 1 8 , xlviii. 29)
it is used as a plural, I am possibly wrong in construing it
here with kabkari-da-ni, and not rather with the words which
follow (‘ to these gods of the nations ’).

26. The space of two lines which precedes this line shows
that there must be a break in the sense here. However the
two texts do not agree, and consequently there seems to be
something wrong in our copies.

That ui (d) means ‘and’ is plain from several passages

(see line 29, xxxvii. 12).

If nusu is the right reading here, which is unfortunately
doubtful, it will be the plural of a noun nusus, like !ut a, which
may perhaps be connected with nus ‘a king. J?he meaning
of nus is proved in the following way. The common phrase
in the historical inscriptions which answers to the Assyrian
‘royal city’ is << nu-ki or <<-& (xxxvii. 12), where «

nidi is the ace. sing, of the adjective, formed by the suffix s
from a stem nu. That nidi must be the full word, and not
its last two syllables only, is made clear, not only by the rule
already mentioned that the phonetic complement of an ideo-
graph is represented by one syllable not by two, but also by
the variant form -si, where only the phonetic complement
— [new series.] ^

YGL. XIY .■

490

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

is expressed. If further proof were wanting, it is found in
xxiv. 8, where we read the full word nu-u-s Saris nns

t garis the queen ’). Genders, it must be remembered, were
unknown to the Tannic language.

Lahtni is the 3rd person pi. of a verb. But I have not
found the stem Mu elsewhere. Possibly it is a softened form
of laht 4 to give/

JJukid is an adverb formed by the suffix kicl or kit from the
stein alu which naturally connects itself with alus 4 whoever/
See note on imiki No. III. Just as inuki is formed from the
stem imty alukid would be formed from the stem alu and so
signify 4 in whatsoever case/

For ardini see 1. 39, and xlv. 23.

Khurulai is the genitive of a substantive Manilas like
Memiai (xi. 4, xxii. 3). The word is not found elsewhere,
but may be connected with klmradis 4 a soldier/ In this case
it might mean 4 sacrifice/ just as in Assyrian dictu , literally
4 slayable/ signifies ‘soldier/ The termination is the same as
in gislais ‘mother/ and burga-la-da , xxxi. 3/

Si-li is the perfective case of the noun sis . As we have
seen (line 7), Sehrdis 4 the moon ’ is probably a compound of set
4 light/ and ardis 4 bringer ’ or 4 arranger/ Now se-l is possibly
a derivative from the stem si-. At all events, I believe we
must render si-li 4 after day-break 1 or 4 dawn/ See line 29
(. mlduM ), vii. 5, and xl. 72.

Git-U, which is coupled with si-li, can then hardly signify
anything else than 4 after dusk* or 4 night/ Gus, however,
does not occur in any other inscription.

Tisuldu-U-ni I cannot explain. The final suffix is like that
of dusmu-li-ni (in line 31, upon which see note), and agrees with
ardini , while li is the suffix of the perfective case. We find
-ni attached to -H again in didu-lmi urpu-lini (xvi. 3). The
word seems a compound, made up of tis of unknown meaning,
and nldu, which may be the same as uldi 4 a monument/

1 It is possible that this termination -la may be a suffix bearing the same
relation to -li that -na does to -ni. In that ease /churn- la might signify 4 he who
is after the slaying/ i.e. 4 the priest.’ The passage perhaps refers to the portion
assigned by the* kings to the officiating priest.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

491

27. The meaning of the latter word (iildie) is fairly fixed by
the context in this and the following lines. It is rendered
certain, however, by xxiii. 2, where we have | Mennainei
tr gislaie Taririai ini nidi 4 for the mother of Menuas
this monument/' The determinative prefix Zzf proves that
the monuments ofYan were of wood before stone came to be
employed in imitation of the Assyrians. This may account
for the loss of all monuments prior to Sard ur is L, which may
nevertheless have existed and been inscribed with native
characters, possibly resembling those of the Hittite inscrip-
tions.

S niche can only mean 4 these/ It will be observed that it
follows its noun, and is declinable, being, like its noun, in the
accusative case plural.

Luese ought to be another accusative plural from luesis.
The verb luhi occurs in 1. 18, where, however, the sense is not
clear. On the whole, I am inclined to think the signification
of 4 works ’ the most probable that can be assigned to luese .

28. The ideograph shows that the word which terminates

with - are denotes ‘men/ According to the usual rule observed
in these Yannic inscriptions, as also in the Assyrian texts, -are
should be the full word and not the phonetic complement.
But I doubt whether the rule is followed in this instance,
though I have no idea what the full word was. On the
other hand, in liii. 6, we have -ra-ni in the accu-

sative plural, which may perhaps imply that -r(a) only was
the phonetic complement, the initial a of the present text
being the beginning of the word. A word of similar formation
is ibirani (xix. 11, xxx. 18). Since -are implies -aris (possibly
an adj. in -ris like sekheris), the a of -ra-ni must be due to the
analogy of forms in -a (ebania, etc.).

Gieis, though coupled with an ace. pi, must be a nom. sing.,
at all events so far as its form is concerned. Perhaps we
should translate ‘ and (there is) an image of the great gods.’
Possibly, however, has been written by the scribe in

mistake for ,

492

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

Gimme or gisuri, an adj. in the dat. pi., is constantly used
in the historical inscriptions as an epithet of the gods, and is
plainly the word required here. It must signify 4 mighty ?
or ‘ great/ and the phrase found here corresponds with the
Assyrian formula 4 the great gods/ which occupies a similar
place in the inscriptions.

29. Snkhe is here accusative singular. Just as in J Menuani
| Ispunelchi the adjective which follows the substantive drops
the suffix -ni which has already been attached to the substan-
tive, so after hurgcmani we find sukhe, not sukheni.

Ase is a difficult word to interpret. It is the accusative pi.
of asis, and asis, as we have seen, meant ‘house/ But
4 houses ’ is quite out of place in the context, and we should
have expected the ideograph which denotes the same idea to
have been written either in the first or in the second text. In
the following line, ase occurs twice after the ideographs
denoting ‘peoples/ whereas in line 31 it is omitted in an
otherwise similar passage. This would lead to the supposition
that ase must be equivalent to ‘gods/ Now the inscriptions
of Argistis contain the phrase -4- y«< -as-te Bianaste ,

where the context shows that we are dealing with a plural
locative, and that -te consequently stands for - de or ~di.
Bianaste must be a contracted form of the adjective Biana-
si-cle, but this explanation will not apply to the preceding
word, as the adjectival suffix -si has no place in a substantive
like ‘god/ I therefore look upon -aste as representing the
plural -ase-cle from a sing. nom. -asis. The question is whether
this is the whole word that signified e god/ or only the latter
portion of it. In favour of the first supposition is the fact
that, often as the phrase occurs, we never find a fuller form
than aste . On the other hand, it would be a little strange if
the words for ‘god" and ‘ house ’ both had the same pro-
nunciation in the Yannic language. But as we find simply
the phonetic complement -$e or -s in the nom. pi. Hf- T«<-
(xxx. 34, etc.), the a of aste may be the beginning of the word.
Elsewhere ase signifies ‘ houses ? or ‘ temples ’ only, e.g . in li. 5,
or x. 2, 4, 5, 6, where, unfortunately, the lines are broken, but

THE CTTHEIFOEM INSCEIPTIONS OF VAN.

493

where it once follows ‘of cities’ (sxiv. 6, and more

especially vi. 1 B. *=mw-

Since S=Y is 4 wood," or rather 4 pieces of wood,’ aldinie,
with which it is coupled by the conjunction hid, would
naturally mean 4 stones/ The word is acc. pi., and is formed
from aldis, which I have not met with elsewhere, by means of
the adjectival suffix -ni. Hence supposing aldis is 4 stone/
aldinie would be literally 4 the things belonging to stone,’ i.e*

4 stone- work/

Salduli may also be read rakduli . The suffix shows that it
is in the perfective case. It introduces a group of three
sentences, each of which is the same, except for a word ending
with the suffix -li with which it concludes. Each sentence
sums up, as it were, the contents of the preceding inscription ;
Ehaldis and the other gods named in it are to have sacrifices
performed to them after particular events or occasions. The
event or occasion can only be one of the seasons of the year,
of which the Proto-Armenians, like their neighbours the
Assyrians and most other ancient nations, reckoned but three.
Salduli would therefore seem to mean 4 after the beginning of
the year’ (or possibly 4 during the year’). Though the
Armenian year began with September, it is more probable that
the Yannic year commenced with March. In this case, the
three terms which conclude and distinguish the three sentences
will be respectively umnuli 4 after the spring,’ mesuli 4 after the
summer/ and dusisiuli-ni 4 after the winter/ If, on the con-
trary, the year commenced with the autumn, we should have
to render ‘winter/ ‘spring/ and ‘summer/ Mesuli and
umnuli occur again in vii. 4, 6, where the last follows the
word sidulL It is possible that this is the correct reading of
the salduli of our present text, where Sir A. H. Layard gives
which may easily be a mistake for si, and Schulz has
p|. However this may be, it is curious to find that the
names of the seasons all belong to the 24-declension, like
atsus 4 a month/

30. TJldi is genitive. ‘Houses’ for ase would not make
sense here.

494

TEE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

31. The final s uffi x of dusmuli-ni is to be explained by its
closing the whole series of sentences which stand in the rela-
tion of plural datives after terimi. So Khaldi-ni 4 to the
KhaldiV It is interesting to find this suffix thus attached
to unite clauses which are otherwise disconnected, and is
another example of the replacement of the copulative conjunc-
tion in Vannic by adjectival suffixes. Comp, timldulini in
line 26. In dusisiu- we have the adjectival -u as in eba-use
(xi. 5) and ami-u-si-ni~da.

Meiesi is clearly the genitive or dative of an adjective in
m8 i from ms 4 he/ met 4 of him/ For the proof of the signifi-
cation assigned to the latter words see xx.

I can make nothing of the following words or word, the
reading of which is not absolutely certain, -cmuni must be
the 3rd pers. pi. of a verb, but I know of no root with which
it can be connected.

There is no need of pointing out the importance of the fore-
going inscription for what may be called the theology of the
early inhabitants of Armenia. The deities mentioned in the
inscription have been already enumerated in an alphabetical
list : all that is now necessary is to group them according to
the value of the sacrifices to be offered to each. In this way
we shall be enabled to have an idea of their relative importance

and position in the Vannic Pantheon.

The Trinity of Khaldis, Teisbas (the Air-

god) and the Sun-god 6 lambs

Khaldis 17 oxen 34 sheep

Teisbas ...... 6 oxen 24 sheep

The Sun-god 4 oxen 8 sheep

Kbudluiinis, Huas, Nalainis, Sebitus, Arsi-
melas, The horsemen belonging to Khal-
dis, The horsemen of the Air-god, Ar-

dhuharairus, The gods of Atkanas 2 oxen 4 sheep

Dhuranis (following Khudhuinis), Hanapsas,

Deduaims, the Moon-god (Selardis),

the dead (?) belonging to Khaldis,
Atbinis, Kueras, Elipris, Khalrainis,
Adarutas, Irmusinis, Alus-Hurulihue--

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN. 495

Sihuali, Aldutusinis, Erinas, Siniris,

Huninas, Airainis, The god of the city
Zumar, Kharas, Arazas, Ziukunis,

Huras, Artsibaddinis, Amis, The 4
Khaldi’s of the house, The multitudi-
nous Khaldi’s, The Khaldi’s of . .

The god of the city Ardinis, The god of
the city Kumenus, The god of the city
Dhuspas, The children of Khaldis of
the city, The gods of the city Artsuinis,

The gods of the place of Khaldis,

Subas, The gate of Khaldis, The gate
of the city of Eridias of Teisbas, The
gate of the Sun-god in the city of
Huisis, Eliahas, The Khaldi’s of the
Citadel, The gracious Khaldi’s, The
children of the Khaldi’s of the wall,

Talapnras, Kilibanis, The god of the
country, The god of the land of Alganis,

The god of the city Tsuinis, The Khaldi’s

of the dead 1 ox 2 sheep

The god of . . . diras 2 oxen 14 sheep

The gods of the Nations 4 oxen 18 sheep

The gate of the city Nisiadurus (P) of the

god Huais, Tsinuyardis, Ardis 2 sheep

The god of the land of Babas.................. 10 sheep

Harubainis, Babas, Dhuspuas 1 wild ox 1 sheep

Auis (the water-god), Ayas (the earth-god),

Sardis (the year-god ?) 1 wild ox

Ipkharis, Bartsias, Silias, Arhas, Adias,

Huias 1 sheep

The god of Aais 4 sheep

The god of Inuas 17 sheep 1

1 Since the above was in type it has occurred to me that the correct translation
of the difficult passage in 11. 29- 31 (81-83) is as follows u After the beginning'
of the year 3 sheep to be sacrificed to Khaldis (&) 3 sheep to the gods of the
peoples, of the chapels (&) of the monument after the spring ; to Khaldis 3 sheep
to be sacrificed (&) 3 sheep to the gods of the peoples, of the chapels (&) of the
monument after the summer ; to Khaldis 3 sheep to be sacrificed (A) 3 sheep to
the gods of the peoples after the winter,’’ : ■ ■

496

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

YI.

The following fragmentary inscription from a squeeze taken
hy Mr. Hormuzd Kassam may also belong to Ispuinis. It is
engraved on a broken stone in a wall in the village of' Zustan,
fro'in which No. IV. came. Its mutilated condition makes
any attempt of translation out of the question.

1. (>->-1) Khal-di-ni-ni al-su-(i-si-ni) ....

To the Khaldis-children the multitudinous

2. |<y (? da)-e inu-hu 1

6. (? us)-gi-ni te-(Pru-bi) . . .

the favourable (?) I have set up (?)...

4. ku-e-ra ....

the god Kueras ....

i- • ■ ■ rilR — ■ • ■

the houses . * .

2. pu-lu-)si ku-gu-bi . . .

an engraved stone I inscribed . . .

1. (? f Is-pu-i-)ni-ka-i ....

? to the family of Ispuinis . . .

2. . . . na a fr^yy (?) ra . . .

... a tablet (?)....

3. . . . ni-khu (?)-bi (?)...

1. . . . ^y (? da)-e la . . .

2. . . . ty<y (P da)-e ....

3. . . . a-nu-ni

For the proof of the translations given in B. 2. and 0, 1.
see xxvi. 4 and xxxvii. 18.

1 Possibly mti-hu-(mu-i-ya-U), as in sli. 15. Cf. mumuni , lxv. 23,

(To he continued.)

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

497

Inscriptions of Menuas.

Menuas, to judge from his inscriptions, was preeminently a
builder. His name has the form of a perfect pass, participle,
but I do not know the meaning of the stem menu . A district
of Armenia, north of Lake Van, is still called Manavaz ;
possibly it derived its name from the old Vannie king. At
all events, it has nothing to do with the Mannai of the
Assyrian inscriptions, the Mana of the Vannie texts, and the
Minni of the Old Testament, called Minyans by Nikolaos of
Damascus, who lay between the kingdom of Van and Lake
Urumiyeh (see pp. 389, 400).

VII.

This inscription is published for the first time from a
squeeze taken by Mr. EL Rassam. It is found on a stone
built into a wall below the monastery of Eaminwan Magra-
mana, about five miles to the east of Van. Though un-
fortunately a mere fragment, it will be seen to belong to the
same class of texts as the inscription of Meher-Kapussi.

Khal-)di-e ur-pu-a-isi za-du-ni

... of Khaldis the chief ministers he has made (built)

2. . . . e as-kha-as-tu-li kha-lu-li

. . . after the bringing of the food, after the . . .

3. . . . gu-di ^«y<y-di-a-tu-li-i-e

. . . of the . . . after the bringing of the men of the . . .

4. . . . sa-li me-su-li ka-am-ni-ni

. . . after the . . . after the summer, for the possessions

5. . . . si-i~du~li a-i-ni

. . . after the beginning of the year (P) of the dust (earth)

6. . . . si-i-du-li um-nu-li

. . . after the beginning of the year (?) after the spring

7. . . . (y Me-nu-a-s y) Is-pu-hu-i-ni-khi-ni-s

Menuas son of Ispuinis.

VOL. XIV. — [new series.]

498

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

1 We find urpu-a-tsi again in xvi. 5 associated with ‘the
«ate of the land of Khakis.’ Urpuli occurs in si. 3, and
nrjM-li-ni in x. 6 and xvi. 3, in connexion with use ‘ temples ’
and ‘the gate of the land of Khaldis,’ while urpu-dai-ni is
met with in xlviii. 12, where it can hardly mean anything
else than ‘ shrine.’ The suffix -tsi has been discussed in the
section on Grammar (p. 436), and -a is shown by such pas-
sages as xxxii. 3 to denote ‘ man ’ or ‘ men of.’ Consequently
urpu-a-tsi would mean ‘ the chief men ot the shrine, i.e. the
chief ministers or priests.

2 Askhas-tuli must be a compound like amas-tubi. Xuli,
however, cannot be the perfective of the participle, as that
would be tuali, and the spelling tuli-i-e in the next line shows
that we have to deal with a substantive formed from the stem
tu by the suffix l. As we shall see later on, tu enters into
composition with many words, e.g. ip-tu ‘ to bring an inunda-
tion,’ sidis-tu ‘to bring back,’ amas-tu ‘to bring destruction.’
Askhas-tu is formed like sidis-tu and amas-tu, and, as sidisi-tu
shows, stands for an earlier askha-si, an adjectival formation
in -si from askha (see p. 437). If ask ha- signifies ‘food,’
askhas-tu will be ‘ to bring food,’ i.e. ‘ to feed.’ Cf. askhas-tese

and aslchas-ti (x. 2, 5)- _

I cannot guess the meaning of klialuli (comp. x. 3). The
stem khal is that which we have in Khaldis.

3. ... gu-di may be the latter part of ulgu-di, formed like
Khal-di-s and meaning the ‘shieldsman’ (see v. 24). .

I do not know what Assyrian character the ideograph
is intended to represent. As we shall see hereafter,
-di-a means ‘people of.’ The word is compounded with tu,
and the way in which the suffix is written shows that it had

the long sound of -le.

4. With . . . sa-li comp. x. 5, xii. 2.

Kamni-ni will be the dative pi. of kamnis, an adjective in
-nis from the root kam. In xxx. 19 we have kamnd ] Di-a-
hu-e-khi-ni-i , where the context shows that we must translate
‘ the (landed) possessions of the son of Diaves.’ No better
proof can be given of the difference between the two suffixes

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

499

-ni and -na than the use of kam-nis and kam-m $, the latter in
reference to territorial possessions, the former to possessions
generally.

5. For siduli see p. 493. We must compare si-U (v. 26)
and siclubi (xl. 72), which seems to mean ‘I established J or
4 inaugurated/ The word may mean literally c dawn-bringing/
For aim see note on v. 21.

yiii.

The following fragmentary inscription comes from the same
monastery and is published from a squeeze taken by Mr.
Rassam. It is No. xxiv. of Schulz, who saw it in the court of
the church of Shushanz, 4| miles from Van.

1 .

2- .-4- Khal-di-ni-ni . . .

. to the children of Khaldis . . .

3. . . . y Me-i-nu-(a-s) ...

Menuas

4. . . . — y Khal-di-i-ni . . .
to the Khaldi’s .......

. si-i-di-i(si-tu-ni) . . .

. he has restored.

IX.

This is another mutilated inscription, published from a
squeeze for the first time, which runs round the fragment of
a column in the same monastery.

1. (y Me-nu-a-s y Is-pu-hu)-i-ni-khi-ni-(s) ....

Menuas son of Ispuinis

2. (tyyyy ^y>-) ba-du-si-(e) si-di-si-tu-ni si-di-si-tu-ni

the old palace has restored, the city has restored
hu-i . . . .

and .... •

3. (y Me-nu-as y Xs-pu-hu)-I~ni-khi-ni-s si-di-si-tu-ni

Menuas the son of Ispuinis has restored.

500

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTION'S OF VAN.

I have been able to restore this inscription partially by the
help of No. xiii.

2 . Baduse is an adj. in s from a stem badu. The context m
which it occurs not unfrequently {e.g. xiii. 2, xvii. 5 , xxxv. 4 )
shows that it must mean ‘old’ or ‘decayed.’ We find a
similar phrase in the Assyrian inscriptions.

This inscription, which contains an account of the meat-
offerings to be made to Khaldis, exists in the Church of Sirka,
about three miles east of Yan. It is here published for the
first time from a squeeze taken by Mr. Rassam. The small
fragment No. xxvi. of Schulz from the Church of Shushanz
belonged to a duplicate of it. See No. xii.

1 (V Jf Klial-)di -ni pa-ri Khal-(di-e) . . .

of Khaldis the food ; from Khaldis

2 (as-)kha-as-te-e-se a-se >->^- Khal-di-i ....

the food-removers the houses of Khaldis ....

3 ni a-lu-s kha-lu-li-e

whosoever after the

4 (>-»f Kkal-di-)na ESftf

..... for tlie gate of the land of Khaldis, the food ;

>~J:Yy -se a-se . . .

belonging to the cities the houses . . •

5 (sa-) li as-kha-as-ti -ni a-se ....

after the .... of the food-remover a living-creature,
the houses an ox . . .

6 (ur-)pu-li-ni a-se ni-ka-li ....

...... after the shrine ; the houses after . . .

7 (e-)hu-ri-i-e f Me-nu-a-s | (Is-pu-hu-i-ni-khi-

to the lords (the Khaldises) Menuas son of Ispui-

ni-s) . . .
nis

8 (i-ni-)li ba-du-si-i-e (si-di-si-tu-a-li)

after this old gate (had been restored).

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAK.

501

1. Pari , also written pane, is shown by the position it
frequently occupies to be a preposition. It occurs most often
after kudhadi 4 on departing/ and before the name of a country
or city, as in xl. 57 cudhadi pane Aladhaie , where the mean-
ing can only be 4 from ’ or 4 out of/ It always takes the
genitive-dative after it. The root is par, which we find in the
verb parubi 4 1 took away/ a synonyme of tubi ; e.g. xxxvii. 15
4 1114 horses I carried away/ It is curious that in Georgian
par is 4 to steal/

2. With askhas-tese comp, askhasti in line 5. Since d be-
comes t after s, askhastese might stand for askhas-dese and
askhasti for askhas-di , the latter being the locative singular, and
the former an adjective in -si, formed from the locative. But as
we have found askhas used as an adverb in composition with
tic, it is better to regard both words as compounded with the
root Mu 4 to undo ’ or 4 remove/ J ust as the present participle
of si-u-bi is sies, so the present part, of tiudae would be ties or
Us* From this we should get the adjectival tests. The use
of pari indicates that this explanation must be the right one.
Askhasti will be the genitive-dative singular.

4. The phrase >->-y Khaldina% occurs again, xvi. 2, 5, 6.
Khaldina is the genitive or dative sing, of an adj. Khaldinas,
on which see p. 434.

5. We learn from the variants |<« 4 alive’ and

sekheri (xxxii. 9 and xxxvii. 14) that the pronunciation of

— <-ni was sekherini . The beginning of the line is com-
pleted from No. xii. 2.

6. JSfikali is a word I cannot explain.

7. For the common epithet ehurie or eurie see note on v. 1.
It is completed at the beginning from No. xii. 4.

8. Inili is restored from a comparison with xvii. 4 (9)

Khal-di ini-li sidistua-M, 1 after this gate had been

restored for Khaldis/ We should have expected
but the immediate attachment of the adjective badusie seems to
have occasioned the loss of the suffix. We must notice that
in sentences of this sort the word which comes at the end, and

502

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

as it were incapsulates them, may alone take the suffix of the
first word in the elause, the intervening words being regarded
as parts of a compound. Comp, note on v. 31.

XI.

This inscription is published for the first time from a
squeeze taken by Mr. Rassam. The original is found in
the same church as the preceding inscription. It is very
possible that the two inscriptions belong to the same monu-
ment, and that the one which follows is an earlier portion of
No. x. It is interesting as showing that the name of the
town on the site of which Sirka now stands was Artsuniuis
in Tannic times. The gods of Artsuinis or Artsunis are
mentioned in v. 15.

1 Ar-tsu-ni-hu-i-ni-e ....

.... belonging to the town of Artsuniuis . . .

2. . . . (,-jp) Khal-di-na-ni bad-di-ni ul-gu-(se) . . .

for all the gates belonging to the land of Khaldis
shields . . *

3 zi-ni-e-i ur-pu-li Khal-di-na (? JlSfly) • * • «

.... after the shrine of (? the god of the town . . . zis)
the gate (?) of the land of Khaldis . . .

4. .... (| Me-)nu-a-i ga-Ia-zi su-i-m-ni bhu-su mu . . .
..... of Menuas the altars (?), of lambs (?) the flesh of
them . . .

5 (*-HD Khal-di-ni e-ba-hu-si-i-e >->-| Khal-di-ni

.... for the Khaldises of the country, for the Khal-
dises ....

1. The variant spelling of this name is instructive :

( ^ ltsu 'y u n | S ) . Compare the name of the city Alniunu
< Artsu-n-yu-is > . . t

) i m i. 6.

( Artsu-n-is J

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN,

503

2. The omission of the plural sign after is justified

by its omission after the ideographs 4 ox’ or 4 sheep’ when
preceded by a plural numeral in the Meher-Kapussi text.
‘ Gate ’ is attached to baddini as though it were the first part
of a compound word.

,3. The broken word . . . zinie must be the gen.-dat. sing, of
an adj. in -ni.

4. With gala-zi compare bur-gala-da xxxi. 3, and the note
thereon. Sui-ni-ni ought to be the dat. pi. of an adj. in -nis,
from sus or suis, perhaps connected with susis 4 a sheep/ The
word is found in other sacrificial inscriptions (xix. 8 and
xxix5. 8). The meaning of Ichusu is given by liv. 4, where
it explains the ideograph >~< 4 flesh/ The word is in the
acc. pi., the sing, nom, being khusus. If mu is not the first
syllable of a word, it will be the suffixed possessive pronoun
of the 3rd person, for which see xxxvii. 5.

5. Ebahusie will be the adj . of the stem which gives us
ebanis 6 country/ formed like dirusie, v. 31.

Xla.

The following fragment exists in the same church as the
two preceding inscriptions, and is copied from a squeeze taken
by Mr. Rassam. Strangely enough, a duplicate fragment of
marble, now in the possession of the Russian Consul at Tan,
was found in a cave near Van, along with other pieces of
marble and some copper weapons and tools, and must have
formed part of a slab which lined the wall of a palace.

1. . . . j±.m =* mi el- -i tt ::r

the the man of the palace, the slave ....

2. . . . m-i cTTTT 4f 4 m<T- Vr’ T- 81 ■ • • •

the firmly-fixed house, 3551 houses

3 ri-bi-i sa-na ap-ti-i-ni

.... the dead (?) of that country (?) which were called . . .

1. In one copy the first character is na, perhaps for inani
4 city/

2. The ideograph is the Assyrian canu 4 to establish/

504

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

but I have never found the compound m in the

Assyrian texts.

3. Instead of the first word the duplicate text has a-zi-hi4.
A~zi4-bi~e is found in a mutilated passage (xxxvii. 1), where
the final e shows that i in our present inscription belongs to
azibU and that the latter is accordingly not the 1st person of
a verb. For the termination we must compare atibi 4 thou-
sand/ A similar passage probably occurs in Iv. 12, where,
after a list of countries in the accusative, we seem to read

4 sa-ni ap4i-ni The last word is found in a passage,
again unfortunately mutilated (xxxii. 6, 7), which runs J
Sa-da-ha- da-e-kh i-ni- da-a-ni ap4i4-ni .... kab-bi-e

V* Kha-ti-na-as-ta-a-ni ap-ti-ni .... ‘the place of the son of

Sadahadas which was called the place of the Hittites

which was called/ I think we must read ni-ri-bi4 in our
present text, and translate 4 the dead/ In this case azible
will have the same meaning. But we may also read (ka-)ar-
bi4 , and perhaps render the word ‘statues/ 1 Sa-nci must
contain the pronoun which we have in sa-dae (xxxix. 14),
sa-a-da (xl. 13) 6 there/ sa-tmda and sa-tubi (1. 24, 1. 17), as
well as in sa-ve (li. 5). Sa-na will be 4 belonging to that
country/ an acc. pi., while sa-ni in Iv. 12 would represent the
ace. pi. of an adjective in -nis.

I have assumed that aptini should be decomposed into ap
and Uni) the latter of which signifies 4 he has called * or
4 named,’ in which case ap must be a sort of relative prefix.
Abi-dadubi , however, means f I burnt/ and it is quite possible,
therefore, that aptini may be a compound of abi 4 fire/ or a
full word of unknown signification from the stem apti , The
broken condition of the passages in which it is found does not
allow us to decide the question. If ap is a relative prefix, we
may compare the latter part of the word adai-aba-di. For
Uni see xxii. 3,

1 In xxxvii. 26 we find : | Mn-ru-ba(-a-ni) ma-ri-ni Tzar -hi agimu-ni-wa
fftmusd Jchmbi f Murubas, (and) his [ina] . . . statues (?) (and) goods for a spoil I
captured.’ Here the word occurs without the determinative of ‘ stone.’

j si-ri )
\ or j

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

505

XII.

Schulz came across the following fragment, along with the
two others already mentioned (pp. 499, 500), in the court of
the church of Sliushanz. It is his No. xxv., his No. xxvi.
forming the continuation of it.

xxvi.

1 . . . . ~ se a-se ....

.... the food, belonging to the cities the houses . . .

2 sa-li as-kha- as-ti ~Jf< (.ni) . . .

.... after ... of the food-remover, a living creature . . .
8. . . . . (um-)nu-li-ni a-se ni-(ka-li) . . .

. . . after the spring, the houses after . . . .

4. . . . (— |) Khal-di-i-e e- u-ri-i-e . . .

to Khaldls the lord

1. This is completed at the beginning from No x. 4. We
must read inanise .

3. No. x. 6 has ( ur)-pnlmi instead of (i um-)niiMni \ but
Schulz’s copy may be wrong.

XIII.

This is No. xxiii. of Schulz, and comes from a round stone
in the court of the church of Sliushanz. It is identical with
No. ix., but the text is in a more perfect state.

Khal-di-ni-ni) us-ma-a-^si-m | Me-nu-a-s | Is-)
To the children of Khaldis the gracious, Menu as son of
pu-hu-i-ni-khi-m-s dhu-lu-(hu-)ri(-ni)

Ispuinis the palace

2. »=YYTY tV ba-du-si-e si-di-si-tu-ni >~£l]y si-di-.

the palace which had decayed has restored ; the city has
si-tu-ni hu-i o-i-e-i is-ti-ni si-da-hu >- 7 ^ 4 1 2
restored ; and images these (has established ?)

1 So Dr. Lambrino from another fragment of stone.

2 So Layard.

506

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

3. y Me-nu-a-s | Is-pu-hu-i-ni-khi-ni-s si-di-si-tu-ni e-ha
Menuas son of Ispuinis has restored this

cm ep ^ -sir

palace, this city.

1. The suffix -m is probably to be supplied. Line 3 shows

that dhuluri(s) is the equivalent of the ideographs of c palace'
in the second line. The termination is rendered certain by
xliii. 75, where we have the plural -n-r/, to be

read dkuhtria.

2. The latter part of this line has been restored with the
help of Layard’s copy. For giei see p. 460. The meaning of
istini is settled by the numerous passages in which the word
occurs ( e.g . xxxvii. 16, xxxviii. 3, etc.). We should probably
read sida’u-ni connected with sidubi , xl. 72. See vii. 5. Pos-
sibly the characters da and hu have been transposed by error,
the word being si-ku-da-da , as in xxi. 7, where in that case we
should read si-Jm-da-a-da.

XIV.

This inscription is on the fragment of a column in the
monastery of Yadi Kilissa, about six miles east of Van, and
is given here from a squeeze. It was first published by Dr.
Mordtmann in the Z.D.1I.G. xxxi. (1877), who has, however,
omitted the characters in the middle. The same text is thrice
repeated in three successive lines.

I Me-nu-a-s | Is-pu-hu-i-ni-khi-ni-s i-ni m a- si khu-hu-si-e

Menuas son of Ispuinis this house holy
za-a-du-hu-ni
has built.

The meaning I have given to the adjective khusie is of
course conjectural ; but 1 can think of no other that would
well suit the passage. Khu-bi in xxxviii. 13 and xl. 54 seems
merely a contraction of khaubi 6 1 captured.' ‘Prison-house 5
is not likely.

XV.

The following also runs round a column now in the pos-

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

507

session of Attain Aga of Van, and is copied from a squeeze of
Mr. Rassam. The inscription is thrice repeated.

y Me-nu-a-s | Xs-pu-hu-i-ni-khi-m-s i-ni a-si khu-hu-

Menuas son of Ispuinis this house holy

si-e za-du-hu-ni
has built.

XVI.

The following fragmentary inscription is copied from a
squeeze taken by Mr. Rassam.

i zzm HU---

......... tablet

2. >-»|~ Khal-di-na ^Z^Zy-i dha-ri-khi-ni ....

of the gate of the land of Khaldis the inhabitants . . .

3. di-du-li-ni ur-pu-li-ni Khal- (di) . . . .
after the .... after the shrine Khaldis . . .

kha-i-ti-ni Khal-di-na

4. za-na-ni-ni

for those that belong to ... a monument belonging to the

/y - na • • •

land of the gate of the land of Khaldis . . .

5. ur-pu-a-tsi Khal-di-na ^ ^ -e . . .

the chief ministers of the gate of the land of Khaldis . . .

6. kha (F)-a-i-ti (?) >~ 2 -~y Khal-di-na :

of the monument (?) of the gate of the land of Khaldis
>-*~y Khal-di-i-e
to Khaldis.

2. The meaning of dhari-khi-ni, formed by the suffix kid,
which denotes descent, is determined by xxxvii. 12, where we
have khcmbi Himeyu~ni >~^ || ^ nu-si-e hu-idha-ru -

khi-ni-i, 6 1 captured the city of Hurieyus, the royal city, and
the inhabitants/ So, too, xlv. 37, kid dha-e~ru-khi-i-ni-e-i
e-ba- (ni) 4 and the inhabitants of the country/ We must

508

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OP VAN.

notice the variation of vowel in the second syllable, implying
that u was pronounced u.

3, 4. Diclu-K-ni and zana-ni-ni are not found elsewhere, and
I have no clue to their signification.

hhmU-ni may possibly be connected with khaidi-a-ni li. 6,
which the context shows must mean ‘workmen’ or something
similar. It is, at all events, akin to khaitu in xxxii. 4.

XVII.

This inscription, No. xxx. of Schulz, is found in the church
of Koshbanz, about twelve miles east of Van. Each line is
repeated twice.

1. Khal-di-i-ni-ni us-ma-a-si-i-ni
To the children of Khaldis the gracious,

2. Khal-di-i-e e-hu-ri-i-e | Me-nu-a-(s)
to Khaldis the lord Menuas *

3. | Is-pu-hu-i-ni-khi-ni-s i-ni su-si si-di-is-tu-(ni)

son of Ispuinis this wall has restored :

4. >~>y- Khal-di i-ni-li H si-di-is-tu-a-li

of Khaldis after this gate had been restored

5. i-ni Jzjiyy si-di-is-tu-hu-ni ba-du-hu-si-i
this palace he has restored which had decayed.

We must notice here the different terminations of the genitive
Khaldi and the dative Khalclie. For line 4 see note on x. 8.

XVIII.

This inscription comes from the same church, which is dedi-
cated to St. George. It stands on the right of the entrance.
Schulz numbers it xxxi.

1. f»f) Khal-di-ni-ni us-ma-a-si-(ni)

To the children of Khaldis the gracious

2. (J Me-)nu-a-s y Isrpu-hu-i-ni-khi-(m-s)

Menuas son of Ispuinis

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

509

3. (— |) Khal-di (i)-ni-li

of Khaldis after this

gate

4. (si-)di-is-tu-a-(li)
had been restored

5. (ba-)du-si-i

which was decayed

XIX.

The following inscription (Schulz xxxiii., xxxiv., xxxv. and
xxxii.) is engraved on four of the sides of a stone, which now
forms the altar of the same church. Dr. Mordtmann first
arranged the several parts of the inscription in their right
order. Mr. Rassam has lately obtained squeezes of the whole
inscription. The upright lines mark the edges of the stone.

1. Khal-di- | ni-ni us-ina-si-ni | | Me-nu-a-s
To the children of Khaldis the gracious Menuas

2. | Is-pu- | hu-i-ni-e-khi-ni-e ] -s i-ni

son of Ispuinis this

3. bar-su- I di-bi-du-ni za-du-ni J Me-nu-a-i

(house) a chapel has built. Of Menuas

4. bar-su- I di-i-(bi-du)-hu-ni | ti-i-ni

(the house) the chapel he has called (it) $

5 . >~>f Khal-di- | i JgJ me (?) y«<-na 1 |

of Khaldis all-belonging-to-the-land of the victims
ku-ru-ni
(and) the gifts

6. ma-ni-ni is- | ti- (ni-ni y Me-) nu-hu-a |
belonging to each (even) to these (gods), of Menuas

ar-di-se

f the regulations of sacrifice
1 the offerings

1 Possibly we should read JEjy ( ru-ku)-si J«<-na.

510

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

7. a-da >->{- Khal-di- (e ni-ip-) si-di- | e Jl^fc-e

hali

C in part to Khaldis to be sacrificed,

1 some

8. a-da pu- | ru-da-(ni ||§fj) ^f-hu-e | su-i-ni-ni

f in part the place of sacrifice (?) belonging to ... of lambs.
| some

9. bar-za-ni | zi-el-(di ] Me-) nu-a | Khal-di-s

The . . . , of Menuas Khaldis

10. lm-tsu-ni | -4- T«< (a-se-)di is- | ti-ni-ni

has destined (?) among the gods belonging to these (things)

11 ^ y«< hu- | tsi-di (? a-da-) i-si i- | bi-ra-ni
(and) among kings future assembling (?) the men

• 12. | Me-nu-a- | i-ni bar-(su-di-)bi 1 -du as | -khu-da-ni
belonging to Menuas of the chapel (as) a place of eating.

13. a-lu-s tu-hu-da-i-e
Whoever shall carry away,

14. a-lu-s JgJ ru-ku du-da-(i-e)

whoever the victims shall withhold,

15. a-lu-s e-si-i-ni-e

whoever the ordinances

16. su-hu-i du-da-i-e

all (?) shall destroy,

17. a-lu-s se-ri du-da-e

whoever the characters shall destroy,

18. tu-ri-ni-ni Khal-di-s

for what belongs to the stone (?) may Khaldis

19. ma-a-ni pi-e-i-ni

him during the day, the name

1 So Eassam’s squeeze.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

511

8. Bar sic- di- bidii-n i, in the ace., is evidently a compound of
hamt-di , formed by the individualizing or locative suffix -rf/,
and bidu(s ), which we may perhaps also get in ada-badi ,
written ada-bidi liv. 6, 10, 11. j Bidu-ni appears alone in
xxx. 17, xliii. 60. Comp, bidi-a-dibad 1. 18. The whole
compound word is found in xxv. 3, 5, where it seems to mean
<a chapel.’ It cannot be ‘ temple ’ here, as the barmdibklm is
called after the name of the king. The ideograph of ‘ house 1
which precedes the word fixes its signification within narrow
limits, while the mention of sacrifices made to Khaldis in con-
nexion with it shows that it could not have denoted a merely
secular building. I conclude, therefore, that it meant the
private chapel of the king. The simple bid us seems to have
meant ‘ priest/

4. For ti-ni see xxii. 3.

5. The determinative indicates the meaning of the

word which follows. From line 14 it would appear to be
rukii) which is plural like lutu ‘women/ The territorial
suffix -na I do not understand, unless it refers to temple-lands
on which the victims were fed. For the proof of the signifi-
cation of karuni see xxx. 3.

6. For manini see v. 24. The word here, however, may be
a derivative from mcmi c him/ and so mean 4 belonging to him/
Ardise here will be rather 6 offerings/ from ar ‘ to bring/ than
‘sacrificial regulations/ Comp, xlviii. 10.

7. Adakid or adaki , as we shall see, is an adverb meaning
‘partly/ so that ada must signify ‘part/ ‘some/ We have
already met with ada in the sense of ‘ and/ Here it may be
translated e both — and/ as well as ‘ some — some/ The resto-
ration Khaldi-{e ni-ip-)sidie seems pretty certain when we
compare v. 3. The acc. buru-da-ni may be compared, as to
form, with uruda-s ‘a family/ da being the localizing affix.
It may possibly be connected with burganas ‘ an altar * ; if so,
it would signify ‘ a place of offering 5 or 4 sacrifice/ Of. also
bums ‘court/ The termination -hue belongs to puruda . . . ,
and perhaps we ought to read puru-da-ni-na-ve. The word is
a dative plural corresponding with Khaldie nipsidie in the cor-

512

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

relative clause, and agreeing with ‘ the divine children of
Khaldis ’ understood. 1

9. Bana-ni may be compared with the name of the town
Bar'za-nistun, near Amid (Diarbekr), captured by Aasur-
natsir-pal. I have, however, no clue to its meaning. The
phrase harza-ni zil-di occurs again in liv. 3.

10. l T tsu-ni seems to be connected with utsi-cli in line 11,
where the analogy of the Assyrian inscriptions would lead us
to translate ‘future.’ In this case it would signify ‘has
destined,’ ‘has marked out for the future,’ literally ‘has
futured.’ Su-tsi-di, however, may be the phonetic comple-
ment of {<( f«< , and we ought possibly to read nu-tsi-di
‘ among the chief kings.’ For my reasons for reading (a-se-)di
see note on v. 29.

J s ti-ni-n l is used like turi-ui-M in line IS. I do not see
how it can agree with the locative which precedes it, and it
must therefore stand alone— ‘ for what belongs to these things ’
or refer back to barzani.

11. That we should supply (adaAisi here is made probable
by li. 4, upon which see note. I do not know why the loca-
tive suffix is not attached to the word. But as we find adaisi
construed with a singular accusative in li. 4, the form seems
to be indeclinable.

We find ibira-ni in xxx. 18, where it comes after bidu-ni,
and appears at the end of a list of tribute. If bidu-ni meant
‘priest’ (see note on the passage), ibirani might be princes.
But it is possible that it is the phonetic reading of f<«
-ra-ni ‘ men ’ (xxxix. 35, liii. 6).

12. Schulz gives si ; but we must clearly read *-][>- bar.
The squeeze unfortunately has nothing here. The word is m
the gen.-dat. sing.

Askhu-da-ni is the accusative of a noun formed by the

1 The general sense of the passage will he : ‘ The temple-lmds of Khaldis
(and) the gifts coming from each for these gods (are) the ’ offerings of Menuas

hoth for sacrifice to Khaldis the and for the gods who belong to the

shrine, consisting of lambs.’ If kuruni can be taken as a 3rd person singular,
the construction will be simpler : ‘ The temple-lands of Khaldis he has given for
each of these gods as the offerings of Menuas/ etc.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

513

localizing suffix da from the stem askhu, which we have
already had in askha-asfi, etc. Comp, askhu- me xxiv. 6.
Since u usually marks the verbal stem as opposed to the
nominal one (as in cudha-di by the side of cudhubi ), askhu-da
must be regarded as formed from the verb. 1

13. For the proof of the meaning* of alus and the form in
dale or due see xx. The root tu is shown by numerous pas-
sages to signify 4 to take away.’ Since pa-ru seems to have
had the same meaning, Mordtmann read as par . This,
however, Is proved to be incorrect by the fact that ^
stands by the side of S^y^I JZj (xxxii. 3, xxxix. 39).
Here the vowel as usual indicates the sound to be ascribed to
the preceding character, while par-bi would be an anomalous
form, all other verbal forms in -hi being preceded by a stem-,
vowel, which is preferably u. See p. 424.

J>Ey| cannot here be the determinative of * sheep/ which is
susis ; it must therefore have its other determinative value of
c sacrifice 1 (as in the Assyrian imprecatory formula W. A. I. i.
xvh col. 8, 58). TJ in ruku is the termination of the accu-
sative plural, as in lutu e women/

For the meaning of dudaie see xx. The literal signification
is 4 destroy/

15. Esi-nie is of frequent occurrence, especially in the im-
precatory formulae. In xxi. 2, Menuas states in an inscription
cut by the side of a rock-tomb that he had 4 made this e-st',’
and in xliv. 12, a text contained in a tablet cut upon the rock
on the right of the rock-hewn sepulchres of Yarn, he denounces
curses on 'whoever shall remove the images and the chambers
esi-ni-m / Here the 'chambers’ belong to the eiinL Else-
where the word appears on detached stones (e.g. xxix5. 6),
so that it cannot signify a 'rock-tomb/ We have, therefore,
only two significations to choose from, 4 a tomb ’ in general or
‘an inscription/ But the signification of ‘tomb’ would not
suit the present inscription any more than xxviii. 4, where we

1 The general sense of the clause must he : £ The ... of Menuas EMdisJms
marked out (or consecrated) among the gods that are here (and) among the kings
hereafter, who assemble the people, as the eating-place of the chapel of Menuas.’

VOL. XIV. — [new SERIES.] >:■■■■' ■ 36

514

THE CTJHEIFOKM IHSCKIPTIOHS OF YAH.

have e-si-i-ni, or liv. 4, where we find e-si-ni. Now esinis is
a derivative in -ni from esi-s, and the simple esis is found,
besides xxi. 2, in xlv. 22, 40, where we are told that ‘he (Le.
the king of Lusas) brought to Argistis the esi' and 4 he the
esi took/ Here only one meaning is possible, that of 4 laws 5
or 4 commands/ This signification is confirmed by the de-
rivative esi- a in xlv. 17, where we read 4 governors and est-a
(Le. lawgivers) I appointed/ Hence esis will be 4 a law/ 'in-
junction/ ‘ statute/ while the derived esinis will be 4 that which
belongs to a law/ the ‘text* or 4 inscription/ namely, which
contains it.

16. Sm is an adjective agreeing with eSine. We find the
word similarly coupled with esini in xxviii. 5 and xlviii. 15 ;
also perhaps in a mutilated phrase xxxix. 31, and certainly
in xliii. 2 (where it follows badi-nini 4 old 5 ). We see from
xxxi. 10 that it cannot signify 4 inscribed possibly it is 4 all/

1 7. Seri is from sens, and occurs again in 1. 36, where it can
hardly mean anything else than tf characters/

18. 19. For turi-nini, mani and pieni, see xx.

XX.

The three inscriptions which follow are repetitions of one
and the same text engraved on a pyramidal fragment of rock,
about fifty feet high, a few steps to the right of the Khazan£~
Kapussi or 4 Gate of Treasure/ one of two artificial caves,
with vaulted roofs, cut for sepulchral purposes in the east
face of the rock of Van. The old tomb has become a place
of pilgrimage, and the natives believe that vast treasures of
diamonds are hidden beneath it, guarded by two men with
flaming swords. The inscriptions are numbered xiii, xiv. and
xv. in Schulz.

1. — f Khal-di-ni-ni us-ma-si-ni | Me-nu-a-s

1. — y Khal-di-ni-ni us-ma-si-ni y Me-nu-a-s

1. — y Khal-di-ni-ni us-ma-si-ni Me-nu-a)-s
To the children of Khaldis, the gracious, Menuas

to to

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN*

3 .

4 .
4 .

4 .

5 .

6 .
6 .
6 .

7 .

8 .
8 .
8 .

| Is-pu-u-ni-khi-ni-s i-ni-da

y Is-pu-hu-i-ni-e-khi-ni-e-s i-ni-(i)-da
y Is-pu- (u-ni-khi-ni-s i-ni-) da
son of Ispuinis here

*Oyy 1 ar-ma-ni-da-ad khu-a-da
^yyy ar-ma~a-ni~e-da-ad khu-hu-a-da
^ TYy 2 (ar-ma-)a(-ni-da-ad khu-a-da)
the tablets destroyed

si-di-is-tu-a-da Khal-di-ni-ni

si- di-is-t u-a-da >-> y~ Khal- di-ni-ni

si-di-is- (tu-a-da >~>y~ Khal-di-ni-)ni

restores. To the children of Khaldis

al-su-si-ni
al-su-hu-i-si-ni
al-su-hu-(i-si-ni
the multitudinous

y Me-nu-a-ni
y Me-i-nu-a-ni
y Me-nu-a-ni)
belonging to Menu as

y Is-pu-u-ni-e-khi tar 3 -a-i-e

y Is-pu-hu-i-ni-e-khi «

y Is-pu-hu-(ni-e-khi ^ tar-a-i-e)

son of Ispuinis, the mighty king,

^ al-su-ni ^ ^ Bi-a-i-na-e

^ al-su-(hu)-i-ni ^ ^ Bi-i-na-e
al-(su-i-m V" Bi-a-i-na-)e

king of multitudes, king of the country of V an,

a-lu-si --yy Dhu-us-pa-e >-£-]]

a-lu-si --yy Dhu-us-pa-a-e

(a-)lu-(si Dhu-us-pa-e

inhabiting the city of Dhuspas*

515

1 Layard (incorrectly) ra.

2 Layard (incorrectly) ta. 3 So Layard.

0 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

9 . y Me-nu-a-s ] Is-pu-u-ni-khi-ni-s

9. | Me-nu-a-s ] Is-pu-hu-ni-khi-ni-s

9. (j Me-)nu-hu-(a-s ] Is-pu-hu-ni-khi-ni-s)

Menuas son of Ispuinis

10 . a-da a-lu-s i-ni S^HYTT ^ tu ' da ' e

10 . a-da a-lu-s i-ni tu-da-e

10 . a-da-e (a-lu-s i-ni tu-da-e)

says j whoever this tablet carries away,

11 . a-lu-s pi-tu-da-e a-lu-s

11. [omitted by Schulz]

whoever carries away the name, whoever

12 . a-i-ni-e-i i-ni-da du-da-e

12 . a-i-ni-e-i i-ni-da du-da-i-e

12 . a-i-ni-(e-i i-ni-da du-da-e)

with the earth here destroys,

13. a-lu-s liu-da-s(e) ti-hu-da-e

13. a-lu-s liu-da-s(e) ti-hu-da-i-e

13. a-lu-s (hu-da-s[e] ti-hu-da-e)

whoever that undoes

14. i-e-s(e) za-du-bi tu-ri-ni-ni

14. i-e-s(e) za-a-du-bi tu-ri-ni-ni

14. i-e-s(e) (za-du-bi tu-ri-ni-ni)

which I have done ; for all that belongs to the rock (?)

15 .

Klial-di-s

15 .

Khal-di-s

Te-e-i-se-ba-a-s

15 .

v-4-

Khal-(di-s

may Khaldis,

the Air-god

16 .

*T-

>->3p y<«-s ma-a-ni

*4-

^y-ni

16 .

y«<-s ma-a-ni

*f-ni

16 .

(^Y-ni-s

|<«-s ma-a-ni

-4-

4-ni)

(and) the Sun-god,

the gods, him

publicly

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN,

ol i

17.

pi-i-ni

me-i

ar-khi*

■lm-ru-da-a-;

17.

pi-e-i-

*ni

me-i

ar-khi-

-hu-ru-da-a-ni

17.

pi-e-i

-(ni me-i

ar-khb

diu-m-da-a-:

Di)

name

his,

family

18.

me-i

na-ni

me-i

na-ra-a

18.

me-i

na-i-ni

me-i

na-ra-a

18.

me-i

(na-i-ni

me-i

na-ra-a)

his,

town

his

to fire

19.

a-hu-

hu-lu

-cla-e

19.

a-hu-

i-e

hu-lu

-da-e

19.

a-(hu

-i-e hu-lu

,-da-e)

(and)

water consign.

Inula

formed

by the localizing

affix -i

:rom the

demonstrative ini.

3. The determinative fixes the meaning of armanidat or
armanidad. That the termination denotes the plural of nouns
with the localizing affix appears from xxx. 24. See p. 431.
Armanis would therefore be 6 a text’ or ‘tablet/ armanida ‘the
place of texts J or 4 tablets/ armanidad 4 tablets/ 1

Khu-a-da may be the 3rd pers. of the present, with the rela-
tive understood, 4 (which) one destroys/ But in this case we
should have expected the past tense. I prefer, therefore, to
make khnada a participle agreeing with armanidad and formed
like it by means of the suffix -da. In xxxvi. 6 we find khau-ni
similarly used as a participle agreeing with the accusative
Argisti-ni . The meaning of the stem k hau, here contracted
to khu, as in xxxviii. 13, is shown by the numerous passages
in which it occurs; e.g. xxxvii. 6, 7, | Di-a-Im-e-khi ^

mi du-lm-hi kha-hu-bi ^ Se-ri-i-a-zi ^TH«<X£ -U 4 the
son of Diaves, the king, I destroyed ; I conquered the land of
Seriazis ; the cities I burned / xxi. 8, a-lu-s khu-a-da a-hu-i-e-i
4 whoever destroys with water/ Just as the termination -ni
of the 3rd person denotes indifferently the singular and plural,

1 Can this armani-s be the origin of the name of Armenia which first makes its
appearance in the Akhaemenian texts, — Armina in Old Persian, Harminuya in
the Amardian or 4 Protomedic’ transcript? The uncultured eastern neighbours of
Ararat might well have called it Armana-s fi the land of writings.’

518

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

so too does the termination -daye, -dae or -da, as we see from
lines 12 and 19 of the present text. The explanation is giveii
by the fact that the termination is really a participial one
(see p. 444).

5. The adjective Menua-ni mast agree with KhakU-ni-ni.
Comp. xxii. 4, xxxvi. 5, etc.

6. After a word terminating with the suffix -ni, the patro-
nymic -Minis loses, as usual, its nasal (see p. 434). It should
be noticed that when the syllable pu in the name of Ispuinis
is not followed by i, the vowel u is expressed by ^ not
From this I infer that ( represented u ; whereas the addition
of i was required for the representation of this sound when

u was employed. The ideograph »j(- gives us

the meaning of the equivalent Tannic word tarais. That the
phonetic value of tar is to be selected for seems to be
indicated by the female name Tarinas xxiii. 2, 5 ; perhaps
also by tar-sua-ni ‘ soldiers.’ See p. 424.

7. The invariable Assyrian formula : ‘ X sarru dannu sarru
cissati sar mat Assuri (so i. 1, ii. 2), shows that alsuini here is
equivalent to the Assyrian cissati ‘multitudes.’ . The word is
an adjective in -nis, literally ‘ belonging to multitudes.’ . It is
thus distinguished from the adjective alsuisis (line 5) from the
same stem, which the sense of the passage shows must mean
‘ multitudinous’ (‘being a multitude’). Biainas is the genitive
singular of Biainas. For the name Biainas see pp. 394 sq.
It is interesting to find from the second copy of our text that
the diphthong at might pass into simple i. Elsewhere we find
it passing into a (e.g, xxxix. 2).

8. The adjective alu-si is formed like nu-ki ‘ royal’ (p. 437)
from a verbal stem alu. This of course must be distinguished
from the pronoun alus. The most natural sense to be assigned
to aluki might appear to be ‘governing,’ ‘ruling;’ but I do
not think that this was really the meaning of the word. In

xlix. 17 we have ^ -ni Bu-i-ni-al-klii

tu-bi ‘the king of the people of the city Buinis I carried

away;’ in 1. 2, ‘ Khilaruadas son of Sakhus’ ^ Me-h-

THE CXJjSTEIFOBM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

519

dha-aWii-e 'king of the people of Malatiyeh;’ and similarly in
xxxviii. 41 and xxxiii. 16. Here, certainly, we might trans-
late 6 Buinis- ruling/ 4 Melitene-ruling/ etc., but it seems more
natural to take alkhe in the sense of 4 inhabitants/ This
becomes almost a matter of certainty when we observe that it is
formed from the root al by the patronymic suffix -Itfiiim, which
could easily be attached to a root which signified ‘dwelling
( c proceeding from the dwelling") but hardly to one which
denoted 4 ruling/ Ahi-si-nini is frequently combined witli
alsmsmi , referring to the numerous gods of the inhabitants of
Yan (e.g. xxxvii. 23). Moreover, 'lord,’ is interchanged,
not with oiusis, but with ehuris. A Minis (v. 29) must belong
to another root. The meaning of 4 inhabitant ? for alum is
finally put beyond doubt by lvi. iii. 5.

The postposition of shows that Dhuspas was called

4 the city of Dhuspas/ as being the capital. The noun defined
is, as usual, placed after the noun defining it.

10. A-da is ordinarily written adae, as in the 3rd copy of
the text, so as to distinguish it from ada 4 and’ or 4 part/ The
invariable position of the word after the name of the king in
the nominative and at the head of a sentence proves, as
Mordtmann perceived, that it must mean 4 he says/ As
-dm is the suffix, the root will be a. The formula is a remark-
able one, as it does not appear in the Assyrian inscriptions,
but does so in those of the Persian kings, and also seemingly
in the Hittite texts of Carchernish and Hamath. I conclude,
therefore, that it was of Hittite origin, and was eventually
passed on from Yan to the Persian kings. Its use is one
of several indications that a system of writing was known in
Armenia before the introduction of the cuneiform syllabary,
and this system I believe to be that of the Hittite hieroglyphics
(see note at the end).

We now come to a formula which forms the conclusion of
most of the Yannic texts, like the imprecatory formula at the
end of Babylonian, Assyrian, and Persian inscriptions, as well
as of many of the Greek inscriptions in Asia Minor. In the
case of the latter, the formula is in several instances in the

520

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

Phrygian language, indicating its ancient employment in the
country before the introduction of the Greek language. 1 M.
Stanislas Guyard, as I have already observed, had the acute-
3 iess to notice that this concluding formula of the Tannic
texts was similarly an imprecatory one ; and, what is more,
that it was closely modelled after that of the Assyrian texts.
This he inferred from the fact that the ideograph of ‘ tablet ’
occurred in the position in which it would stand in the As-
svrian formula, as did also the constantly repeated word aim,
if this corresponded with the Assyrian pronoun 6 whoever/
while the names of the gods found a place just where they
would have done in the Assyrian imprecation. He did not,
however, carry his analysis of the formula much further ; but
this, as we shall see, is no difficult task with the Assyrian
and Persian formulae before our eyes. Perhaps I ought first
to notice, that while the formula hardly varies at all in the
Tannic texts, it does so a good deal in the Assyrian ones.
The framework of it, however, always remains the same:
“ Whosoever removes or injures this tablet and does this or
that, may the gods curse and destroy him, his family, his
memory, and his land ! ” Bearing this general framework of
the formula in mind, it will be seen at once that (1) aim must
mean ‘whoever/ (2) ini ‘this/ and (3) mei 4 his/ and that
(4) dae must denote the 3rd person of the present or future of
the verb, while (5) •ni is the suffix of the accusative of the noun.
We know already that ~s marks the nominative singular, and
that -a, -i, and -e represent the genitive and dative. The
signification of the first sentence is therefore perfectly clear :
aim ini tudae 4 whoever carries away this tablet/

Why is added to >: ^~ yyy I d 0 not know, since armanis
and esinis mean 4 tablet 1 and ‘ inscription/ and it must there-
fore be an ideograph. As an ideograph it denoted 4 a founda-
tion-stone/ and the Tannic borrowers of the Assyrian
syllabary may have misunderstood the phrase £ tablet of the
foundation-stone/ and believed that it meant 4 tablet ’ only.
Perhaps, however, it represents the phonetic complement of

1 See Moriz Schmidt.

521

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

the Assyrian word duppa-te ‘tablets/ the ideograph and its
complement being regarded as a compound ideograph like
=Hr + dan-nu above. In et-dcte the termination can only
have a present signification, while in uludae below it must
have a future sense; consequently no distinction can have
been made in the Yannic language between present and future
time. Even in English we can use the present for the future.
Possibly, however, there was an original distinction between
them, the ending of the present being properly -ada or -adae,
and that of the future (or precative) - da and -dcte. At all
events we have siclistueida in line 4, while tudae appears in
line 10. In this case a will have been absorbed in the pre-
ceding m, as has certainly happened in khiibi for khaubi (see
p. 517), while cidae will stand for a-adae . It will be observed
that tiias was a participle (see p. 478), and that, therefore,
tnada was primitively a participial form.

11. For pi-tudae see note on line 17.

12. For ainei see note on v. 21. The genitive-dative is
here used apparently in an instrumental sense.

13. The general sense of tiudae is fixed by zctdubL Its
meaning cannot be defined more closely.

Udas{e) is evidently the object to which ies(e) refers, and
the analogy of the Assyrian and Persian texts, as well as the
introduction of the word zachibi , makes it certain that ies(e)
must be the relative pronoun. We have already learnt to see
a plural accusative in the termination -se (p. 478). The
meaning of udas(e) is thus narrowed to either 4 stones/ 'works/
"records/ "inscriptions/ or "these things/ We know that
the idea of 4 inscriptions 1 is denoted by another word, while
if it meant "records 1 or 4 works * a demonstrative would have
to precede it. It must, therefore, either be the demonstrative
itself, or else signify 4 stones/ The first explanation is sup-
ported by tided tari in xliv. 8, where it is difficult to see how
the meaning of " stone ■ would suit, although the other ex-
planation is countenanced by the comparison of edits ainiei
inida dudae line 12 with alas ndcte inida dudaie xxi. 12.
But the question is settled by xxxiv. 18, 19. Taking udas(e)
as a demonstrative, we must read the durative case udm and

522

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

ies, since uda-s-e by the side of udae could only be explained
by supposing that uda-s-e was an adj. in -si.

14. The relative ies seems to have the same root as the
demonstrative i-ni and the adverb iu. See p. 440.

Tiirinini is a very difficult word. The termination shows it
to be the dative plural of an adjective in -nis ‘ for those be-
longing to turisd It always occupies the same position as in
the present text. In xliv. 8 and 1. 37, however, we have the
phrase tindae udai turi(e) 4 (whoever) undoes (it) on this turn?
where the word seems to mean 6 rock. 5 I therefore translate
timnini under reserve as 4 for all that belongs to the rock/
The analogy of the Assyrian inscriptions would have led us
to expect a phrase like 6 for future times/ 1

15. This is the passage which gives us the name of the
Air- god. I suspect it was read Teisbcis rather than Teisebas .

16. The genitive met shows that ma-ni must be the acc. of
the pronoun of the 3rd person, as does also the position it
occupies in the imprecatory formula.

17. The acc. pie-ni is shown to be 6 name 5 or 4 memorial 5
by pi-da in xxii. 2, 3, where it can only mean 4 place of the
name 5 or "monument/ It is compounded with pi-tuclae in line
11 above, which would therefore be literally 4 name-clestroy/

M. Guyard has already perceived that arkhi-iimda-ni must
be a compound word, and accordingly have the sense of
4 family/ This is further confirmed by the attachment to it
of the localizing affix. Ar-ltki is formed from the root ar by
the patronymic -khi(nis)> and from ar we have the verbal
stem am in arum 4 he brought/ Arkki , therefore, is literally
‘offspring of the bearer, 5 and must have had the special signi-
fication of 4 offspring 5 or 6 produce/ Uruda will then mean
‘house 5 or ‘family, 5 and perhaps enters into the composition
of the name Ur-ardhu. I fancy the original meaning of unis

1 There is another possibility, however. Turk may he connected with the
root of teruhi ‘I set np ’ or c - established, ’ and signify ‘ a monument.’ Tune and
turi would then be the accusatives plural of this -word, while turi-ni-ni would be
the acc. sing, of an adj. in -nis. Rut there are many probabilities against this
hypothesis. An acc. sing like turi-ni-ni standing by itself is unprecedented, and
the place which it occupies at the beginning of the line in which the names of the
gods are written is against its being construed with the preceding verbs. More-
over, the parallelism of aimi seems to show that turie or turi is a genitive -dative,
which is further confirmed by the use of the form turi.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OP TAN.

523

was 4 life/ urucla being 4 place of life/ The simple urudae
occurs in li. 8.

18. Inaini contracted into inani (or indm?) is the accusa-

tive of a substantive inais or mas, the sense of which is
rendered clear by xlix. 11, lvi. iii. 5, and the derivative incmida
xxx vii. 18, etc. The signification of the dative nard is given
by xxxviii. 45 : ta-ar-su-ci na-ra-ni 4 the soldiers

with fire I burned/

19. The signification of nard furnishes us also with that of
aide , which can only be 4 water/ We have already seen that
the same signification is demanded by the name of the god
Auis (v. 21).

The interpretation of nard and aide gives us the clue to that
of uludae. The stem ulu is found in composition in til-iistaihi
4 1 gave approach ** (xxx. 6) and kapkar-ulnbi (xli. 17). It
will be noticed that the people of Van possessed no preeative ;
the present-future, accordingly, had to take the place of it.

The most interesting fact furnished by the above text is,
that inscriptions which had been destroyed had previously
existed in the place where Menuas set up his own. Now it is
difficult to believe that if they had been as recent as the time
of his father or grandfather, such a destruction could have
taken place, and as they were within the fortifications of the
capital, it is not likely that they were erased by an enemy. It
would seem, therefore, that they belonged to an older period
than that of Sarduris I., who first introduced the Assyrian
syllabary into Van ; and if so, they would have been in
another system of writing. This, I believe, was the system
of hieroglyphs used by the Hittites. A careful examination
of the rock might reveal some traces of the older texts. As
Menuas does not state what they were about, or who had
caused them to be engraved, I infer that he could not read
them. v ■ y.;\.

Since the chief inscription of the Khazane-Kapussi belongs
to a later king (Sarduris II., No. xlix.), I much doubt whether
the tomb has any connection with the inscriptions of Menuas.

524

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

XXI. (Schulz XYI.)

The following inscription is cut on a rocky. eminence to the
right of a rock-tomb (70 feet long, about 15 deep, and nearly
8 hioh) on the east side of the Khorkhor or castle of Yan.
The chamber is, like all the other rock- tombs at Yan, entirely
devoid of ornamentation. “Judging from the hollow sound
heard in the cavern,” says Schulz, “ there must be subterranean
passages hidden under the mass of stones with which it is
filled!”

1. y Me-nu-a-s | Is-(pu)-hu-i-ni-khi-ni-s

Menuas son of Ispuinis

2. i-ni e-si za-du-ni si-iri-si-ni-e

this injunction has made belonging to the cave- tomb.

3. y Me-nu-a-s a-da-e a-da i-nu-si-i-ni

Menuas says : the whole of the chambers

4. kha-ar- (khar) -ni-e-i si-ir-si-ni-ni

excavated for those belonging to the tomb

5. te-ir-du 2 -(hu)-ni 3 i-nu-ka-a-ni

he has executed (both) the suite of chambers

e-si 4 -ni

(and) the inscription.

6. y Me-nu-hu-a-s a-da-e a-lu-s

Menuas says: whoever

7. pa-kha . , 5 is-ti-ni-ni si-liu-da a-da
the bulls (?) belonging to them removes, and

8. a-lu-(s) khu-a-da a-hu-i-e-i
whoever destroys with water,

9. a-lu-(s) ni 6 -ri-bi is-ti-ni-ni
whoever the dead belonging to them

. ■ 1 Layard has ni, ! .. 3 So Layard.

3 So Layard. 4 So Layard,

5 Layard has The character is probably ni.

6 Schulz and Layard have which may be ni, ir, or sa. From 1. 20 we

;:;; : Iearn that it is rii.y v

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OP TAN.

525

10. kha-a-hu-da-i-e a-lu-lm~s i-ni

robs (injures), whoever (of) this

11. CITY pi-i-tu-hu-li M-e

tablet carries away the memory,

12. a-lu-s hu-da-e i-ni-da du-da-i-e
whoever these (things) here destroys,

13. tu-ri-ni-ni >->f- Khal-di-s >->^-

for what belongs to the rock (?) may Khaldis, the

4ft *! ma-a-ni

Air-god (and) the Sun-god him

14. -ni pi-e-i-ni me-i ar-khi-e-

( duiing the day | t j ie natne 0 f the

t m public J

15. hu-ru-da-a-ni me-i i-na-i-ni-e

family of him, the town

16. me-i na-ra-a a-hu-i-e
of him to fire (and) water

17. hu-lu-hu-da-e

consign.

1. The sense of sirsinie , which is an adjective in -ms
agreeing with the accusative esi, is fixed by the context. It
is interesting to read in Pliny (N. H. xiii. 78) : 44 Utilissime
servantur tritica in serobibus, quod siros vocant ut in Cappa-
docia et Thracia” (cp. Quint. Curt. vii. 4). 8oro means
f a hole ’ in Georgian, and sirim is an Armenian word for
4 tomb.’ The Georgians still keep their corn in pits about
8 feet deep, the floor being about 6 feet in diameter, and the
mouth 2 or 3 feet. The mouth is covered with planks and
earth (Parrot, 44 Journey to Ararat/ 5 Eng. tr. p. 67).

8. Inu-si-ni is an adjective in -Sis from the stem inn,
connected with inu-ka-ni and inu-ki , on which see iii. 2.
The present text settles its meaning. Inu-ka-ni is an accusa-
tive from a noun formed by the suffix ka denoting 4 the family 5

1 So Schulz and Layard. Da, however, is required * see xxxiii. 23.

590 the CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

or ‘race of’ (see note on xxxvii. 18). Applied to objects, as
here it must express the idea of ‘a series’ or ‘suite.’ Com-
par eiku-ka-ni ‘ a set of goods.’ We find inu-ka-ni in xliv. 11
between giei and ekinini (which last must mean ‘belonging to
the inscription’). The difference between siris and in us would
be that the first is a large rock-tomb, whereas the second is a
smaller chamber or niche. Perhaps line 3 refers to the sub-
terranean excavations of which Schulz speaks.

4. The reduplicated khar-khar occurs frequently in the
verbal form khar-khar-su-bi ‘ I dug up,’ for the sense of which
see xxxviii. 19. Kharkhar-niei will be the accusative plural
of a participial adjective in -nis.

5. Ter-clu-ni is plainly the same as the ter-tu-(ni) of v. 34,
which there exchanges with the simple teru-ni (line 2). For
a parallel softening of dh into d comp, kidhukubi and sudukubi,
Ter-tu is compounded with tu, ‘bring’ or ‘take away,’ like'
s idisi-tu or pi-tu, and means literally, ‘set up -J- bring away,
i.e. ‘to bring so as to set up.’ Ecd-du appears to be a com-
pound of the same nature from hal ‘ to sacrifice’ and tu ( du ),
and hence we find haltubi in xxxiv. 13. . It is possible that the
verb du ‘to destroy’ may be merely tu in a softened form.

7. Pakha{ni ) is a avrol Xey bg-evov, perhaps related to pakhini
‘oxen.’ Small winged bulls of bronze modelled after those of
Assyria have been found in the temple of Rusas near Van. 1 .

8. Khuada seems to be a shortened form of khaudaie in line
10. Khaubi ‘ I ravaged’ is the usual form, but we also have
khubi in xxxviii. 13. A reference to the passages in .which
khaubi occurs (e.g. xxxvii. 9, 12) will at once determine its
meaning.

9. Niribi must signify the corpses of the dead. Of. v. 20
and 1. 20. For the termination cf. atibi ‘ thousands.’

12. That the pronoun udae refers to all ‘ these’ things seems
clear. It is the accusative plural, as distinguished from the
genitive-dative sing, udai which we find in xliv. 8, xlviii. 19,
and 1. 37, and occurs again in xxxiii. 24. In liv. 5, we have
the accusative sing, udani. Mordtmann has already translated
it as a pronoun of the third person.

1 For si-hu-da a-da ste note on xiii, 2.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN. . 527

XXII. (Schulz XIX.)

This inscription was found by Schulz on the road between
Artamit and Vastan, about two miles S.W. from Artamit,
which is itself eight miles S.W. of Yan. It is carved on a
piece of rock 14 feet high and 12 feet broad, called the
Kiziltash or ‘ red rock,’ on the bank of the Shamiram-Su.
Between the rock and the river is a small cutting two feet
long and deep.

1 Ivhal-di-ni-ni us-ma-si-ni | Me-nu-a-s

To the children of Khaldis the gracious Menuas

2. | Is-pu-hu-i-ni-khi-ni-s i-ui pi-da

the son of Ispuinis this memorial

3 . a-gu-ni ] Me-nu-a-i pi-da tw ' m _

has selected. Of Menuas the memorial he has named (it) .

4 . Khal-di-ni-ni al-su-si-ni

To the children of Khaldis the multitudinous
Me-nu-a-ni

belonging to Menuas

5 . « ?=TTt Hr « al4u - i ‘ ni ^

the king powerful, the king of multitudes, king of the land

Bi-a-i-na-e
of Biainas,

6. a-lu-hu-si Dhu-us-pa-e >-r|f

inhabiting the city of Dhuspas.

7 Y Me-nu-a-s a-da a-lu-s i-ni tu - da ' e

Menuas says : whoever this tablet carries away,

8 . a-lu-s pi-tu-da-e a-lu-s a-i-m-e-i
whoever removes the name, whoever with earth

9 . i-ni-da du-da a-lu-s hu-da-s ti-u-da

here destroys, whoever that undoes

528

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

10. i-e-s i-ni P Ua - e , a ' gU f , .

which (even) this memorial I have selected ;
tu-ri-ni-ni

for what belongs to the rock (?)

H Khal-di-s _s ^ _s

' niay Khaldis, the Air-god (and) the Sun-god,

_>Jf- y«< -s ma-ni
the Gods, him

12> >_>!. -ni pi-i-(ni) me-i ar-khi-u-ru-da-ni
in public the name of him, the family

13. me-i i-na-i-ni (me-i) na-a-ra-a
of him, the land of him, to fire

14. a-(hu)-i-e hu-lu-(hu)-da
(and) water consign.

2. For pi-da see p. 522.

3. Aguni must signify ‘setting up, 9 ‘engraving, or some-

thino- similar. For ‘ setting up/ however, we have tent, for
t enm-avino- ’ kugu. The sense of agu is more closely defined
in The historical inscriptions, where, for example, we are told
by Menuas of the soldiers of Alzu, aclahi zasgubi adahi <

Y<« agubi ‘partly I slew, partly alive I took’ (xxxu. 9).
Consequently agu will correspond to the Assyrian camdu
‘to take/ which is used of taking or ‘ selecting’ a site, just as

aguni is here. ^ ...

" Both the context and the analogy of the Assyrian mscrip-

tions make it clear that ti-ni must mean ‘he has called.’
Compare the next inscription, line 3.

10. The syntax of this line must be noticed. Ini pidae are

in apposition to the relative -ies.

XXIII. (Schulz XYIII.)

This inscription is twice repeated on a fragment of rock m
a valley two miles west of Artamit and close to the lake. At

THF CITNEIFOEM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

529

some distance from it Schulz found another, unfortunately too
much injured by rain and weather to be copied. The latter was
engraved on a piece of rock to the left of an ancient aqueduct
formed of layers of large polygonal stones, some from five to
six feet high, put together without cement.

1. y Me-nu-a-i-ni-e-i gis-la-a-ri-e

Belonging to Menuas of the mother,

2. Ta-ri-ri-a-i i-ni nl-di
Taririas, this monument

3. 'jV Ta-ri-ri-a-khi-ni-da ti-I-ni

the place of the son of Taririas she has called.

1. Nenuai-niei is the genitive-dative of an adjective in -n?$,
formed from Menua(s\ and agreeing with gislaye . Line 3
seems to show that the latter must mean 4 mother ’ rather
than 4 wife ? or 4 sister ’ or 4 daughter/ and that the inscription
was engraved by her orders. Hence it is that .the usual
postscript giving the royal titles is omitted. The inscription
is strictly co-ordinate with the preceding one, the memorials
of the king and his mother being set up in the same neigh-
bourhood near one another, and couched in similar terms.
Perhaps they served to commemorate the completion of the
conduit, which was doubtless mentioned in the inscription now
destroyed. It is possible that the large part played by Semi-
ram is in the legends of Aryan Armenia may have been partly
due to a tradition of a queen who had once set up monuments
of herself in the neighbourhood of Lake Van. Taririas may
be derived from tarayis 4 powerful/

XXIY.

This inscription is on a stone presented to Mr. HormuzA
Rassam. 1 have made the copy from a squeeze.

1. Khal-di-ni-ni

To the children of Khaldis

1 Omitted in the duplicate text.

VOL. XIV. — [NEW SEB.IES.]

'37

530

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OP YAN.

2. us-ma-a-si-i-ni
the gracious,

8, y Me-i-nu-hu-a-s
Menuas

4. y Is-pu-hu-i-ni-khi-ni-s
son of Ispuinis

5. i-ni ^yyyy za-du-ni
this house has built.

6. a-se as-khu-me >~>y~ ^^y

Let the gods eat (?) day (and) month

7. Khal-di-i-e-i
for Khaldis,

8. -ri-s nu-hu-s
0 Saris the queen.

6. -For the difficult word ase see note on v. 29. It can
hardly mean 6 houses 9 here. Nor would it be easy to translate
it as a pronoun.

The suffix - me in askhu is new to me. It may perhaps
stand for mei, askhu being the plural (‘his* or ‘ her foods').
It cannot be y*~ 4 one hundred/ as no sign of plurality follows
the ideographs of 4 day J and 4 month.'* But we find it attached
to the word khasi-alme in the phrase khmi-al-me y«<

(xxxviii. 10, etc.), where the use of the ideograph for ‘gods ’
confirms the translation of ase by £ gods 5 here. See note on
xxxviii. 10.

7. I do not know whether KJialdiei is here the dative, or a
genitive governed by nus.

8. For nus see p. 489. This passage shows that Vannie did
not indicate a difference of gender.

This is the only inscription in which mention is made of
the goddess Saris, apart from the royal name of Sari-duris
with which it is compounded. Indeed, it seems doubtful
whether the people of Van worshipped any other female deity.
The rarity of the mention of Saris, and the fact that the name

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OP TAN.

531

is written ideographically like that of I star in Assyrian, and
not phonetically like Khaldis, makes me think that Mr.
George Smith was right in supposing it to have been bor-
rowed from the Assyrian Is tar. For a similar suppression of
the dental compare Bitani and Biaina(s) (see lvi. iii. 3). At any
rate it is remarkable that the introducer of the Assyrian mode
of writing and the Assyrian language into Van should have
been Sari-duris I. Perhaps the slight resemblance of the
word Saris to Semiram is, coupled with a tradition of the
introduction of the worship of Istar, Le, Semiramis, into Ar-
menia, led to the legend of Semiramis recounted by Moses of
Khoren e.

XXV. (Schulz XXVIII.)

The following inscription has been also copied by P. Nerses
Sarkisian. It is cut upon a stone now used as tl)e altar of
the little church of Warrak-Kilissa or Yadi-Kilissa, six miles
east of Van.

1. >->~y Khal-di-i-ni-ni us-ma-a-si-i-ni

To the children of Khaldis the gracious

2. | Me-nu-a-s | Is-pu-hu-i-ni-khi-ni-s

Menuas son of Ispuinis

3. i-ni bar-su-di-bi-i-du-ni

this chapel

4. za-a-du-hu-ui y Me-nu-hu-a-i

has built. Of Menuas

o. ^yyyy bar~su-di-i~bi-i-(dtt)-ni ti-i-ni

the chapel he has called (it),

6. y Me-i-nu-hu-a-ni-i 1 a-i-e
belonging to Menuas in the land.

.;,o ■

o. Menuani must be an adjective agreeing with aie. The
latter is not in the locative case, as we should have expected.

1 So Layard.

532

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

but in the dative, so that the phrase runs literally ‘(the
chapel) of the land.’ For aijis see note on v. 21.

XXVI.

The following three inscriptions are also found on stones
in the church of Yadi Kilissa, the first two of them being
twice repeated. They are taken from squeezes made by
Mr. Bassarn. Schulz (Nos. xxix. xxvii.) and Nerses Sar-
kisian (Nos. i. ii.) have copied the first two of them, but not
quite correctly. Layard’s copies, on the other hand, are
extremely accurate.

( 1 -)

1. Khal-di-ni-ni us-ma-a-si-i-ni

To the children of Khaldis, the gracious,

2. f M'e-nu-a-s | Is-pu-hu-i-ni-khi-ni-s

Menuas son of Ispuinis,

3. *->f- Khal-di-i-e e-hu-ri-i-e

to Khaldis the lord

4. i-ni pu-lu-hu-si ku-gu-ni

this inscribed stone has written,

5 . y Me-nu-a-ni y Is-pu-hu-i-ni-e-khe

belonging to Menuas, son of Ispuinis,

6. <X J=yfr Hr Bi-i-a-i-na-hu-e

the powerful king, the king Biainian,

7. a-lu-si >--yy Dhu-us-pa-e
inhabiting the city of Dhuspas.

4. The determinative shows that the stone itself is spoken
of. Bullish however, cannot be the word for 4 stone,’ since
the termination shows it to be an adjective, like mm 6 royal,’
agreeing with . It must, therefore, signify 4 inscribed,’

4 engraved.’ This fixes the meaning of the accompanying
verb kugu-ni , which cannot denote 4 setting up,’ which is tern ,

THE OOTEIFOBM IHSCEIPTIOHS OF YAH. 533

or 4 selecting/ which is aga, or ‘ building/ 6 making/ which is
zm in. The sense of 4 engraving 5 or c writing ? is consequently
alone left for it.

5. Instead of the usual ^ hhi, at the end of this line, we
have , proving that the value of this character in Yannic
was Iche, though it may also have been kM, as in Assyrian.
But the Yannic syllabary avoids homonyms.

( 2 .)

1. Afl -a y Me-nu-hu-a-s

To Teisbas Menuas,

2. | Is-pu-hu-i-ni-khi-ni-s
son of Ispuinis,

3. i-ni pu-lu-hu-si ku-gu-ni

this inscribed stone has written,

4. y Me-nu-a-ni y Is-pu-hu-i-ni-e-khe

belonging to Menuas son of Ispuinis

0 . ^yyf >f <({ Bi-i-a-i-na-hu-e
the powerful king, the king Biainian,

6. a-lu-si --yy Dhu-us-pa-a-e
inhabiting the city of Dhuspas.

1. We may notice the phonetic complement of the dative
Teisb-a .

(3.)

1. Hb Khal-di-ni-ni us-ma-)a-si-i-(ni)

To the children of Khaldis, the gracious,

2. (y Me-nu-a-s y Is-pu-hu-)i-ni-kM-m-(s)

Menuas son of Ispuinis

3. (i-ni bar-su-di-)bi-i-(du-ni)
this (chapel)

534

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OP VAN,

4. (za-du-ni | Me-)nu-a-(ni)

lias built belonging to Menuas . . ,

The next two lines are destroyed.

XXVII.

This inscription is on a block of black basalt, 6|ft. by 2ift.,
found at Karakhan, 40 miles N.E. of Van, and near the Lake,
and is twice repeated. The copy is made from a squeeze, and
is published for the first time.

1. Ehal-di-i-e
To Ehaldis

2. e-hu-ri-i-e
the lord

3. i-ni pn-lu-si-e

this inscribed stone

4. y Me-i-nu-hu-a-s
Menuas

5. y Is-pu-u-i-ni-khi-ni-s
son of Ispuinis

6. ku-hu-i-gu-hu-ni
has written,

7. Ehal-di-i-ni-m

for the children of Ehaldis,

8. al-su-hu-i-si-ni
the multitudinous,

9. y Me-i-nu-hu-a-ni
belonging to Menuas

10. y Is-pu-hu-i-ni-e-khi
son of Ispuinis

1L « -Tlr 4" << al-su-i-ni

the powerful king, the king of multitudes

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

53a

^ Bi-a-i-na-hu-e

12 . « *

the king Biamian,

13. a-lu-hu-si-e
inhabiting

^ Dhu-us-pa-a

14.

the city of Dhuspas . 1

XXVIII. (Schulz XXII.)

The following mutilated inscription is on a stone, at the
entrance of the church of Siklce or Sirka, a village siz miles
N E of Van. The last eight lines are copied from a squeeze
made by Mr. Eassam; for the first three I have only bclmlzs

copy.

a A duplicate of

* tw“ onl/the euds of the Hues ™ng. But

it is easy to restore it :

1 lOial-di-ni-ni us-ma-si-ni)

2. (i-m^pu-lu-si)yMe-uu-(a-s)

3. Is-pu-ui-ni-)khi-m-(s)

4. (ku-hu-i-)gu-(ni)

5 . Khal-di-i-)m-(ni)

6. (al-su-hu-i-si-)i-(ui)

7 . (j Me -i-nu-hu-) a- (ni)

8. (j Is-pu-hu-i-ni-)e- (khi)

9. («^ Y r^« al -^ ni

10. (« "V Bi-a-i-)na-e

11. (_>t- Klial-di-ni-ni us-)ma-si-m

12. (i-ni rfft T P ll - lu4i ) T ^e- nll - a '( s l

13. (| Is-pu-u-i-ni-khi-ni-s)

It. (ku-hu-i-)gu-ni

15. (kf- Khal-di-i-)ui-ni

16. (al-su-hu-i-)si-i-ni

17. Me-au-)hu-a-ni

18. ('( Is-pu-liu-i-)ni-e-(kM)

1 9 . «< s=TT? ^ «

20. (« -V Bi-a-)i-aa-e

; kk

21. (a-lu-&i

Dhu-Jus-pa

536

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

1. . , . (y Me-)nu-a-(s)

. . . Menuas

2. a-da (a)-lu-s
says: whoever

3. i-ni pu-)lu-si

this inscribed stone

4. e-si-i-ni

(and) the inscription

5. su-u-i du-da-e

all (P) shall destroy,

6. tu-ri-ni-ni

for all that belongs to the stone (?)

7. >~>f (Khal-)di- (i)-s

may Khaldis

the Air-god (and) the Sun-god

9. ma-ni ar-ma-zi
him with a curse (?)

10 . \\ \\ >- 4 - (U) p 1 -"' 1

four times four during the day the name

(11. me-i ar-khi-hu-ru-da-ni me-i i-na-i-ni me-i
of him, the family of him, the land of him

12. na-ra-a a-hu-i-e hu-lu-da-e
to fire (and) water consign.)

5. For sui see xix. 16. The suffix -ni is omitted with the
adjective, as it has been already attached to the substantive.

9. Armuzi occurs, again, in a similar phrase in xliv. 16.
Here instead of ^ ‘4+4/ we have ^ S\\ 6 4+4
times/ Armuzi is the genitive-dative, which, as we have seen,
may be used as an instrumental; I conjecture, therefore, that
the word means 4 with a curse/ For the termination comp.
galazi xi. 4.

537

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

XXIX. (Schulz XX. XXI.)

The two inscriptions which follow are engraved on the top
and bottom of a round stone, now built into the court of the
church in the island of Aghthamar in the southern part of Lake
Van. They have also been copied by Layard and by Nerses
Sarkisian (Nos. viii. vii.). The mutilation of the characters
shows that the stone was originally square, and was rounded
after the inscriptions had been engraved upon it, since the lost
characters have been destroyed by the attempt to make it
circular.

1 , Khal-di-i-(e)

To Khaldis,

2. e-hu-ri-i-e
the lord,

3. (i)-ni (SflAy) pu-lu-si 1
this inscribed stone

4, Me-nu-hu-a-s 2

Menuas

o. (|) Is-pu-u-ni-khi-ni-(s)
son of Ispuinis

6. (ku)-hu-i-gu-hu-ni

has engraved

7. Khal-di-i-ni-ni 3

to the children of Khaldis

8. (al-)su-si-ni J Me-nu-a-(ni)

the multitudinous, belonging to Menuas

9. Is-)pu«u-i-ni-e 4 -khi
son of Ispuinis,

538

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

(io. « i=!Yr Hr « al4u ‘ i - ni

the powerful king, king of multitudes,

11. H Bi-a-i-na-hu-e
the king Biainian,

12. a-lu-si >-£.]] Dhu-us-pa-a
inhabiting the city of Dhuspas.)

In line 3 all the copies omit the determinative of c stone/
which must, however, have originally stood here. The
copyists have overlooked the second part of the character
The conclusion of the inscription is restored from
No. xxvii. It probably occupied four rather than three lines.

1 .

2 .

6 .

y 1 A-khi-u-ni-ka-ni ....

. . the city of Akhiunikas

(us-ta-di) V 2 E-ri-nu-i-di . . .
on approaching the country of Erinuis . . .

y Me-nu-a-khi-na-a-di ....

in the district of the son of Menuas . . . .

. . ku-dhu-bi pa-ri mu 3 -na-a . . .

I departed out of the island (?) ...

A-i-du-ni \ A -ni . , .

Aidus country . . .

(su ?)-hu-i-ni e-si-ni . . .
all (?) the inscription

. pi 4 -da-e a-gu-bi .....

the memorial I have selected . . .

1 Layard has . .

2 Schulz has tar.

3 Layard has mu, Schulz a character which resembles mu more than i.

4 The copies have .

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAK

589

8. .... * (al-)su-i-si-ni su-I-ni^ni)

to the multitudinous, of lambs (the flesh)

9 (i)-ni pi-da a-gu-(bi)

. . . . this memorial I have selected ....

10 (f Me)-nu-a-s 2 a-da 3

.... Menuas says : . . . .

The rest is destroyed.

2. For ustadi and kudhubi pari see xxx. 1.

8. For the territorial termination in -nas confer Khati-nm
4 Hittite/ and p. 434. Just as Menuas had been associated
by his father in the government, he must have given a district
to his own son.

4. Elsewhere the phrase kndlmbi pari is always followed
bv the name of a country or town. Here, therefore, we may
perhaps translate mund as 4 island/

5. Ebani is added to explain the preceding proper name,

although the latter is provided with a determinative prefix,
just as in the case of 1 )hn-m-pa-a ^r- It should be

noticed that the defining word follows that which is defined.

6. We cannot read ini ‘this 5 here, since in that case we
should have esi and not esi-ni.

8. For suinini see xi. 4.

It is plain that this inscription once occupied a much larger
space than the one on the opposite side of the stone. As the
latter, however, was put up by the same king, the original
stone must either have been intended to be seen and read on
both sides, which does not seem very probable, or a stone
already used by Menuas for inscription A must have been
again utilized by him after his visit to the island of Aghthamar.
From line 3 it would appear that the visit was paid towards
the end of his reign, when he was beginning to associate his
son Argistis with himself in the government. As has been
previously noticed, Akhiunikas seems to be the modern Akha-
vank, but it is difficult to say whether the name of the island

So Layard.

2 So Layard.

So Layard.

540

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

was Ennuis or Aidus. More probably it was the former,
Aicius being the mainland opposite. See p. 895.

XXX. (Schulz XLIL)

This important inscription has been copied by Schulz and
Robert only. It is engraved on a rock called the Y azlu-tash
or ‘ written stone/ on the southern cliff of a mountain in
Kurdistan, eight miles X. W. of Baher (north of Lake Yan)
and a few minutes from the small village of Yazlu-tash.
Baher is close to Melasgerd (i.e. Manavaz-gherd, 4 the town of
Menuas (?) ? ), which lies on the banks of the Murad (Euphrates)
on the road from Ardish to Erzerum.

1. >-J^- Khal-di-ni us-ta-bi ma-si-ni

To the Khaldi’s I have approached, to the powers

gis-su-ri-e

mighty,

2. | Bi-a-hu-e-khi-ni-e-di ^ tar-a-i-hu-e-di

in the powerful country belonging to the son of Biaus.

3. >~>|- Khal-di-i ku-ru-ni >->y~ Khal-di-ni gis-su-ri-i

To Khaldis the giver, to the Khaldi’s the mighty

4. ku-ru-ni, Khal-di-i-ni-ni us-ma-a-si-ni

the givers, to the children of Khaldis the gracious

5- us-ta-bi | Me-nu-a-ni

I have approached. To those that belong to Menuas
I Is-pu-hu-i-ni-e-khi
the son of Ispuinis

6. hu-lu-us-ta-i-bi >->y~ Khal-di-ni | Me-nu-a-s

I have approached with offerings, the Khaldfs. Menuas

7. a-da-e kha-hu-bi J Bi-a-hu-e-khi

says: I have conquered belonging to the son of Biaus

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

541

8. Sa-si-lu-ni <(X -si kha-hu-bi

the city of Sasilus, the royal city. I have conquered
gu-nu-sa-a
for a spoil

9. V* e-ba-a-ni a-ma-as-tu-bi ^TTTT

the country. I have plundered the palaces.

10. ku-dhu-hu-bi pa-a-ri-e ^ Se-se-e-ti-i-na-a

I have departed out of the land of the Sesetians,

11. ^ Zu-a-i-na-a Hu-dhu-kha-a-i

the city of the Zuaians (and) of the city of Udhukhais

a-su-ni

, ( neighbourhood. \

tlie ( midst. j

12. y Me-nu-a-s a-da-e | Hu-dliu-pu-ur-si-ni {(

Menuas says: Udhupursis, the king,

13. y Di-i-a-hu-e-khi nu-na-bi ka-a-i-bu-kid
the son of Diaus, I attacked with arms (?).

14. sa-tu-a-da ku-ri-e-da su-lu-us-ti-i-bi
Hostages (and) tribute I imposed.

15. si-lu-a-di na-ku-ri ha-al-du-bi me-si-ni pi-i
On receipt (?) of the gifts (?) I changed his name.

16. a-ru-hu-ni ^jy 4^"^ ^TT me-e-s

He brought gold (and) silver ; brought he

17. a-da ta-as-mu-s bad-di-ma-a-nu bi-du-ni

and the princes, all and each, the priest

18. i-bi-ra-a-ni | Me-nu-hu-a-s a-da-e

(and) the people. Menuas says :

19. ka-am-na-a -da f Di-a-hu-e-khi-ni-i

the many possessions of the son of Diaus,

542

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

20. $EzJb v* £jyy y«< -hu-hu ^y*- a-si y«<

horses, horsemen,

ha-a-kha-a-hu
chariots,

2i t a-si y<« as-te-hu-i-hn-ni a-sa-a-zi’-e

charioteers, of the magazines the ......

22. khi-i-ni-e si-hu-bi >^y>- khu-hu-ra-di-(i)-a
the sons of, I carried off; the army

23. ma-a-si-ni-e-i-a-ni a-sa-zi-e-(khi 2 -ni-)e 3

the officers, the sons of the

24. yy ^ y«< -da-da-e-di-ni su-dhu-ku-(hu-)bi

the people of the two kingdoms I despoiled :

25. y Ba-al 4 -tu-hu-ul-khi-e e-ba-a-ni-i-e

of the son of Baltul the countries,

26. Kha-al-di-ri-ul (?) 5 -khi XX e-ba-a-ni-i-e
of the city of Khaldi-ri-ulkhis the countries,

27. -mi eh t«< a-si-da a-gu-hu-ni-e-da

the palaces, the spoil,

28. V" e-ba-ni-a-tsi-e-di-ni su-dhu-ku-bi

(and) the seat of government I despoiled.

29. | Me-nu-a-s a-da«e a-lu-s i-ni

Menuas says: whoever this tablet

30. tu-da-i-e a-lu-s pi-tu-da-i-e
removes ; whoever removes the name ;

31. a-lu-s a-i-ni i-ni-da du-da-e

whoever with earth here destroys ;

1 Robert has gi. 2 Schulz has . 3 Schulz has .

4 Schulz has du 3 but xlv. 16 shows that we must read -1<I al.

5 Schulz has yj^J^ which looks like the determinative of ‘man/ followed by
the character for ‘ ox.’

6 Schulz has la.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN. 543

32. a-lu-s hu-da-s ti-liu-da-e i-e-s za-du-bi

whoever that undoes which I have done ;

33. tu-ri-ni-ni >~>f- Khal-di-s

for all that belongs to the rock (?) may Khaldis,

->f -ni-s
the Air-god (and) the Sun-god,

34. T«< -s ma-a-ni -ni pi-i-ni me-i ar-khl-

tlie gods, him publicly, the name of him, the fa-

35. hu-ru-da-a-ni me-i i-na-i-ni

mil y of him, the city

36. me-i na-ra-a a-hu-i-e hu-lu-da-e
of him to fire (and) water consign.

1. The verbal us fa- hi cannot be separated from the locative
mta-di , which occurs frequently in the historical inscriptions
in the stereotyped phrase usta-cM x khaubi V" kudha-di
park ^ y (xxxvii. 9, 10), or mta-di V* ® * • * cud/m-bi pari
V" y (1. 12, 13). Here the stereotyped formula of the in-
scriptions of Assur-natsir-pal and Shalmaneser, — u to the land
... I went, from the land ... I departed,” — comes to our
assistance. Usta-di must mean c on approaching ' or 6 after
entering/ The latter signification, however, is excluded (1)
by the fact that the idea of 4 after ’ is denoted by the suffix -U
and not -di, and (2) by the use of the verbal usta-U in the
formula we are now considering. The first signification,
therefore, is the only one possible. The Assyrian karabu c to
approach ’ is used in a similar way to iistabi in the sense of
4 approaching in prayer/ the derivative ikribu having in fact
the meaning of 4 prayer’ only.

Masini is a dative plural of a derivative adjective in -si from
a stem ma. It cannot, however, agree with Khaldini , as in
this case we should have mask , not masini , and it must, there-
fore, be in apposition with it. Masini , consequently, must be
an adjective used in an abstract sense of the Tannic deities.
Its most natural signification would then be 4 powers/ like the

544

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

Assyrian emuJd, which is employed in a similar way,, and this
signification is verified by our finding the word used in line 23
of persons belonging to the army.

For gissurie see v. 28.

2. This line must be read Diave-khinie-di eba(m)-farake-di,
eba or ebani being the first part of a compound substantive with
which the prefixed adjective Diave-khinie-di agrees. ■ We must
notice that the locative suffix is attached not to the simple
tarais, but to the stem tarai furnished with what may be called
the topographical suffix hue or ve. It is this suffix which
shows that we are dealing with a compound which is regarded
as a single geographical name, ‘ The son of Diaus 1 is men-
tioned by Argistis (No. xlv., etc.), from which we may infer
(1) that the expression denotes ‘descendant’ as well as ‘son/
and (2) that Diaus or Diaves was the founder of a dynasty or
kingdom. In the same way Jehu is called ‘the son of Omri’
in the Assyrian inscriptions. From line 12 we find that his
name was Udhubursis. The locality in which the inscription
is found fixes the situation of his kingdom. See p. 399.

3. Euruni would be the dative of an adjective in -nis,
though in this case it is curious that we do not find kurunie
as the pi. dat. line 5. Kanmi frequently occurs by the side
of kuruni (e.g. xxxvii. 17). An instructive passage is xlix.
1-4, where we have :

Khaldi-ni usta-bi masinie gissurie karu-ni V"

‘ To the Khaldi’s I prayed, to the mighty powers, who have

Ma-na-ni ebanie ( Sariduri-kai ) . . . .

<nven the land of the Minni to the race of Sarduris . . . .

Ehaldi kuruni . Ehaldi-ni-ni gissurie

to Khaldis the giver, to the mighty children of Khaldis

kunmi usia-bi Sariduri-m

the givers I prayed, that belong to Sarduris/

Here the parallelism of the two clauses shows that the only
difference between karuni and kuruni lies in' the second being
used absolutely, while the first has an accusative case after it.
The only possible meaning of the words in the first clause is

THE CUNEIFORM INSCEIPTIOKS OF YAK.

545

4 who have given the land of the Minni to the race of Sarduris/ 1
The difference between the verb and the noun is thus expressed
by a difference in the vowel ; but whereas the usual rule is that
u as the final vowel of the stem marks the verb and a the
noun, here a in the first syllable marks the verb and u the
noun. We may compare kkuada and khaudaie in xxL 8, 10.
The spelling- karunie in xxxiii. 2 shows that the verbal form
is really a participle. See xix. 5.

6. Ulustaibi is a compound of ulu, which we find in ulu-dme
4 may they consign/ and mtabi , so that it means literally
4 gift + approach/ We have another similar compound of
which ustabi forms the second element in ktlustibi , line 14.
The diphthongization of the final a of the stein, which is
further contracted into i in ktlustibi , is difficult to explain. It
may either be caused by the lengthening of the stem through
composition, and the consequent falling of the accent on the
pen ultima, or the original form of the first person of the verb
may have been ustaibi , which was contracted on the one side
into ustabi, and on the other into iisiibi. The latter explanation
is perhaps supported by the fact that the final vowel of the
vei’bal stem is usually u not a . Possibly, however, the diph-
thong is really due to the false analogy of Biainas and similar
words by the side of Bianas and Binas .

8. The dative singular gunusd is always coupled with
khaubL Akin to it is the word gitnusini , which is preceded
by the determinative of 4 people ’ and a numeral, and is among
the objects carried away from a conquered land (e.g. xlix. 10).
The position in which it occurs seems to make it certain that
it means 4 slaves. 5 Now gunmint is the accusative plural of
an adjective in -nis (or rather -inis, the a of the stem being
changed into i before the i of the suffix -ms), and this would
properly denote 4 what belongs to gumisasJ The signification
of the latter word is thus clearly 4 spoil/ and the phrase
gunusa khaubi would exactly answer to the stereotyped formula
of the Assyrian texts 4 for a spoil I took/ It may be noticed
that we have indifferently gunusd khaubi and khaubi gunusd .

1 Mordtmann mates Jcuruni (which lie reads turuni) * deditf but renders kanmi
A 4 be was.’

546

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

9. Amas-tu-bi, the sense of which is fixed by the context,
is a compound of tu with an adverb, similar to siclis-tu and

nukis-tu.

For asida ‘site of houses/ i.e. 6 palaces/ see p. 459. We
learn from this word that - da denoted the plural as well as
the singular, or rather was attached to a plural as well as to a
singular form. Asida stands for asie-da , i.e . stem + plural
sign + localizing affix.

10. The meaning of kudhubi has been explained above
(note 1). By the side of kudhubi we find the locative of the
noun kudha-di ( e.g . xxxvii. 7) c on (my) departure/ which
illustrates the different application of u and a as final vowels
of the stem.

Pane also appears under the shorter form of pari, and
always follows kudhubi or kudhadi . As the next word is
invariably the name of a country or town, it must represent
the preposition 4 out of.’ The termination will be the same as
in sidisi. The verb paru-bi , to which it is related, inter-
changes with tu-bi, and I imagine the difference between them
to be that, whereas tubi is * I carried away/ parubi is 4 1
carried out of/ In xlix. 12, we have the compound par-tuse
i captive/ Parie or pari is followed by the genitive-dative.
See x. i.

We must read 4 Sesetians/ since - nas is the territorial suffix
as in KhaM-nas 4 Hittite/ This was probably also the origin
of the final syllable in Biainas.

11. As the city is elsewhere called Zuais (xlv. 3), - ms
must here also be the adjectival suffix.

As uni always follows the name of a town which stands in
the genitive, and once we have akmini. 1 As it is governed
by pari, it must be either a dative plural or a dative singular

1 The passages are : xmii. 14, (Mau-)ni >- Puteria asuni 4 who has con-
quered of the city of Puterias the neighbourhood (?) ’ ; 1. 15, kudhubi pari V s
Musanie >— JlT T Zapsa asuni 1 1 departed out of the land of Musanis (and) the
neighbourhood (?) of the city of Zapsa ’ ; xli. 18, >— JZ] T Bikhurani as mini \
Bamni 1 the city of Bikhuras (and) the county of Bam belonging to the neigh-
bourhood (?).’

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

54 ?

of an adjective in -ni$. The word may be related to cm
4 horsemen? and so mean 4 population 1 ; but as this idea is
generally expressed by the suffix -vedia, it is better to regard
am and asus as distinct nouns, the latter signifying 4 neigh-
bourhood ’ or 4 border/

18. The sense of nunct-bi is fixed by the context here and
the other places where it occurs. See xlix. 11, inani
nimdbi 4 the land (and) kings I attacked/

Eaiukid (or kayukid) is written ka-u-ki-e in 1. 28. The
analogy of the Assyrian inscriptions would suggest 4 with
weapons’ or ‘with fighting’ as the translation of the adverb.

14. The five words which follow are found in L 28, 24,
the only difference being that here the word mlmtibi comes
first. Sa-tu-qda must be a compound of tu and sa ; the
analogy of the Assyrian texts would make the signification
4 homage 5 or 4 hostages/ The second meaning is shown to be
the true one by the verb satu-bi in 1. 17, as well as by the
collective suffix. Satua would be 4 the people of removing
from there/ The localizing affix gives an abstract (i.e. here a
plural) force. We can easily understand how 4 the place’ or
4 position ’ of a thing came to denote an abstract. Eure- da is
clearly from the same root as kuru-ni , and must literally be
4 a place 9 or 4 position of giving’; and so the abstract 4 gifts/
‘tribute/ The sense of suhistibi is settled by the context.
It is a compound of ustaibi , possibly of ulmtaibi , in which
case the initial sibilant will have a causative meaning.

15. The locative siluadi occurs again, with naJmri following,

in 1. 24, where we have 4 on receipt of the gifts (?) I carried
away {nakhubi) the gold and silver/ My translation of the
two words can only be conjectural, and the gentilie or col-
lective suffix of sihi-a-di implies a rendering ‘ among the men
of ’

In xxxiv. 13, 1. 26, haldubi is written haltubi , which shows
that it is a compound of tu, t being softened into d after l in
the more usual form (see p, 427). As ha l means ‘to sacrifice/
hal+tu will be 4 slay + bring away/ i.e, bring into a state of
slaughter. Mesmi is the accusative sing, of mesis, an adj. in
-s from mes, the third personal pronoun, and must therefore

548

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

signify ‘his’ or ‘its.’ Pi is ‘name,’ the accusatival suffix
being omitted, as it has been already expressed in the pre-
ceding adjective. Had the adjective followed, we should have
had pi-ni mesi. The parallel Assyrian inscriptions show that
the meaning of the phrase must be 4 1 changed his name;
Hence kaldubii s literally 4 1 destroyed 1 or 4 obliterated/

16. For arimi see notes on cirdi~s~e and Se 1- civdis , v . 2, /«
The sense is fixed by the context in the various passages in
which (mini and ariibi occur.

It is noticeable that the affix of plurality is attached not to
both words 4 gold’ and ‘silver/ but only to the last. This
proves that when the conjunction is omitted between two nouns,
the nouns may be regarded as a single compound, and the index
of grammatical relation accordingly attached to the last of them
only. Compare the note on d usis iu- li- ni~ n i, v. 31. Wb learn
from xlv. 20 that 4 gold/ was pronounced tuaies in Tannic.

Jfc, it is clear, is the nominative of the genitive mei 4 ot

him;

17. The termination of tasmus shows that it is co-ordinate
with mes, so that ada must here be the conjunction 4 and/ We
have already seen that in v. 25 (70) all is this conjunction, and
it is therefore plain that the copyist has confused together the

two characters and ^<1* as in otlier cases * The

determinative prefix of tasmus proves that it denotes a class
of people, and as the latter are coupled with the king it must
mean his highest officers or 4 princes/ Perhaps we should read
tasmuse , in which case the nominative pi. would have the same
form as the acc. pi. instead of as the nom. sing.

Baddi-manu must be a compound of baddi 4 all ’ and manu
4 each/ For the first see v. 24, and for the second v. 2. The
word seems to be in the accusative plural, and accordingly in
apposition to bidu-m and ibira-ni .

19. For kamnd see vii. 4. It must be construed as forming
the first part of a compound, the latter part of which consists
of the adjective 4 many/ The whole is then used as an abstract
with the suffix da, like satuada and kureda above. It should
probably be read kamnd-aMuisida.

Observe the genitive Diavekkini , which preserves the final

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OP VAN.

349

nasal of the suffix, in contrast to the accusative (used adjec-
tivally), which drops it (line 25).

20. The accusative plural of the Vannic word for c horse 7 is
shown by this passage to have terminated in m, so that the
nominative sing, would have ended in -mis. From xlv. 26 we
gather that the whole word was ncwus.

The position of cisis, which has the D.P. of a class of persons,
defines its meaning exactly.

The context settles the meaning of Jiakhau , ace. pi. from
hakhaus , while that of asteuyimi seems fixed by parallel
passages in the Assyrian texts. The -word is written astihn
in the plural in xliii. 42, and the ideographic tyyyy ^ jgj
y«< is found in xlv. 21, 25. The word is here adjectival and
seems to agree with asaze-khinie. This word denotes 4 sons
of. . . / and the sense requires an equivalent to our 4 engineers ’
or 4 commissariat officers/ With the termination of asazie
compare gala-zi. Notice the separation of the patronymic
suffix khiiiie from the word to which it is attached ; see p. 425.

22. As Mordtmann perceived, the position in which the
word khuracHa is constantly found in the historical texts makes
it quite clear that it must signify ‘ soldiers ’ or 4 army/ The
word is literally 4 men of the khuradis 5 or 4 army/ Comp.
lamia.

For mamdeya-ni see making line 1. The word is the ace.
sing, of a noun formed from the adjective niamiis by the gentilie
suffix - a . Consequently it means 4 men of the powerful/ i. e.
4 officers/ For the form cf. arnuyada , xxxi. 4.

24. JSfu- da-da-edi-m is an instructive word. The redupli-
cation of the suffix -da to denote the plural (or the dual?) has
already come before us in armanidad (p. 517). Here the full
vowel termination of the second syllable of the reduplication
is retained before the suffix which follows. Nu-dci-da would
be literally the 4 kingdoms/ The suffix of agency which is
attached to it is separated from da-da by the vowel e (da-dae).
This same suffix is frequently added to the adj. in ~ve ; e.g.
xxxvii. 9, Zabahhae-vedi-a 4 the inhabitants of Zabakhas/
xxxvii. 13, - vedia-ni 4 the female folk/ See below, line 28.

550

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

The meaning of sudhukubi is determined by 1. 26, 27,
where we have III ase-di sudukubi abidadubi c in three palaces
I plundered, I burned with fire/ It will be noticed that
in this passage dh is softened into d, and that we find the
locative in place of the accusative.

25. Battullihie is the accusative of the adjective agreeing
with ebcinie. See above, line 20. The same king is mentioned
in xlv. 16.

26. Agununeda is a local case, used to express an abstract
idea, like kure-da above. The stem agunune is an adj. in -nis
from agunu , a compound- of agu 6 take/ and nu, which is perhaps
the root of nus c king/ and nmia-bi 6 1 attacked/

28. For the suffix a-tsi in ebani-atsi-edi-ni, see p. 436. The
form of the word is strictly parallel to that of niidadae-di-m.

XXXI.

The following inscription was copied by Sir A. H. Layard
from a stone in the church of SS. Peter and Paul at Yan, and
is here published for the first time. We learn from the 9th
line that the historical events described in it took place before
the death of Ispuinis, during the joint reign of himself and his
son. It is unfortunate it is in so fragmentary a condition.
One or two characters are lost at the beginning of each line,
and two or three at the end,

1 a-na-si-i i >f-g£:

2. my-nu-bi | Hu-dha-ru-hu-khi

I (overcame) the son of Udharus

3, (bur-)ga-la-da 2 |<« V s3 E-ti-hu-khi 4 -

the temples, the kings belonging to the country
ni-(da)

of the children of Etius,

1 Perhaps e. See line 14.

2 Layard has U.

The next word may he nima~M 4 1 attacked/

3 Layard has se. 4 Layard has i.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

551

4. ar-nu-ya-da 1 ns-ta-a-(bi)

the castles I approached (prayed)

5 . Hf-) Khal-di-ni ma 2 -si-ni gis-su-ri-e | Hu 3 -dha-
to the Khaldises, the powers mighty, in that which

ru-(khi-ni-e-di)

belongs to the son of Udharus

6. Lu-sa-i-ni-e-di | Ka-tar-za-ni-(i-e-di)

even in the country of Lusas, in that which belongs to Katarzas

7. (V") E-ti 4 -hu-khi-na-e-di ^ J<«-di >->|-

even in the country of the children ofEfcius, the kings. To

Khal-di-i 5 ku(-ru-ni)

Khaldis the giver,

g. Khal-)di-ni gis-su-ri-i ku-ru-ni us-ta-(a-bi)

(and) to the Khaldises the mighty the givers I approached,

9. Is-)pu-hu-i-ni-ni J Sari-du-ri-khi J Me-(nu-a-ni)
that belong to Ispuinis the son of Sariduris (and) Mermas

10. (f Is-)pu-hu-i-ni«khi su-hu-i du-tu | Hu-dha-(ru-
the son of Ispuinis. All (?) the .... of the son of

khi-ni)

IJdharus

11. Lu-sa-a | Ka-tar-za-a bur-ga-la-da 6

of the land of Lusas (and) of Katarzas, the temples,

T«<)

(the kings),

12. (V) E-ti-hu-khi-ni-da a 7 -si-da

belonging to the country of the children of Etius the palaces

na 8 -(khu-bi)

I (despoiled.)

1 Layard has U.
4 Layard has an.
7 Layard has za.

2 So Layard.

5 Layard has ni.

8 Layard has ma.

3 Layard has kid.
6 Layard has li.

552

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

13. (5^) efflf-
Of the men

14. ... a-na-si-i-e

a-ri (iP)-ni (P) Ma (?) 2 .

here (?)

se (?) na bat 3 is-ti-(ni-ni)
.......... belonging to them.

15. . . eu 4 ^T-se (a) 5 -ti-(bi) . . . (is)-ti-ni-hu 6 -e-di-(a)
.... the children ; thousands . . . the people of them,

16.

• ■<!!! £5= v (gcTT T«<) ■ • • TTf <T- r? T

(and) sixteen horses, . . . three thousand five hundred

17. pa-) klii-ni W p- 7 1«(<) ^ QHU-se)

oxen, 2795 sheep,

18. (pa-ru-bi) ni hu 8 -e-(di-a)

(I carried off). The . . . . , the inhabitants

19. . ni-e-i li (?)-lu-us-pa (?) . . . 9

20. a nu (?) i ni ni gu (?) na (?) da (?) a

The following fragment of a stone built into the same wall
probably contains the continuation of the inscription

21. (a)-lu-s i-ni tu 10 -da u -(e)

whoever this removes,

22. (a)-lu-s khu-(da-)-i-(e)
whoever injures,

23 . . . ki hu ra (?) a (?).. . .

24., . a |«< . . su

1 Layard lias ir. 2 Layard has li (?). 3 See note on this line.

4 Probably an error for some numeral. 5 Layard has

8 Layard has kid, 1 Layard has 8 Layard has hid,

9 See note on this line. 10 Here expressed hy 11 Layard has IL

TEE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAX.

25 e-si-ni-e i i (?) ri (?) du-(da-e)

. . . . the inscriptions destroys

26. . . li (?) ha tu ka i-ni se-ir (?) du~daU(e)
this (?).... destroys,

27. (a)-lu-s a-i-ni-e i-ni-da 3 du-(hu)-da-(e)
whoever with earth here destroys.

28. i 3 -hu-da 4 -e tu-hu-(da-e)

undoes, removes,

29. (a)-lu-s hu-da 5 -e-s ti-i-hu 6 -da 7 -(e)

whoever that undoes

30. (i-e-s) za-du-lm-bi pi s d-ni >~>t- Khal-(di-s)
which I have done, the name may Khaldis . . .

Here the text is broken off,

2. The verb must mean f I overcame 5 or something similar,
but I have met with no verb elsewhere the stem of which
terminates in -nu, unless it be kiclanu-bi xxxix, 30 ; or
. . . anuni v. 31.

The name Udharus is written TJduris by Argistis xxxvii.
22. It is unfortunate that the name of his son is lost.

3. Throughout this inscription the copyist has uniformly
represented da by li (e.g. asida line 12, and the verbs in the
second fragment). Bar gala-da must be compared with burgana-
ni (iii. 1, 2) and galazi (xi. 4). The suffix shows that the
word denotes a place, or collection of buildings, while lines 11,
12, make it equally clear that it does not mean 4 a palace/
On the other hand, burgana-ni and galazi are both connected
with religious ceremonies, the first being either 4 an altar * or
4 a shrine/ so that burgala-da 4 a place of altars 5 must be
4 temple 9 or 4 temples/ We must notice that the adjective
EUu-khini-da takes the local affix, in order to agree with
ammja-da. See line 12. The phrase ‘children of Etius 7 is
used like the phrase 4 children of Eden * in the Old Testament,
and perhaps denotes a colony from the land of Etius. In

1 Layard has li. 2 Layard lias li. 3 See hi. iii. 3.

4 Layard has li. 5 Layard has li. 6 Layard has lu (r).

7 Layard has li. 6 Layard has me.

554

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

xxxvii. 22, mtiu-khini stands by the side of Etiu-nini , JEWm-
ms being the adjective; No. xxxiv. shows that Etius must
have been the district on the north bank of the Araxes, not
far from the later city of Armavir. See note on xxxiv, 2.

4. Arnuya-cla also occurs in xlv. 34, where Argistis describes
his conquest of 4 the son of Diana/ There it is coupled with
adae-dci. The word is connected with amis and arnimi-ni-da
< the citadel’ of Van; see note on v. 17. For the gentilie
infix -ya confer masinie-ya-ni xxx. 22. Amu - seems to stand
for arniu- ( ctmyu -). In line 12 asida palace takes the
place of arnu-ya-da.

5. The adjective takes the locative suffix like the substantive
with which it agrees (see line 3). It is clear from this
passage that the adjective when thus provided with the suffix
of its substantive may stand either before or after the latter.

6. Katarzas was still alive in the reign of Argistis, by
whom he is called Kudhurzas (xxxvii. 18). For the con-
struction ebani-Lusai-nie-di confer xxx. 2.

10. Dutu is an accusative plural of a noun dutus, like lain
‘women/ It is not found elsewhere, and seems to have some
such sense as ‘spoil. 5

12. We must notice that asida occurs here without the
explanatory ideographs.

14. This is the same word that occurs in line 1. It is only
found in this inscription. One character alone is wanting, the
vowel of which must have been a.

Bad should clearly be hi, and by reading the doubtful se as
nu we have nima-bi 4 1 attacked/

18. Parabi is the word used elsewhere in this connection.

19. We should probably read nulus-tu-bi 4 1 subjugated 5 as
in xxxviii. 42. The preceding word is in the genitive, and is
possibly the name of the son of Udharus.

26. If ir is the right reading, we may compare seri in xix, 17.
But the consonantal termination would be inexplicable, and ni
should probably be read for ir.

It is unfortunate that this example of the imprecatory
formula should be so mutilated, as it varies considerably
from the usual forms of it.

THE CUNEIFORM IKSCEIPTIOXS OF VAX.

555

XXXII. (Schulz XXXIX)

This inscription has been copied bv Schulz and Layard
from a stone built into the wall of a vault under the church of
SS. Peter and Paul (Surb Boghos) at Yan. A squeeze of
it has also been taken by Captain Clayton. Two or three
characters are lost at the beginning of each line, and the end
of the inscription is wanting.

1. Khal-di-)ni-ni us-ma-si-ni | Me-nu-a-s

To the Khaldrs the gracious, Menuas

I Is-pu-hu-i-ni-(khi-ni-s)
son of Ispuinis

2. (a-da-e) i-hu tu-su-kha-a-ni V* Ma-a-na-a-i-di
says thus : the plunder (?), to the land of the Minni

us-ta-a-di
on approaching,

8. e-ba-)a-ni~a tu-hu-bi a-ma-as-tu-hu-bi

the people of the country I carried away ; I plundered
i-ku-hu-ka-a-ni
the goods

4. e 1 khu-ra-di-ni-da y«< kid-da 2 -*

the camps, the ....

nu-hu- da kha-a-i~tu-hu
the monuments,

5. (y Sa-da-ha-da-)e-khi-ni-ni \ <3 -ni-iii

belonging to the son of Sadahadas belonging to the country,

^yy Su-ri-si-da-ni H^y Tar-khi 4 -ga 5 -ma-a-ni
the city of Surisidas, the city of Tarkhigamas
6- (--yy . . .)-dlm-ra-a-m y Sa-da 6 -ha-da-e-khi-m-da-a-m
the city of . . . dhuras, the seat of the son of Sadahadas
ap-ti-ni

which was called,

1 So squeeze and Layard. 2 Written Jj*^y<y , 3 Schulz has tar.

4 So squeeze and Layard ; Schulz has hab instead of tar-khi .

5 So squeeze and Layard. Schulz has hu. 6 Written g*>-|<y «

556

TIIE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS

OF VAN.

da-e-i kab ^bi-e

of the city of ... • das the stones,
as-ta-a-ni ap-ti-ni
Hittites which was called,

Klia-ti-na-
the seat of the

g i-liu-e Al-zi-i-ni-ni IIMCXIII

belonging to the country of Alzis 2113
t^f>- ta-ar-su-a-ni
soldiers

g 0 a- da-kid za-as-gu-hu-bi a-da-kid >— <|< |«<

partly 1 killed, partly alive

a-gu-hu-bi
I took.

10 ........ e a-da-ma-a-nu a-ru-hu-bi khu-ra-

some and each I brought those belonging

di-na-hu-e |<«
to the army.

2. Adae iu occurs elsewhere (xli. 13, 17, li. in. 3), where
it can only mean 6 he says thus/ an exact translation of the
usual Assyrian phrase ihabbi umma 4 he says thus. The root
of iu is t, the demonstrative stem which we find in i-ni; the
final ~u marks the adverb as in baddimam , adamant* , and
would seem to have originally been the accusative plural of a
noun in -ns.

We find hhani (mr-lchani) again in xxxix. 49, and in com-
position with sisu (sisu-khani) in xliii. 43. We might decom-
pose both sisu and tusu^ into si + su and tu-\-su , si (in siubi)
and iu having much the same meaning. We have w in
kharkhar-su-U e I dug up.* 9 Perhaps the word signifies
4 plunder. 9 It is replaced by sisii-ni (? sisu-ti-udd) in xlix. 7.

The position of the locative ustadi here is very unusual. But
Mcmai-di precedes as being an independent locative governed
by the defining word ustadi , which accordingly follows. The
Mana are the Mannai of the Assyrian inscriptions between the
kingdom of Yan and Lake Urumiyeh. They are the Minni

1 Written J apparently for Mb ; though perhaps for Mr.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

of the Old Testament, the Minyans of Nikolaos of Damascus.
See p. 389.

3. The affix -a in ebani-a clearly denotes 4 people oF — ‘the
country folk." The meaning of ikukani seems to be determined
by li. iii. 5, where it is coupled with tukhi-ni 4 prisoners, 5 and
xlix. 22, where it follows a list of booty that had been carried
off. The stem is iku (comp, inu-s), with the suffix ha (see
note on xxi. 3), so that it means literally 4 a series of goods/

4. RJmradi-ni-da is literally 4 the place belonging to the
army/ Here, as in asida (xxx. 27), the ideograph of plurality
shows that - da expresses the plural.

Kiddanu-da occurs again under the form of hidamidn in xxxix.
30. I have no idea of its meaning. For hhaitiiu see xvi. 4.

5. Sadahadaekhmi-ni agrees with the substantives which
follow, and consequently not only does not lose the -ni of the
suffix - Minis , but attaches to itself the accusatival -nL The
final suffix of ebani-ni, however, is the adjectival - inis . Sada-
hadas seems to have been a Hittite king, Menuas having made
expeditions the same year against the Minni on the east and
the Hittites on the west. The name probably stands for Sanda-
hacks, Sanda(n) having been a Hittite deity.

6. For ap-tini see xi.A. 3. The character seems in-
tended for hah, and the determinative would appear to

indicate that the word means c stones.’ But compare (carli
xxxvii. 26.

7. — da-e-i has the genitive termination. — Khatinm-fa-ni
stands for Khatinas-da-n% t becoming d after s as in Biaimste
for Biainas-di . lUiaMnas is a territorial adjective in -na,%
parallel to Biaims . We find the simple Khate in xxxviii, 5,
This exactly corresponds with the Assyrian Ivhatte or Khattai.
6 Hittites/ the double dental of the Assyrian form being repre-
sented in Tannic by a single one, as in Mana by the side
of the Assyrian Mannai. The geographical position assigned
to the Khate suits that of the Assyrian Khattai who lived to
the south of the country of Alzu on the Upper Euphrates.

8. Alzu is mentioned along with Purukuzzu by Tig] at h-
Pileser I. as adjoining the Hittites who sent against him a

558

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

force composed of Kaskian (Kolkhian) and Urumian subject-
allies Ahinini is the accusative of an adjective in -ink.

' Tarsm must, from the position in which it frequently occurs,
signify ‘soldiers,’ as Dr. Mordtmann perceived. It is a col-
lective in -a like khuradi-a.

9. For the phrase adaldd zasgubi aclakicl sekheri agubi, see
p. 449. The pronunciation of the ideographs <1[< |<« is
o-iven by xxxvii. 42, 47, etc.

10 Adamam is an adverb like baddi-manu (xxx. IT), and
must be decomposed into ada and nianu ‘ some + each. It
means each of the ‘some’ who were taken alive and are further
defined as belonging to the army. They were probably carried

to Yan.

XXXIII.

This inscription was copied by Sir A. H. Layard at Palu
on the northern bank of the Upper Euphrates, about midway
between Malatiyek and Y an, and to the east of the country of
Alzu mentioned in the last inscription. It is engraved on the
face of a cliff overlooking the river, on the summit of which
are the ruins of an ancient fortress. It would appear from
the inscription that Puterias was the old name of the city
now represented by Palu. Fitter would identify it with the
fortress Khitarizum of Procopius, which perhaps contains the
name of the Hittites. The text is published in Layard’s In-
scriptions in the Cuneiform Character , pi. T4.

Khal-di-ni us-ta-a-bi ma x -si-ni-i-e
To the Khaldises I prayed, to the powers

2. (gis-su)-ri-e ka-ru-ni-e > "^Tf 2 Pn 3 -te 4 -ri' > -a-ni
mighty, who have given the city of Puterias.

3. (ka-)a-ru-ni Khu 6 -za-na 7 -a-ni

who have given belonging to the city of Khuzanas

the countries

i So Layard. 2 Layard has V’ (?) 3 So in line 14 ; Layard has bad (?).

4 Perhaps la ; see note. 5 So in line 14.

6 So in line 9. 7 The printed text has ma, but the original copy reads na.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

559

4. (V') Gu-pa-ni 1 * >~>^- Khal-di-i ku-ru-ni

(and) the land of Gupas ; to Khaldis the giver,

5. <~f Khal-di)-ni gis-su-ri-i ku-ra-ni
to the Khaldises the mighty, the givers,

6- Hb Khal-di-ni-)ni us-ma-(si)-ni us-ta-a-bi
to the children of Khaldis the gracious 1 prayed,

7. Me-nu-a-ni) | Is-pu-hu-i-ni-e-khi

belonging to Menuas the son of Ispuinis

8. (kha-hu-ni) Pu 3 -te-ri-a-ni

who has conquered belonging to the city of Puterias

^ e-ba-ni-e
the districts

9. a-da 4 (^If) Khu-za-a-na-ni

and belonging to the city of Khuzanas

^ e-ba-ni-e
the districts ;

10. kha-(hu-ni) Gu-hu-pa-a-ni kliu-dhu-iu

who has conquered the land of Gupas ; who has departed

11. pa 5 -a-ri-e ^ Kha-a-te-i-na-a

out of the land of the Hittites ;

12. (i-)ni 6 -i pu-lu-si ku-i 7 -gu-ni

this inscribed stone who has written

13. (a-)da-a >->?- Khal-di-i ya-ra-ni

and to Khaldis who has consecrated ;

1 So in line 10.

5 Layard has (?). 3 Layard has bad (•').

* Layard has the impossible >— character is plainly da.

6 Layard has (?). 6 Layard has 7 Layard has a (?).

00 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OP VAN.

14. (Pklia-liu-)in Pu-te-ri-a

who has conquered (?) of the city of Puterias

a-su-ni

the neighbourhood ;

15. | Su-da(?)-ni(?)-za-a-hu*a-da
of Sudani-zavadas,

16.

Me-li^dha-i-e 1 2 al-khe

the king of Malatiyeh of the inhabitants,

ha-al-du-hu-ni

. f changed \
who has- ° , f
( removed J

17 (ppi-e-)ni 3 >->^ Khal-di-ni-ni

(the name ?). To the children of Khaldis
al-su-u-i-si-(ni)
the multitudinous

18. ] Me-nu 4 -a-ni (f) Is-pu-hu-i-ni-e-khe

belonging to Menuas the son of Ispuinis,

19. « MIt (4" «) al-su-hu-i-ni-e

the powerful king, the king of multitudes,

20. (( V" Bi-i-a-i-na 5 -a-hu-e
the king Biainian,

21. a-lu-si-e Dhu-us-pa-a-e Htff

inhabiting the city of Dhuspas.

22. ] Me-nu-a-s a-da a-lu-s i-ni

Menuas says : whoever of this tablet

23. pi-tu-da-i-e a-lu-s tu-hu-da-i-e

removes the memory, whoever removes,

24. a-lu-s hu-da-e i-ni-da du-da
whoever these (things) here destroys,

1 Layard lias da,

4 Layard has

2 Layard has a.

5 Layard has ma.

3 Layard has i (?).

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

501

25. tu-ri-ni-ni -4- Khal-di-s ^>X-

for what belongs to the rock (P) may Khaldis the

Air-god (and) the Sun-god,

g6. -4- y«< -s ma-a-ni -A 4 -ni pi-e-i-ni-e
the gods, him publicly the name

27. nie-i ar-khi-hu-ru-da-a-ni me-i i-na-i-ni
of him, the family of him, the city

28. me-i na-a-ra-a a-hu-i-e hu-lu-hu-da-e
of him to fire (and) water consign.

2 and 3. Puteria-m and Khuzam-ni are adjectives in -nis
agreeing with ebanie . If we read Pularias (^>E| for ^Tj
it would be possible to compare the name with that of Palu.
It is clear that we ought to read Ehuzanas and not Khuzamas.
Ivhuzanas is the modem Khozan, the name of the district in
which Pain is situated.

8. The inscription has been restored by a comparison with
No. xxx vi. This teaches us that we have to supply Jchauni in
this place. Instead of independent verbs we find participles
or adjectives in -nis agreeing with Menua-ni \ which itself
agrees with Khaldim. Buteria or Puteria may be the same as
Paiteri, a district of Nairn mentioned by Tiglath-Pileser I.

13. Yarani occurs elsewhere only in Ivi. i. 5. Here its sense
is fixed by the context. The construction is the same as that
of khau-ni and kuigu-ni

15. We should perhaps read Jcha for za, and identify Kha~
mdas with the Vannic Khamda, the name signifying c the God
Sudani (?) is a conqueror.* 1 With Sudani compare Sadi-anteru,
the name of a king of Komag£ne in the age of Tiglath-Pileser L,
and the Lydian Sady-att§s.

16. The name of Malatiyeh (Melitene) is written Milidia,
Meliddu, and Melidi in the Assyrian inscriptions. For alkhi
see xx. 8. In 1. 2 we again find the phrase Melidhe alkhi . It
would seem that, as in the acc* sing., the suffix -Mink dropped

vol. xiv,— [new seeies.] 39

562

THE CUNEIFOBM INSCEEPTIONS OP VAN.

the final nasal in the plural when agreeing with a preceding
substantive-

17. For alsuisi see v. 12.

XXXIV.

The following inscription exists in two places, being en-
graved both on a basaltic rock called Yazlitash, near the
village of Karakoin, on the right bank of the Araxes, opposite
the old city of Armavir (the Armauria of Ptolemy), and also
on a rock at Tsolagerd, 1 near Edshmiadzin (called Vagharsa-
bad, from Yalarses). The first text is a good deal injured,
the beginnings of the lines being destroyed, and the only copy
of it we possess made by Dr. J. Kastner, and published by
Kastner and Berger in the “Bulletin de l’Academie imperials
des Sciences de S. Petersbourg,” vii. pp. 275 sq., is exceedingly
bad. The copy of the other text, however, made by the dis-
coverer, the Yartabed Mesrob Sempadian (or Sembatiants), is
even worse. This is the more unfortunate, in that the ori-
ginal text of it is complete. The copy has been published in
the Armenian journal “Ararat” for Sept. 1870, and again by
Dr. Mordtmann in the Z.D.M.G. xxxi. 2, 3 (1877). The
spot where the Karakoin text has been found is at the junction
of the Kasagh with the Araxes. This text I call text II.,
the Tsolagerd text being text I. Even with the two together
it is difficult to make anything out of the so-called “ copies.”
Dr. Mordtmann, who first discovered their identity, has

successfully restored many of the words.

c I. us-ta-bi ma-si-ni gis-su-ri-e

L { II. (us)-ta-bi ma-si-ni gis-su-ri-e

I approached the powers mighty,

( I. ka-ru-ni ] E-ri-i(?)-a-khi -^-ni-e

2 ‘ j II. (ka-ru-ni f E-)ri-a-khi ^ -ni-e

who have given of the son of Erias the lands,

ka-ru-(m)
ka-ru-ni
who have given

i Tsolagerd or Zokkert is called Tash-bimm by the Turks. The first and
last lines of the inscription we published in “ Ararat,’’ Feb. 1870.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

503

4 .

5 .

6 .

7 .

8 .

I. ^ Ur(?)-p-kha(p)-ni la-ku-ni

II ni la-ku-ni

the city of (? Lununis) as a present

y Me-nu-a-ka-i
I Me-nu-a-ka-i
to the race of Menuas ;

i-Hf- Khal-di ku-ru-ni >~4 Khai-di-ni gis-su-ri-i

n Hf- Khal-) di-ni gis-su-ri-i

to Khaldis the giver, to the Khaidises the mighty

I. (ku-)ru-ni >~4 Khal-di-ni-ni us-ma-si-ni

II (>4~ Khal-di-)ni-ni us-ma-si-ni

the givers, to the children of Khaldis the gracious
us-ta-bi
us-ta-bi
I prayed,

I. Me-nu-)a-ni | Is-pu-hu-i-ni-e-khi

II . (]) Is-pu-hu~i-ni-e-khi

belonging to Menuas the son of Ispuinis.

I. hu-lu-us-ta-bi ^4* Khal-di-ni | Me-nu-a-s
II. (hu-lu-us)-ta-(bi) Khal-di-ni | Me-nu-a-s

I approached with offerings the Khaidises. Menuas

I. a-da-e tu-bi

I II. (a-da-e tu-)bi

says : I carried away

y E-ri-ya-khi
E-ri-a-khi
of the son of Erias

-ni
^ -ni

9 .

the country (folk),
I. Ra-biMdiu^us

\ II. (»-yy Ra-bi-khu-)ni

:yy Zu(P) 2 -a“da-hu-i-e
: yy Su(?) 2 -a-khu-hu-i-e

the city of Rabikhus (?), the city of Zuakhuis (?)

1 My restoration of these two characters is uncertain.

2 Text I. has TT-TT , text II. TMI-

5(34

10 .

11 .

12 .

13 .

14 .

15 .

16 ,

17 .

18 .

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

I. a ? ? bi ? ni bi i ? ? ? la-la-ni
II bi i ? ? F la-la-ni

I. e ^si-ni ? ? ? ? pu i | Me-nu-hu-a

II . se Y Me-(nu)-hu-a

inscriptions of Menuas

I. Y Is-pu-hu-i-ni-khi-ni-e kha-hu-bi
II. (Y Is-pu-lm-i)-ni-khi-(ni)-e kha-hu-bi

the son of Ispuinis. I conquered

i. --If Lu-nu-hu-ni-ni ha-al-du-bi

II. ( Lu-nu-hu-m-ni ha-)al-tu-bi

the city of Lununis. I changed

I. Lu-nu-hu-ni-ni

II. Lu-nu-)hu-ni-ni
belonging to the city of Lununis

L | Me-nu-hu-a -e-a-tsi-da-ni

IL (| Me-nu-hu-a >-J:|y)-e-a~tsi-da--ni

as 4 of-Menuas-the-place of the chief citizens/

f I. (a)-lu-s tu-da-e a-lu-s pi-tu-(da)-e

* 1 IL (a-lu-s tu-)da-e a-lu-s pi-tu-(da)-e

Whoever removes, whoever the name removes,

I. a-lu-s Spfl^y i-ni-da du-da-e
IL (a-lu-s ^ n i-da du-da-e

whoever with a stone here destroys,

I, a-lu-s hu-da-s ti-hu-da-e

II. a-lu-(s) hu-(da)-s ti-hu-da-e

whoever that undoes

me-e-si-m

me-e-si-ni

pi-i

its

name,

1 The text has a.

THE CUHEIFOBM INSCRIPTIONS OP VAX.

565

19.

20 .

I. i-e-s
IL (i-e-s)
in that

j I. tu-ri-(ni)-ni
(IL (tu*

n- ni- m

Lu-nu-hu-ni-ni kha-hu-bi
Lu-(nu)-hu-m-ni kha-hu-bi
the city of Lununls I have conquered,

-4- Khal-di-s
>->P Khal-)di-s

21 .

for what belongs to the stone (?) may Kbaldis

-4 44 -s -4 4 -s
-4 44 _s -4 4 -s

Teisbas and the Sun-god,
i. -4 f«< ma-(a-ni) -4 4

ii. y«< ma-a-ni) -4 4-

the gods him, publicly

■in

pi-i-m
pi-i-ni
the name

me - 1
(me-i
of him.

ar-khi-hu-ru-da-a-ni
ar-khi -) hu- ru-da-a-ni
the family

me-i
me-i
of him,

23.j L i -( na ') i - ni

1 IL (i-na-i-ni)

the land

24.

f L a-hu-i-e

me-i na-a-ra-a

of him, to fire

hu-lu-da-e

’ 1 II, (a-hu-i-)e

(and) water consign

2. “ The son of Erias ” is mentioned by Argistis xliii. 48,
xlv. 36, and xlvii. 3. The localities in which the inscription
of Menuas has been found settles the position of his kingdom.
We further learn from Argistis (xliii. 47) that it formed part —
probably the southern part — of the country of Etiunis or
Etius, for which see note on xxxi. 3. It would seem that
while the district proper was called Etius, the whole country
to which the name was extended was termed Etiu-nis, i.e.
u Etiu-ian.” Erias is a formative like Menuas from Eri, which
we find in the name of the god Eri~nas (v, 10) and perhaps

586

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

of the city Eri-dias (v. 18), as well as of Eri-menas. Eris
may have been the Sun-god, representing the Ara of Moses
Khorenensis and the Er (*Hp) of Plato {Rep. 614 sq.).
Mordtmann compares the name of the Armenian (or Parthian)
Hiero in Tacitus (Ann. vi. 42, 43).

3. The analogy of other inscriptions would lead us to infer
that we ought to read Lununi-ni as in lines 13 and 14. The
first character of the “copy” can just as well represent hi as
x?r, the second seems intended for nu, and the third is more
probably ni than kha. In any case, Lununis was the city
afterwards represented by Armavir.

We find lakuni elsewhere as well as lakuada. Compare
together : —

Khaldini ustabi masinie gissurie karuni Manani ebanie

Khaldini ustabi masinie gissurie karuni . . . Manani V"
lakuni Saridurikai xlix. 2.

Pustuni lakuada Argistikai xxxix. 48.

Lakuada is an abstract in -da, with the suffix a, like arnu-ya-da
(xxxi. 4), and must therefore be in apposition to the preceding
accusatives. Lakuni must be equally in apposition with the
preceding accusatives and so be the accusative of a substantive
lahis, unless it is co-ordinate with karuni . Only two meanings
are possible for the words. They must be either 44 as a present/'
or 44 as a spoil.” The first meaning, as being the more general
is the preferable one. Since the formula, though repeatedly
occurring in the inscriptions of Argistis,* is not elsewhere
found in those of Menuas, it may be inferred that the war
described in this inscription belonged to the last years of the
life of the latter king.

8. Either tubi or ^ - ni is incorrectly copied in this line.
With tubi 4 1 carried off’ we must have -ni-a 4 the people
of the country' (see xli. 6, etc.).

12. We may notice the genitive Ispuinikhmie . See p. 488.

15. Kzflf -e-a-tsi-da-ni is a very interesting form. Ni is the
accusatival suffix, da the local affix, atsi (i.e. a-tsi) the suffix
we meet with in urpu-atsi (vii. 1), ebani-atsie-di-ni (xxx. 28),

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

V ahi etc., and -e the phonetic complement of

the word (inaine) which denotes ‘ cities.’ The meaning must be
< ] ace of the rulers of the citizens ’ or ‘ all the citizens. W e
mav therefore translate ‘ capital. _ ^

17. Elsewhere ‘stone’ is replaced by aim ‘earth;

c.g. xxxvA. Rev. 5.

19. Eor the construction see p. 440.

XXXY.

This inscription was copied by de Saulcy at Hassan Kala'a
(Theodosiopolis) near Erzerfcm, and is published m his Voyage
gourde l Mer Morte, pi. ». 1. Unless the stone has been
brought from elsewhere, it would seem that Menuas not only
extended his sway as far as Erzerhm, but also restored a palate
in the neighbourhood.

1. ,-jJf- Klial-di-ui us-ma-si-ni
To the Khaldises the gracious

2 Y Me-nu-a-s | Is-pu-u-ni-khi-ni-i-(s)

Menuas ' son of Ispuinis

3. i-rd si - di - is ' tu ' ni

this palace has restored

4. ba-a-du-hu-si-e
which was decayed. .

g j-jX- Khal-di-ni-ni al-su-si-ni

To the sons of Khaldis, the multitudinous,

6 . Y Me-nu-a-ni ] Is-pu-u-i-ni-khi

belonging to Menuas son of Ispuinis,

7. « S=TTI Hr ^ al-su-i-ui

’ the powerful king, the king of multitudes,

8. V" Bi-a-i-na-a-hu~e

the Biainian,

9. a-lu-si -tR Dhu-us-pa

the citv of Dhuspas.

THE CUKEIFOBM INSCRIPTIONS OP YAH.

XXXV.A.

I must add here a fragmentary Inscription found by Capt.
Clayton on the obverse and reverse of a stone in the church-
yard of the village of Irmerd, in the plain of Mush. It is
chiefly of interest as showing that Menuas carried his arms In
this direction and succeeded in reducing the country to the
south-west of Lake Van. Capt. Clayton sent a squeeze of the
inscription to the British Museum in 1881. Not only are the
beginning and end of the text lost, but ail the lines are
imperfect.

Obverse .

1. . COCO y«< za-as-(gu-bi)

...... 400 cities I massacred.

2. ..... a-ma-as-tu-(hu-bi)

I plundered

3 tyyyy tb y«< -su ....

the people of the palaces ....

4 Ku-ul-rae-e ....

the city of Kulme . . .

5. . .... (PH?T)Y E(?)-ka-ar-su ....

. . . . . the city of Ekarsu (?) ....

6 £y>~-ni-a du-hu-(bi)

..... the people of the palace I destroyed

7 bu-ra-a-as tu-hu-(bi)

the court I carried away

8 (ra)-a-ni-tsi du-bi e-si ....

.... the chief of the people I destroyed. The laws . . .

9 e-)ba-ni .

the country

10. ...... ni . .. . . . ...

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OP TAX fi ( 9
Reverse.

1. ... (| Me-)nu-a-s a-da-(e)

. . . Menuas says :

2. (a-lu-)s ini (j^f)

whoever this tablet

8. (du-hu-)da-i-e a-lu-(s)
destroys ; whoever

4. (pi-)i-tu-hu-da-i-(e)
removes the memory ;

5. (a-)lu-s a-i-ni-e
whoever with earth

6. (i)-ni-da du-da-i-(e)

here destroys

7. (a-)lu-s hu-da-e-(s)
whoever that

8. (ti-)i-hu-da-i-(e)

undoes

9. (i-e-)s za-a-du-hu-bi
which I have done ;

10. (tu)-ri-i-ni-(ni)

for what belongs to the stone

11. (->f Khal-di-)s ^>f

may Ehaldis, the Air-god ......

Obv. line 7. Bums is shown by the determinative
In xlv. 18 to denote a class of persons ; otherwise it has the
form of an adverb prefixed to the verb like amas-iuhi . For
line 8, see xlv. 40.

In the same churchyard Oapt. Clayton found two other
fragments of which he took squeezes, but they are in too

570 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OP VAN.

broken a condition to be intelligible. One of them contains
tbe following characters : —

1. .... . khu (?) .... Ini ... .

2 hu . . e . . .

3. ... la a di (?).... pa i . .

4. . . . tar pa ra ka a . . .

5. . . . e ri ma a .... .

6. . . . a hu 1

Inscriptions op Argistxs.

Argistis, the son and successor of Menuas, was the builder
of the citadel of Van. But he was a general rather than a
builder, and his inscriptions chiefly record the wars he carried
oo and the extension he gave to the limits of his kingdom.
The weakness of Assyria gave him the opportunity of reducing
the Mannai or Minni and their neighbours to subjection, and
he was victorious in his struggles with the Assyrian king,
Assur-dan, himself. Under him the Vannic kingdom reached
its highest point of power. His name was borne by a later
king, the contemporary of Sargon and Sennacherib. Mordt-
mann finds a reminiscence of his name in that of the district
of Argastovit in Mog or Mok, the fifth province of Armenia.
It is derived from a stem argi- by the help of the locative
suffix -di (which becomes -ti after a sibilant) and the suffix s
for si. It is thus strictly parallel to Biainaste . Possibly,
however, it is a compound of the root ar * to bring/ and gies
4 an image/

XXXVI.

The following inscription was copied by the Vartabed
Mesrob Sempadian or Sembatiants in a valley near Elarh,
the last village before reaching Erivan from the north, and
was published in the Armenian Journal of Moscow, Le
NomeMiste russe , for 1863 (No. 45). It is also given by
Mordtmann, and was subsequently copied by Robert. It fixes
the locality of Uluanis and Daras.

1 For the inscription of Menuas in the pass of Kelishin see No. Ivi. It is
possible that No. liv. also belongs to Menuas.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

571

1. Khal-di-ni us-ta-bi ma-si-ni gis-su-ri-e
To the Khaldises I prayed, to the powers mighty,

2. ka-ru-ni E-ti-hu-ni-ni -4- Khal-di-i

who have given the Etiunians ; to Khaldis

3. ku-ru-ni Khal-di-ni gis-su-ri-e ku-ru-ni

the giver, to the Khaldises the mighty, the givers ;

4. Khal-di-ni-ni us-ma-si-ni ' us-ta-bi

to the children of Khaldis, the gracious, I prayed,

0 B y Ar-gi-is-ti-ni J Me-mi-a-khi-e

who belong to Argistis the son of Menuas,

6. kha-hu-ni ^ Hu-Iu-a-ni-e-i ^ e-ba-ni

who has conquered of TJluanis the land,

7. Da-a-ra-ni -ni-e Khal-di-ni-ni

(and) of the city of Daras the lands. To the children of Khaldis

8. al-su-si-ni | Ar-gi-is-ti-ni | Me-nu-a-khi

the multitudinous belonging to Argistis the son of Menuas,

9- « cm + « « V Bi.

the strong king, the king of multitudes, the king of the
a-i-na-e

country of Biainas,

10. a-lu-si Dhu-us-pa-a >-jn|y

inhabiting the city of Dhuspas.

2. For the country of Etius see note on xxxiv. 2. Etlu-
ni-ni is analogous to Afai-ni-n% xxxii. 8.

7. Barani may be either the accusative of an adjective in
-nis agreeing with ebcmie , or the genitive of a substantive
Daranis.

XXXVII. (Schulz II.)

We come now to the long historical inscriptions engraved
by Argistis on the face of the cliff of the castle of Van, which
later Armenian legend assigned to Semiramis. They form

572 THE cuneiform inscriptions of van.

the prototype of the similar historical inscription carved by
Darius Hystaspis on the rock of Behistun, and may have
suggested the latter to the Persian king. At all events the
trilingual inscription of Xerxes on the south side of the cliff of
Van expressly states that it was Darius who had intended to
have it made ( u on this mountain he gave command to make
a tablet and image, but did not write in it”). The inscrip-
tions begin to the right of a small chamber cut in the western
face of the rock at the commencement of a flight of twenty
steps. Above the steps are the three inscriptions xxxvii.
xxxviii. and xxxix., divided from one another by vertical
lines. The translation will show that they really form a
single text. Turning a corner at the end of the steps we
reach the entry into the five sepulchral chambers of the
“ Khorkhor ” (Khorkhor mug ar alar i), a name which is without
etymology in either Armenian or Turkish, and probably goes
back to the Vannic kharkhar 6 to excavate,’ kharkhar-nis
‘excavated/ xxi. 4. To the left of the entry are inscriptions
xh and xlL, while above the entry is the mutilated inscription
xlii. The inscriptions have been copied first by Schulz, and
then by Sir A. H. Layard. Robert’s copy is so bad as to be
quite useless.

1. A-da l -e i-ni ni-e a-zi-i-bi-e

One says : this (excavation for the dead ?)

2. i-na-a-i-ni ... 2 la ra Ar-gis-ti-s

belonging to the city (has been completed F) Argistis

a-da-e
says :

3. khu-ti-(a-di) Khal-di-(di ^JJ)-di

among the king’s people (?) Khaldis, the lord,

_di ^y -di

the Air-god (and) the Sun-god,

4. a-lu-hu-si-ni-(ni) al-su-i-si-ni a-da-i-a-ba-di

of the (gods) of the inhabitants multitudinous among the

assembly (?)

1 So Layard and Robert.

2 It is very doubtful whether a character is really lost here.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAX.

5. i-ku-ka-a-ni mu si-(su)-kha-ni £^y>- kliu-ra-di-

goods his, the harness (?) (and) the place of the

ni-da-lui-e-da du-bi

camp I destroyed

6. us-ta-di | Di-a-hu-e-khi-ni-e-di

on approaching the son of Diaves the king,

| Di-a-hu-e-khi ^ nu du-lm-bi

The son of Diaves the king I overthrew,

7. kha-hu-bi Se-ri-i-a-zi |<« Jgfc -bi

I conquered. Of the land of Seriazis the cities I burned.

^"YTTY 5=1^ !«<* khar-khar-su-bi ku-dha-a-di
The palaces I dug up. On departing

8. pa-ri Pu-ti-e ma-at-khi Bi-a-ni

out of the city of Putis the girls of the lands of Bias (and)
Ehu-sa-ni ha-al-du-bi an-da-ni V Tar 1 2 -i-hu-ni,
Khusas I removed (and) the boys (?) of the land of Taring.

9. us-ta-a-di ^ Za-ba-a-kha-a-e-hu-e~e-di-ya kba-a-h'u-bi
On approaching the people of Zabakhas 1 conquered

^ Za-ba-a-kha-a~e~si-i-da
the district of the Zabakhians.

] 0. ku-dha-a-di pa-a-ri-e Hu-zi-na-bi-tar-na-a pa-ri

On departing out of the city of Uzinabitarnas, out of

V" Si-ri-mu-tar-a

V" Ba-ba-ni

the land of Sirimutaras (and) the land of Bahama

11. an-da-ni Ma 3 -ka-al-tu-ni

the boys (?) belonging to the city of Makaltus
^ I-ga-ni-ni ha-al-du-bi si-a-di

of the land of Igas I removed. On despoiling
Y E-ri-a-khi-ni-ni-e -ni-e-di

of the land of Igas I removed. On de:
| E-ri-a-khi-ni-ni-e . -ni-e-di

belonging to the son of Erias the lands,

1 Robert inserts the numeral { before ‘ palaces.’

3 So Layard and Robert.

2 So Layard and Robert,

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

us-ta-di ^A-bu-ni-i-e-di kha-hu-bi
on approaching the land of Abus I conquered the city of
Hu-ri-e-i-hu-ni >-^1 <X nu-si 1 11 hu-i dha-ru-khi-ni-i
Urieyus the royal city and the inhabitants.

XMIXMCCLV ^pfl-se XMCXL 2 £^- ^ J<«
19,255 children, 10,140 soldiers

se-e- khi-e-ri-e XXMIIIMOO f« 3 jV -hu-e-di-i-a-ni
alive, 23,280 woman-folk,

>^- Y a-ti-bi XIMDGLXXY 4 £^y>- ta-ar-su-a-ni
twice 5 thousand 2,675 soldiers

mu a-da-ki za-as-gu-bi a-da-ki se-khi-e-ri a-gu-bi
its partly I slew, partly alive 1 took.

MCIY BzJJ J«< pa-ru-bi XXXMYMXYI 5

1,104 horses I carried off, (and) 35,016

S=y$ pa-khi-ni X a-ti-bi . . . MDCCCXXIX JgJ su-se f«<
oxen, (and) 10 thousand . . . 1829 sheep.

16. f Ar-gis-ti-s a-da-e >~>f- Khal-di-a 6 is-ti-ni-e

Argistis says : For the people of Khaldis these
i-na-ni-da ar-ni-hu-si-ni-da J za-du-bi
the city (and) the citadel in one year I built.

17. Khal-di-i-ni us-ta-bi ma 7 -si-ni-e gis-su-ri-e

To the Khaldises I prayed, the powers mighty

ka-ru-ni | A-bi-da-i-a-ni-e-khi V' e-ba-ni-e

who have given of the son of Abidayanis the country,

18. A-ni-is 8 -ti (?) 9 -ir 10 -hu u -e J Ku-dhur-za-ni-i-ni
belonging to the land of Anistir (?) of Kudhurzas’s relative

1 Layard inserts here e (?). 2 So Layard and Robert. 3 So Layard

4 Scliulz has 70. 6 Layard has 15. 6 Omitted by Robert.

7 So Schulz, Layard and Robert. 8 So Layard and Robert.

9 So Robert. Layard and Schulz have perhaps hi.

10 Robert has ni ; perhaps we should read sa.

11 So Robert. Layard and Schulz have ga.

574

12 .

13.

14.

15.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

I Ul-tu-za-i-ni V* -ni-e la-ku-a-da | Ar-gis-ti-ka-i
TJlfcuzais the country as a present to the race of Argistis.

19. >->y~ Khal-di-i ku-ru-ni Khal-di-ni gis-su-ri-i

To Khaldis the giver, to the Khaldises, the mighty,

ku-ru-ni Khal-di-i-ni-nl al-su-hu-i-sl-m

the givers, to the children of Khaldis the multitudinous

20. us-ta-bi | Ar-gi-is-ti-i-ni | Me-nu-hu-a-khi >->t-
I prayed, belonging to Argistis son of Menuas ; to the

Khal-di-i-ni hu-lu- (us-ta-) a- i-bi
Khaldises I approached with offerings.

21 . | Ar-gis-ti-s a-da-e kha-hu-bi V s E-(ti)-hu-m-ni
Argistis says : I conquered the districts belonging to Etius.

ku-dha-a-di pa-ri-e ^ hu-e.

On departing out of the country of Etius (?),

22. pa-ri y Hu-du-ri V E-ti-hu-khi-ni ha-se
out of of Uduris the land of the son of Etius men (and)

lu-tu pa-ru-bi | Ar-gi-(is-ti-s a-)da-(e)
women I carried off. Argistis says :

23. khu-ti-a-di >-»I- Khal-di-e-di >~

among the king’s people (?) Khaldis, the lord, the Air-god (and)
-di a^lu-si-ni-ni al-(su-i-si-ni)

the Sun-god, of the (gods) of the inhabitants multitudinous

24. a-da-a-ba-a-di i-ku-ka-a-ni y^ada^yy ^ 8

among the assembly (?) the goods

us-ta-a-di ^ Hu-me(?)-ku 3 [di]

On approaching the country of

25. kha-a-hu-bi TJr-ya 4 -ni Dha-ir-tsu 5 -bi 6

I conquered the land of Uryas (and) the land of Dhairtsu(bi) 5
kha-a-hu-bi y Mu-ru-ba 7 ......

I conquered Muruba ......

1 Schulz has e. 2 Layard has e. 3 So Layard. Schulz has lu for me(?)-k?i*

4 So Schulz and Layard. Robert has

5 Layard has [f]*~|Ey£« A

6 So all the copyists ; hut ni is required. 7 So Layard; Schulz has su.

6 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

26. ma x -ri-ni a-gu-nu-ni-ma gu-nu-sa-a

the ... . the monuments (?) the plunder-his for a spoil
kha-hu-bi ha-se -jV (lu-tu pa-ru-bi)

I took. Men (and) women I carried off.

27. kha-a-hu-bi Hu-ba-a-ru-gi-il-du-(ni ^T|)

I conquered the city of Ubarugildus the royal
nu-(si)

citj

28. (ku-dha-)a-di pa-ri j • . ru-pi-ra

On departing out of the city of | ^ ] . . rupiras,

pa-ri ^ Tar-ra

out of the country of Tarra

29. (us-ta-)cli Id . . ku 2 3 . . a-hu-ni-e-di

On approaching the city of Id . . ku . . aus, the

stone ........

80. ha-se hu-e-di-a- (ni) ........

the men (and) woman-folk

31. kha-a-hu-bi V" Ir-ki 4

I conquered the land of Irki

32. ku-hu-dha-a-di (pa-ri)

On departing out of

33. us-ta-di Ar-tar-mu

On approaching the land of Artarmu

34. gu-nu-si-ni-e su 5

the slaves

1 Ga in xxxix. 62.

3 So Layard.

3 So Layard ; perhaps the character is da.

i So Layard.

5 Perhaps sudhukuU i I despoiled.’

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

35. >--yy !«<

the cities

36. ku-dha-a~(di pa-ri)
On departing out of .

37. pa-a-a-ri

out of .

88. m c^sp) t«<

three ....... children,

39. { <p | . . . . ('jV) hu-e-di-a-ni 2
10,000, 6 (?) ..... . woman-folk

=yyp y«< -mu

men his

40. 4- « <y>- H y- K \ tj*

twice 20,279 (=40,279)

41. a-da-ki za-as-gu-bi
partly I slew,

42. a-da-ki se-khi-ri
partly alive

43. a-gu-bi-e
I took.

1. The impersonal use of the third person of the verb here
must be noticed. It is probable that kharkhar-nie has to be
supplied. See xxi. 4. Azibie is interchanged in xi a. 3, with
gvY“ -YY<Y £|E, that is, 6 the dead/ and if azibie here is the
same word, reference will be made to the tombs excavated in
the rock of Yan. The excavations begun by Memias in the
face of the rock were continued by Argistis.

2. If a character is missing after inami, it must be e, or less
probably ni. Lara . . . may be tern . . . , connected with the
stem tern (which is not unfrequently miscopied laru) £ to set
up/ 4 establish. 1

1 So Layard ; Schulz has , contrary to analogy.

° So Layard. 3 So Layard. 4 So Layard.

VOL. XIV. — [new SEMES.]

578

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

3. Khuti-a-di is the locative of a collective noun in -a (or
-ya). The analogy of the Assyrian inscriptions would lead
us to believe that the phrase denotes 4 with the help ’ of the
gods enumerated. The construction would then be 4 (moving)
in the gods, etc., the helpers (?)/ khuti-a-cU being a collective
noun in apposition with the divine names which follow. If,
however, in li. iii. 10, we ought to read khute-ve instead of
hhula-ve ‘belonging to the kings, 5 khuti-a-di might mean
‘among the people of the king/ In that case the phrase
would run ‘among the people of the king, Khaldis, Teisbas,
and Ardinis/ For the equivalent of te and ii cp. as-te-uyuni
xxx. 21 and as-ti-u xliii. 42 ; also Biainaste for Biainasdi.

4. Line 23 shows that the missing character is -ni Ahsi-
ninii s the dative plural of an adjective in -inis, from the adjective
alu-sis used as a substantive.

Adayabadi , also written addbadi , appears as adabidi in liv.
6, 10, 11, where the i may be due to an assimilation to the
i of the suffix. In 1. 18 we find Udi-adibad |<« signifying
property of some sort ‘belonging to slaves’ (gunusinm).
Compare also biduni. Ada is 4 some/ ‘ part/ 4 and/ as well
as ‘the whole/ The second compound seems to be aba
rather than - ba , addbadi and adibadi being both contractions of
ada-y-abadi . Aba can have no connection with abi in abidaduhi
‘I burnt/ but may possibly be compared with the Kappadokian
word Afta-ickr}*;, the title of the supreme pontiff of the goddess
Ma at Komana. In any case the analogy of the Assyrian
texts, coupled with the word bidi-adibad J<« (‘ priest + places
of service’?), may show that adayabadi should be rendered
4 in the service/ or possibly, considering the suffix 4 among
those who minister to/ 1 But it may also signify simply
4 among the whole assembly/

1 Can the phrase really he: “Among the people of the king and among the
priests to Khaldis, Teisbas, Ardinis, and all the gods of the inhabitants, ’ Ekal-
die-di, etc., agreeing with abaibadi ?. Adabidi will then be the simple substantive
adabis ‘ service, ’ from which adaba for adabia is formed. Ada has the idea of
‘company’ in adaisi li. 4, as well as in the conjunction (‘ and ’ =‘ along with’).
Argistis says that he had built the citadel “ for the people of Khaldis ” (Khaldia ) ;
he might therefore consider that the spoil he brought home was brought hack for
his subjects. Moreover the words with which the sentence usually concludes

( khasi-aZ-me -4- T«<) would favour this interpretation.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

5. As both Schulz and Layard have mu, it is impossible to
correct it into i, as is done by Mordtmann. Moreover, in
line 40, we find it again, where the reading i is put out of the
question by the fact that the word for 4 men ’ in the accusative
terminated in -(a) rani (liii. 6). Mu seems to be connected
with ma, met , etc., and consequently to mean 4 his," ‘■'its/

4 their/ though I cannot account for the vowel For
kha-ni , see note on xxxix. 49. It will be seen from the latter
passage that the word must be either 4 chariots ? (like hale Jam),
c magazines/ or 4 harness/ Perhaps 4 baggage- waggons * would
be best. JDiuradi-ni-darhue-da must be analyzed into stem,
adjectival suffix -ni, local suffix da, adjectival localizing suffix
hue or ve, and local suffix. IDiuradmida is 4 camp/

6, For the son of Diaves or Diaus, see p. 544. As his
territories lay near Melazgherd, the campaigns of Argistis
began on the north-west frontier of his kingdom and the
northern banks of the Murad Chai, along which the districts
of Seriazis, Bias, Khusas, and Tarius would have extended in
a north-easterly direction.

8. The determinative before mat-khi shows that females are
meant, while the suffix khi i offspring of/ indicates maidenhood.
For halduhi see xxx. 15. Here it must bear the specific
sense of 4 destroying virginity/ The analogy of Assur-natsir-
pals inscriptions would go to make andmii mean 4 boys/

9. It is curious that the locative di is omitted after
Zabahliae-ve-e-diya , as elsewhere with nouns in -vedim ; e.g.
xxxviii. 40, 43. From the adjective Zabakhae-m is formed
Zabakhae-si-da .

10. The land of Babanis mentioned here is different from
the Babanis or Babas of xxxix. 5, which was in the neigh-
bourhood of Lake Urumiyeh, as well as from the Babanis of
1. 14, which was near Maiatiyeh. On the other hand, if a
country of Babanis is really named in Iv. 12, it would lie in
the same direction as the Babanis of our present text, and
therefore be probably identical with it. Babas is the name ot
a Vannie deity, and Baba-rurai a district of JSfahri in the time
of Samas- Simmon.

11. Iga-nini , like Alzl-nim (xxxii. 8) and Eti u-nini

580

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

sxxvi. 2), must be analyzed into stem, adjectival suffix and

accusative suffix. .

Sia-di stands in the same relation to sm-bi as kudha-di to

kudhu-bi. For the construction see p. 446.

For the territories of Erias on the Araxes, see xxxiv. 2.

12 Dharu-khini is the acc. pi. of a stem dharu, with the
centilic suffix khmis ‘offspring of.’ This, as well as the
context, forces us to render the word by ‘ inhabitants.’ Comp.

teri-khinie { li. 6 ). _ ........

13. We must read lutu-ve-di-a-m. The individualizing ch

is here used as in Ehal-di-s, Selar-di-s, etc.

14 A comparison with the preceding line shows that

atibi 'must signify ‘a thousand.’ For the suffix -U, which
may here denote the plural, confer ni-ri-bi, azi-bie, kar-bl
Sekhieri here takes the place of the ideographs |«<

in xxxii. 9, etc. .

15 The ideographs here and elsewhere indicate the mean-

ings of pa-khini and suse. Pakhini ‘ oxen,’ comes from a stem
■pa with the suffix khinis , like dharu-khini above.

1(3. In Ehaldi-a we have the same collective suffix as in
khur'adi-a, Muvedia , etc., where it denotes ‘people.’ In the
phrase e-ba-ni-a tu-bi (xxxix. 13) £ I carried away the

country-folk’ the suffix can have but one meaning, that of
‘people of.’ We should have expected Khaldia-ni with the
adjectival termination, but Ehaldi-a was declined like a
substantive in -as. Istinie is the dative plural ‘ these,’ agree-
in 0 * with the collective Khcilclict .

°Inanida is the site of the city on the acropolis, not the city
itself, which was already in existence. The context here pretty
clearly defines the sense of inanis or inas. Inas is the original
form from which the adjectival inanis is derived, like ebams
from ebas ‘ country.’ Arni-usinida must be decomposed into the
local da, and the adjectival si and ni and -u, the stem being
ami, for which see v. 17, and xxxi. 4. _

As the inscription is engraved on the rock of the citadel ot
Van, it is clear that here must be the construction which
Aro-istis ‘built in one year,’ and the previous mention of ‘the

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAX.

581

city-site/ shows that it was not the city itself. Since Menuas
does not claim to have made anything beyond tombs in the
rock of Van, while the sense of 4 castles' seems required for
arnuyacla , we can only conclude that arni-u-si-m~da means
4 the citadel/ and that just as im-ni-da is 4 the city/ so ariri-u-
si-m-da is 6 the citadel/ literally 4 the site belonging to that
which is fortified/ The conclusion is confirmed by our finding
the word placed between inanida 4 the city' and susim 4 the
walls/ in xxxviii. 24. For an illustration of the difference
between inani and incmida see xxxix, 58.

18. That is, 4 the country of TJltuzais the relative of
Iyudhurzas of the land of Anistir/ Kudhurzas is probably
the Katarzas of Menuas, see xxxi. 11. Kudhurza-ni-ni is
literally 4 belonging to the relative of K./ and agrees with
ebanie .

21. We should probably read E-ti-lm-e .

22. TTduris is the IJdharus of Menuas, see xxxi. 2. This
is another proof of the relationship oi d and dh ; cf. mdhukubi
and sudiikubi.

26. Mari-ni must be the same word as gar ini in the
analogous passage xxxix. 62. Either ma here or ga there is
miscopied. Karbi or garbi looks like a plural substantive in
b (similar to azi-biy azi-bie ), and in xxxii. 7, karbie is 4 stones,’
4 monuments. 9 But it may just possibly be the first person
of a verb from the same root as gari-ni .

Ma must be the possessive 4 his/ and apparently differs from
mei as 4 his’ from 4 of him/ It is attached to the last noun
of the series to which it belongs, instead of following each,
separately as is the case with mei. It may be an error for
mu : see p. 439.

27. The signification of kase, as Mordtmann perceived, is
fixed by its being always coupled with the term for ‘women,’
which it precedes.

34. Perhaps su(dhukubi).

From line 31 to the end the length of the lines is increasingly
diminished, so that the loss of characters is not so great as
might appear at first sight.

584

THE CUXEIFQEM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAH.

17. Eu-dha-a-di pa-ri j Pi-la-i (?) .... (me-si- ?)ni
On departing out of the city of Pilai ...... its (?)

pi-ni si C?) 1 * -ri ki-ri Me-da-a-i-ni

name, the pits (?) (and) banks (?) of Medals the river,

18. V s M a- ar-mu-hu-a-ni Ka a-ni ha-se

the land of Mammas, the land of Ka ... as ; the men

lu-tu si-i-hu-bi
(and) the women I deported.

i 9 . 5 =yyyy gy>- y<« kha-ar-khar-su-hu- (bi) >-^yy (y«<

The palaces I dug up ; the cities

J^)-bi HMD ... IX y«<

I burned; 2,5(5?)9 children,

20. YIIIM . . CCXCVIII Kty- >-y< y«< (a-gu-bi)

8,2(P)98 people alive I took ;

XMDCCCXLYI 3 lu-tu f«<

10,846 women,

21. >f (?V)MIXMCCLXXIV ^

twice 5(?)000, 9,274 men its

a-(da-ki) za-as-gu-bi a-da-ki (se)-khi-ri a-gu-bi
partly I slew, partly alive I took.

22 I<« XMYIIMDCCOOXL 6 !!

horses 17,942

(p]i) pa-khi-ni (pa-ru-)bi II ...... su-)se

oxen I carried off, (and) 2 sheep.

23. (y Ar-gis-ti-)s | Me-(nu-a-khi-ni-)s a-(da-e

Argistis the son of Menuas says: For
Khal-di-a (is-)ti-m-e

the people of Khaldis these

1 Layard has ,

* Layard has VIL^

5 So Layard ; Schulz has u

2 So Layard.

4 So Layard.

6 Layard has LX.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

585

24. (i-na-ni-da) ar-(ni-)hu-si-(ni)-e-da su-si-(ni)

the city (and) citadel (and) walls m one year

(za-du-)hu-bi
1 built.

25. Hf- Khal-di-ni us-ta-bi ma-si-)ni-e gis-su-ri-e
To the Khaldises I prayed, to the powers mighty,

ka-ru-^ni) E-(ti)-hu-ni-ni

who have given the land of the Eiiuians,

26. (ka-ru-ni . ) ^ A -ni-e la-ku-ni

who have given of (IJduris) the lands as a present

Ar- (gis-ti-)ka-a-i
to the race of Argistis.

27. Hf- Khal-di-i ku-ru-ni -4- Khal-di-ni gis-su-ri-i)

To Khaldis the giver, to the Khaldises the mighty,

ku-ru-ni

the givers,

28. («f Khal-di-ni-ni al-su-i-si-ni us-ta-bi
to the children of Khaldis the multitudinous I prayed,

| Ar-gis-ti-ni) | Me-nu-hu-a-khi
belonging to Argistis the son of Menuas ;

29. (- 4 - Khal-di-i-ni hu-lu-us-ta-i-bi | Ar-gis-ti-s ada-)e
to the Khaldises I approached with offerings. Argistis says :

31 (pa-)ru hi

I carried off

32. ( su-se !«< | Ar-gis-ti-s | Me-nu-a-

(and) .... sheep. Argistis the son of Menuas

khi-ni-s) a-da-e
says :

33 us-ma-se

the gracious (?)

1 Schulz by an oversight inserts al here, which is omitted by Lay arch

586

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

34 (a-gu-nu-)ni nia^nu

the plunder each.

35 is . . du-bi is-ti-ni

I destroyed them

36 nu (du-)hu-bi is-ti-ni

I destroyed them,

37 (f Ar-)gi-is-ti-i-s

Argistis

83. (J Me-nu-a-khi-ni-)s a-da-(e khu-)ti-(a-di

the son of Menuas says : among the king’s people (?)

Khal-di-di -II -+) 44f -4- *T -*

Khaldis, the lord, the Air-god, (and) the Sun-god,

39. (Y«< -as-te) Bi-a-i-(na-as-te a-lu-si-ni-ni,

the gods of Biainas ; of (the gods) of the

al-su-i-)si-ni a-da-a-ba-di

inhabitants multitudinous among the assembly (?),

40. kha-si-(al-me) |<« i-ku- (ka-ni si-su-kha-ni

may make dwell in triumph (?) the gods the goods (and) harness.

us-ta-di) "v" Hu-bur-da 1 2 -hu-e-e-di-i-a
On approaching the people of Uburdas

41. Y Is 3 -lu-bu-ra-a-ni Hu-)bur-(da-)al-khi

belonging to Isluburas of Uburdas of the inhabitants

kha-a-hu-bi V" e-ba-a-ni-i-e
I conquered the lands.

42. Ir-du -a-ni m « (nu-si) kha-a-hu-bi
The city of Irduas, the royal city, I conquered.

^ Hu-i-su-si-ni nu-lu-us-tu-hu-bi
The land of Yisusis I ravaged.

1 Schulz has na. 2 So Layard.

3 So Layard. Perhaps a character Is lost between is and lu.

587

THE COTEIFOBM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAK.

43. ha-se lu-tu si-hu-bi is-ti-ni-ni us-ta-di
The men (and) women I deported belonging to them. On ap-

Kha-khi-a-hu-e-e-di-a
proacliing the people of Khakhias,

44. *=TTTT I«< khar-kha-ar-su-bi |<« |£j=:-bi

the palaces I dug up ; the cities I burned.

»-J:yy Bi . . . . hu (P)-kha-hu-ni-e >-£^-0
The city of Bi . . . hu (P)khaunis (both) city

45. ta-ar-su-a na^ra-ni J^-bi YII(M)

(and) soldiers with fire I burned. Over 7000

C^SPse y«<) XIMD 2 LY y«<

children, 2,555 men alive,

46. YIIIMCCCCXCYII (^Vhu-)e-(di-a) . . MIXMDCCXO

8,497 woman-folk, 1(?)9,790

^TT T«<rma»:
men its

47. a-da-ki za-as-gu-(bi a-da-)ki (se-khi-)ri a-gu-bi

partly I killed, partly alive I took ;

CCXXXII j^JSE A
232 horses,

48. . . . DCCCIII ^ (pa-khi-ni-)e (pa-ru-bi)

. . . 803 oxen I carried off (and)

. . MIMDCXXYI su-se y<«

1(P) 1,626 sheep.

49. (y Ar-gis-)ti-(s a-)da-e >~>^- Khal-di-a is-ti-ni-e

Argistis says : For the people of Khaldis these

50. i-(na-ni-)da (ar-)ni-hu-si-ni-e-(da za-)du-bi

the city (and) citadel I built.

51. (Khal-)di-ni-ni us-ta-a-bi ma-a-si-ni-e gis-su-ri-e
To the Khaldises I prayed, the powers mighty,

2 Layard has BO.

1 So Layard.

3 Schulz has i.

588

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN,

52. ka-ru-ni | Ha-ar-si-ta-ni V'-ni-e 1

who have given belonging to Earsitas the countries,

53. ka-ru-ni V" khu-ra-a-(di-)e 2

who have given of Assyria the armies

54. la-ku-hu-a-da | Ar-gi-is-(ti-)ka-a-i
as a present to the race Argistis.

55. I Ar-gi-is-ti-i-s

Argistis

56. I Me-nu-a-khi-ni-s a-da-e

the son of Menuas says :

57. X K >~t]f y<«-tsi-e

of Assyria the chief (?) cities

5. Khate corresponds with the Assyrian Khattcii, as Mcma
with the Assyrian Mannai. Comp, the Egyptian Kheta.

6. The name should more probably be read Khite-ruadas.
Compare the name of the Hittite prince Khita-sira in the
Egyptian inscriptions. Ruada(s) must be identical with the
latter part of the names Garpa-runda or Garpa-ruda, king of
the Gamgumai, and Girpa-ruda, king of the Patinai, in b.c. 854,
mentioned on the Assyrian monuments. The Gamgumai lay
to the north-west of the Hittites of Carchemish, while the
Patinai lived between the Afrin and the bay of Antioch.
Comp, the name of Sudani-zavadas xxxiii. 15.

Arghtikai is the genitive-dative sing, of a noun Argistihas ,
formed from Argistis by the suffix -has. The final - a of -ka
(as in tarsu-a , Khaldi-a , etc.) indicates that the suffix relates
to a class of persons. In liv. 9 we read of the Urbikas ,

where the termination can denote only a 4 tribe’ or c class"
of men, and in xxxix. 5 Argistis says he despoiled “ the
possessions Dadikai” As Dadas is called an auxiliary
or something of the kind in line 32, and included in a

1 So Layard.

2 Layard reverses lines 52 and 53, making line 63 precede line 52.

3 So Layard doubtfully.

THE CUKE IE OEM INSCBIPTIONS OE YAK.

589

gem or tribe, it is plain that Dadikai must mean “ of the tribe ”
or “family of Dadas.” We can therefore understand why the
form Argistikai should be used in the phrase which declares
that certain countries have been given “as a gift to the race of
Argistis.” For the application of the suffix to the names of
material objects see note on xxi. 3.

10. I have no idea as to what is the meaning of khasi-alme .
The termination is found in askhu-me , on which see note xxiv.
6. It is just possible that it may represent a third person ph
of the imperative, Khasi-al-me is a compound, consisting of ctl
'inhabit,’ and khasi, which may be connected with Masu-bi ,
xliii. 41, where it seems to mean “ I subjugated.” Perhaps,
therefore, khasi-al-me is “ may (the gods) dwell in triumph,”
or rather “cause to dwell in triumph;” literally “subdue so
as to make remain.” It is generally followed by an accusative,
as in line 40.

13. Niriba must be the Nirbu of the Assyrian inscriptions,
which lay between the Sebeneh Su and Mons Masius ; see
p. 397.

15. Khatincitsie is the genitive after ustadi , like ustadi
Khakhiaveedia , line 43. See pp. 579 and 436.

16. According to this, the Hittite territory extended as far
north as the district opposite Malatiyeh, and adjoined the
Sebeneh Su. Tuates may be compared with Tutamu, a
Patinian king in b.c. 740. If we read Tualas, we may compare
Tulia, who reigned at Tanacun among the Kue (the neighbours
of the Patinians) in b.c. 850, The construction is “the boys (?)
of the land of the son of Tuates,”

17. I do not think the characters given by Schulz and
Layard in the latter part of this line can be depended on.

21. If we read i with Schulz instead of mu , we should have
the phonetic complement of ibirani . But in this case ni would
be expected rather than i.

24. For sukini see note on v. 17.

26. That y Hu-du-ri-ni is to be supplied here seems clear
from xxxvii. 22.

41. Isluburani is the adjective agreeing with ehanie , while

590

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

Uburdalkhi agrees with it, ni being dropped as in the accusati val
Menmkhi , etc.

42. The city of Irduas was the capital of the land of Edias,
which was included in Etius, according to xlix. 13-15.

43. It must be noticed that the suffix -eclia does not take
the locative -di after it, but stands in the genitive case. The
double e which appears here and elsewhere seems to denote the
length of the diphthong. So amlu-uda , xxxix. 24.

45. Nara-ni shows that the suffix ni might denote the
instrumental. But the word may be used as an adjective in
agreement with tarsua.

52, 53. For Harsitas or Harsitan, the Assyrian Assur-dan,
and ^ , see pp. 406, 407.

XXXIX. (Schulz IY.) The third column of the preceding text.
1„ V e-ba-ni-(hu)-ki as-du (khu-)ra-di-ni de-

part of the country occupying, the site of the camp
da-hu-e-da du-hu-(bi)

I destroyed.

2. khu-(ti)-a-(d i Khal-)di-e-di >-JJ 1 2 * -di

Among the King’s people (?), Khaldis the lord, the Air-god,

y«< as-te 5 Bi-a 6 -na 7 -as-(te)
(and) the Sun-god, the gods of Bianas ;

3. a-lu-(si)-(ni-)ni al-su-i-si-ni a-da-a-ba-a-di

of (the gods) of the inhabitants the multitudinous among the
assembly (?)

kha-si-al-(me) -A T«<
may make dwell in triumph (?) the gods.

4. y Ar-gis 8 - (ti-s a-da-)e >->y- Khal-di-i ku-m-ni
Argistis says : To Khaldis the giver,

Khal-di-ni gis-(su-ri-)i ku-ru-ni.
to the Khaldises the mighty, the givers,

1 So Layard. 2 Schulz has e.

4 Schulz has dL 5 Schulz has la,

7 Schulz has ma. 8 So Layard.

3 Schulz has ra. ,

8 So Layard ; it is omitted by Schulz.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

591

g_ Khal- (di-ni-ni al-su-)i-si-ni a-ri-e'-ui-

to the children of Khaldis the multitudinous. The possessions
y Da-di-ka-i V" Ku-la-si-ni Ba-ba-ni

of the tribe of Dadas, the land of Kulasis, the land of Babas,

6 . gu-(dhu-ku-bi) XXM . . XIM 1 CCCCXXXIX

1 despoiled 31,439

-se is-ti-ni za, ... .

children of them

7 si (P)-hu-bi si-hu-bi ^ e-ba 5 -ni-hu-ka-(ni)

I carried off. I carried off the tribes of the country (and)

8. i 6 -(ku-ka-ni us-ta-di) ’-'Z]] 1 Me-na 8 -ab 9 -su 10 -m-e-di
the goods. On approaching the city of Menabsus

>-j:yy Du-ka 11 -ma-a-i- (di)

(and) the city of Dukamais,

9. (kh.-hu.bi -cP) KTD « “-* 1

I conquered the city of the K y:u city ;

e-ba-a-ni-i-e kha-a-hu 12 -(bi)
the country I conquered.

^-yy Sa-a 13 -ra-ra 14 -a V" Bu-us-

of the city of Sararas belonging to

tu-hu-e

the land of Bustus.

XI. (us-ta-di) SIT khu(?)»-du(?)»-l»-i-ni-e

On approaching of . . . khudu(?)luis

e-ba-ni-e-di
the country,

X Layard Fas gi, 2 layard Fas and omits “rnn^ivo ].

3 Layard Fas «‘‘ king.” 4 ■ ScFulI Fas'

e So Layard. So La I ara - , V

9 so Layard. 10 So La >’ ard doubtfllll y- ScFiilz has ff

u So Layard. 12 So Layard

13 St > La y ard - BatWem ’ 1 Stre f 5 i *so Tawd 16 So Layard.

» So Layard. bo Layara.

592

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

12 hu-a-tsiM^di V" Bar-au-a-i-di

the chief (?) of the people of . . . . (and) the land of Barsuais

13. (a* - Bar-su-hu)-a-i V e-ba-ni-a tu-(bi)

of the country of Barsuais the countryfolk I carried away ;

--TT f«< 1(4) - bi

the cities I burned.

14. . .

YM XL 3 ^<f>-

y«< sa-a-da-e

. *

over 5040 men

there

15. . .

. . . . . (a-da-)ki. za-(as-gu-bi)

a-da-ki se-khi-(ri)

; '■•'S

# *

a-gu-(bi)

I took.

partly alive

16. . .

a-)si y<« —

. DCCCOLXXYII *

(horses), .... riders, . . . . <

pa-(khi-ni)

. 977

oxen,

17. (p

a-ru-bi) . V . . . .

• • • JMf] su ‘ se-e

I carried off (and) ...... 5 ....... sheep.

18. (| Ar-gis-ti-s a-da-e) Khal-di-a is-ti-ni-e

Argistis says : For the people of Khaldis these

19. i-(na-ni-da ar-ni-liu-)si-ni-da (su-si-ni)

the city (and) citadel (and) walls in one year
(za-du-bi)

I have built.

20. Ehal-(di-ni us-ta-bi ma)-si-ni-e (gis-su) -ri- (e)
To the Klialdises I prayed, the powers mighty,

21. ka-ru-ni ^ 5 .... ka .... ru (P)

who have given the country of Assyria, the country of

** Bu-us-tu-ni

the country of Bustus,

1 Schulz has 2 So Layard. .

4 So Layard. Schulz has IV instead of VII.

3 So Layard.
5 So Layard,

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

593

22. ^ Tar-i-hu-ni la- (ku-a-da) y Ar-gis-ti-ka-i
(and) the country of Tarius as a present to the family of Argistis.

23. Khal-di-ni-ni al-su-(i-si-)ni Y Ar-(gi~)is-ti-s
To the children of Khaldis the multitudinous Argistis

a-da-e
says :

24. 5=yyyy y<«-si-du-hu-lm-da V" Su-ri-(si-)da-(ni-)i

the site of the palaces of the country of Surisidas

is-pu-hu-i-hu-bi
I overmastered (?)

25. >~>^y khu-ra-di-i-e e-ba-ni-hu-ki as-du 1

(and) of Assyria the armies part of the country occupying.

26. khu-ti-a-di >->^- Khal-di-e-di ^-JJ-di >~>f-

Among the king’s people (?), Khaldis the lord, the

di ^y-di

Air-god, (and) the Sun-god,

27. T«< as-te V s Bi-a-i-na-as-te 2 a-lu-si-ni-ni

the gods of Biainas ; of (the gods) of the in-

(al-)su-i-si-ni a-(da)-a-ba-di
habitants multitudinous among the assembly (?)

28. kha-si-al-me y«< y Ar-gi-is-ti-s y Me-nu-a-

may make dwell in triumph (?) the gods, Argistis son of Me-

khi-ni-s a-(da-)e
nuas says :

29. ^4- Khal-di-i ku-(ru-)ni >->y~ Khal-di-ni

To Khaldis the giver, to the Khaldises

(gis)-su-ri-i ku-ru-ni
the mighty, the givers,

1 Schulz has ap.

2 Schulz has la.

594

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

SO.

31.

»>2f- Khal-di-iri-ni (al-)su-i-(si-)ni

to the children of Khaldis the multitudinous, the camp
A-hu- (e) -ra-si-da ki-da ^nu-bi

|u-hu-i bi za 2 gfgs bi

of Assyria all (?)

V e-ba-ni-hu-ka-ni

the tribes of the country,

32. y Da-a-da-ni (A-hu-)e-ra-(si-ni) ....

Dadas the Averian (auxiliary)

a-niu 4 -hu 5 -bi
I captured (?)

33. i-ku~ka-ni-mu us-ta-di “V

(and) the goods his. On approaching the country of. . .

(di VO .... . i 6 -e-e(?) 7 -di
. . . the country of ieis,

34. V Ar-kha-hu-e-e-di * 314

(and) the land of Arkhaveis, the city of

WI <X) nu -® i8

the royal city,

£|yy y«<-ra-(ni lu-tu |<«)
the men (and) the women

3o. lx ^yy y<«-e ;

60 cities,
as-gu-bi
I took.

V Bu-us-tu-hu-e-di (kha-hu-bi

36. us-ta-di

On approaching the country of Bustus, I conquered the
Sa 9 ~)ti 10 -ra-ra n - (hu-ni)
land of Satiraraus ;

1 So Layard. 2 Perhaps we should read *yy^y for *^yy.

3 So Layard. Possibly kar-bi * stones ’ or ‘ monuments.’

4 So Layard. If we read i with Schulz, we must correct a into si and so get

6 So Layard. 7 Layard has 8 So Layard.

9 Layard has which can hardly he correct. For Satiraraus see

xl. 54. 10 Schulz and Layard have kha doubtfully. 11 So Layard.

si-i-hu-bi.

5 Layard has

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

595

37. ^TT A-bur-za-ni-ni

the city of the Aburzians,

gi-(ni)

gis,

the city of

88. Ka-du-ka-ni-hu-ni a*"

the city of Kadukanius (and) the land of

kha-hu-bi
I conquered.

39. | Ar-gi-is-ti-s a-da-e (us-ta-di V")

Argistis says : On approaching the land of . . . .
tu-hu- (bi)

I carried away.

40. ku-dha-(a-)di pa-a-ri ^ Ma^fna-a ^

On departing out of the land of the Minni, the land of

\ A ) Ba-ba 2 -a

(and) the land of Babas

41. XMYIXIMDCCCXXVII ta-(ar-su-)a-(ni) J«<

18,827 soldiers

sa-a-(da-)e
there

42. a-da-ki za-as-gu-bi a-da-ki se-khi-e-ri (a-gu-)bi DOYI
partly I slew, partly alive I took, (and) 806

‘ EE) V B=n '

horses,

43. CLXXXIV It S3=:y ^<y y«< YIMCCLYII

184 camels 6,257

^ pa-khi-ni XXXMIIIMCCIII JgJ -se
oxen, (and) 33,203 sheep.

44. f Ar-gis-ti-s | Me-nu-a-khi-ni-s a-da-e

Argistis son of Menu as says : For the people of

Khal-di-a (is)-ti-ni-i-e
Khaldis these

596

THE CUNEIPOKM INSCRIPTIONS OP YAH.

45 . i-na-ni-e-da ar-ni-hu-si-ni-e-da su-si-ni-i(P) za-du-hu-bi
the city, the citadel (and) the walls I have built.

40 . Khal-di-ni us-ta-a-bi ma-a-si-ni-e gis-su-ri-i-e
To the Khaldises I prayed, the powers mighty,

47 . ka-ru-ni (V) I-ya-a-ni-ni ^ -ni-e

who have given of the lyaians the country,

ka-ru-ni V Ma-na-ni

who have given the land of the Minni (and)

Bu-us-tu-ni
the land of Bustus

48. la-ku-a-da (|) Ar-gis-ti-ka-a-i

as a present to the race of Argistis.

Ivhal-di-ni-ni al-su-i-si-ni
of Khaldis the multitudinous

49 . Y Ar-gis-ti-s a-(da-)e sur-kha-a-ni

Argistis says : the harness (?)

!«< -hu-e-da-du-hu-da
quarters

50. khu-ti-a-di (Khal-di)-di -II -di Hh

among the king’s people (?), Khaldis, the lord, the

Air-god (and) the Sun -god

51. >->|- |«< -as-te (Bi-a-i-)na-as-te a-lu-hu-si-ni-ni

the gods of Bianas, of (the gods) of

the inhabitants

>- 4 -

To the children

a-si-

(and) the cavalry

52.

al-su-hu-i-si-(ni) a-da-a-ba-di kha-si-al-me

the multitudinous among the assembly (?) may make

-Hb I <<;<

dwell in triumph (?) the gods.

53, I Ar-gi-is-(ti-)s | Me-i-nu-hu-a-khi-ni-e-s a-da-e
Argistis the son of Menuas says :

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAH.

597

54 . Khal-di-i ku-(ru-)ni Khal-cli-ni gis-su-ri-i

To Khaldis the giver, to the Khaldises the mighty,
ku-ru-ni
the givers,

55. Khal-di-(ni-ni al-)su-hu-i-si~ni us-ta-di

to the children of Khaldis the multitudinous ; on approaching

56. V" I-ya- 1 (a-ni-ni X A ) e-ba-a-ni-i-e-di V'-ni kha-a-hu-bi
of the lyaians the country the country I conquered.

57. ?=yyyy ^y>- y«< khar- 2 (khar- su) -hu-bi ^yy y«<

The palaces I dug up, the cities

a-ma-as-tu-hu- (bi)

I plundered.

58. ^yy E-ra-dha 3 -(da-liu-ni >-J:yy) E-ra-dha-da-e-liu-da
The city of Eradhadaus (&) the site of the city of Eradhadaus

kha-hu-(bi)

I conquered.

59. ha-se («jV -hu-e-di-a-ni is-ti-)ni-ni pa-ru-hu-(bi) .

The men (&) the women-folk belonging to them I carried off. . .

60. i 4 -(?ku-ka-ni) us-ta-di V" Ma-na-a-i-di

(and the goods ?). On approaching the country of the Minimi

61. ..... (V" Bu-)us-tu~hu-m y^ Tu-ra ....

the land of Bustus, the river Tura

62. ga 6 -ri-ni ||^}bi (a-gu-)nu-ni-(ma)

k the the monuments (?) its plunder

63. (gu-nu-sa-a kha-)a-hu-(bi)
for a spoil I took.

64. ha-se (is-)ti-ni-ni si- (hu-bi)

The men belonging to them I deported

1 So Layard. 2 So Layard.

3 Layard omits ; Schulz has .

4 So Layard. 5 So Layard. 6 So Layard. Seemvii. 26 (ma).

598

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

65. -hu-e-di-)a-ni
(and) the women.

66 ta-ni ....

67 a-me-ri 1 ....

68. . . se(?) mu-ur .....

69. ■

70. ma 2 dha

71. y Hu

1. Asdu must be the aec. pi. of a noun. The formation of
the word is analogous to that of ashhu, asgu. It may be a
compound of as (is) ( house/ and either du ‘ to bring 9 (like ter -
du, etc.), or du ‘establish’ (as in asiduda line 24, and asi-ve-
da-du-da xliii. 43). In this case asdu will be contracted from
asidu as Biainaste from Biainasidi . The retention of the d
after contrary to the usual rule, looks as if this were the true
explanation of the form. Asdu will then be ‘house-establish-
ments 9 in apposition with khuradine-da-ve-da , and ebani-uki
(with which ebani-ki-di 1. 27 must be compared) will be 6 in
part of the country/ Ebani-u-ki is the adverbial case of an
adj. in -u from ebanis . Perhaps, however, ebani-u-ki-as-du
forms one word and stands for ebani-u-Jci-a-si-du ‘establish-
ments of the people in part of the country/ In any case the
translation given in the text seems to be approximately the
right one. See note on li. iii. 3. It is evident that the defeats
undergone by the Assyrian forces took place not in their own
territory but in some subject district. In the eponym lists
the wars between Assur-dan and Argistis are described as being
‘in the land of Ararat/

1 So Layard.

2 So Layard.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

599

5. Arie-ni, which must plainly be read here, is connected
with ariedha 6 he was* or ‘became-’ (xlix. 18).

Dados (line 32) has become Dadikai just as by the side of
Biaims we find Hinas.

7. Eba-ni-uha-ni is an adjective in ~u with the suffix -has
attached to it. See note on xxxviii. 6.

10. Bustus is the Bustu of the Assyrian texts, of which
Shalmaneser says on the Black Obelisk (line 186) that after
devastating 4 the borders of Ararat ’ he received in Gozan
the tribute of Gozan, the Minni, Burir, Murran, Sasgan,
Andia, and Kharkhania, then destroyed the cities of Perria
and Siti varya, and then 4 to the cities of Parsuas went. The
cities of Bustu, Sala-khamanu and Kini-khamanu, fortified
towns, together with 23 cities which depended on them, I
captured/ After this, Shalmaneser entered the mountains
of the Zimri or Kurds and then descended upon Holvan.
See p. 400. Sitivarya must be the Sararas of our text, which
is written Satiraraus in line 36 and xl. 54.

12. Barsuas is the Barsuas or Parsuas of the Assyrian
inscriptions, to the south-west of Lake Urumiyek. As in
Hebrew, Yannic s corresponds to Assyrian § (p).

14. Sadae , also written sada (xl. 13), with the local suffix
da, is shown by xl. 13 to be an adverb of place like inida .
The pronominal stem, sa probably makes its appearance in
sa-ni (Iv. 12) and sa-ve (li. 5), as well as in the compound
verb sa-tubi (I. 17).

24. Asidu’uda (? asidmda) is a compound of asi- c house 9
and du 4 establishment,’ like asivedaduda in line 49, This du
must be carefully distinguished from du 4 to carry away/ and
is a contracted form of udu 4 monument ? (li. 3).

Ispui-u-bi has the same root as the royal name Ispui-nis,
which may possibly mean 4 the lordly/

30. The adjective Avera-sis may be a proper name, but the
determinative makes it more probable that it is a significative
noun, in which case it can hardly have any other meaning
than 4 auxiliary/ .

40. For the Mams , the Mannai of the Assyrians and
Minni of the O. T., see above.

600 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

49. In xxx. 20 we find hakhau 6 chariots, 5 which may possibly
be compounded with the root of hcise ‘ men/ so that we could
compare the latter part of the word with the latter part of sur-
khanL In any case sur-kha-ni claims affinity to sim-kJia-ni
and we must compare :

ikukani-mu sisu-kha-ni kh uradi- ni- da- ve-da diibi xxxvii. 5.
(following the phrase khutiadi , etc.)
ikukani-mu sim-kha-ni asi-ve-da-{duda ) xliii. 43.
(preceding the phrase khutiadi , etc.)
ikukani-mu sistini xlix. 7.

It is clear either that surkhani is a synonyme of sisukhani
or that sur is miscopied for sistc. The context defines the
meaning within narrow limits.

Asi-ve-da-du-da is literally c place of establishment of place
belonging to riders. 5

62. For karU see note on xxxvii. 26.

XL. (Schulz Y.) The fourth column of the preceding text.

This portion of the inscription is engraved in the angle of
the south-west part of the rock.

1. XMYIIIMCCXL 1 !!!.

18,243

2. ta-ar-su-a-ni-e-i-mu

soldiers his

3. a-da-ki za-as-gu~hu-bi

partly I slew

4. a-da-ki se-klii-ri-e 2 a-gu-bi
partly alive I took,

s. dccxc . . . r &=yy y«<

(&) 7,9(0) horses,

6. C ul (?) 3 -dliu 4 -ni ]«<

100 camels

1 So Layard. 2 So Layard. 3 So Layard. Sclnilz has a misformed hi.

4 So Layard. Schulz has

THE CUHEIEOBM IXSCILIPTIOHS OF TAX.

7. XXM 1 1 1 M DXXIX 2 ^ pa-khi-ni

22,529 oxen

8. XXXMYIMDCCOXXX JgJ su-se

(&) 36,830 sheep.

9. f Ar -gi-is-ti-i-s a-cla-e

Argistis says :

10. Khal-di-a is-ti-ni-e

For the people of Khaldis these

11. i-na-a-ni-da-e

the city,

12. ar-ni-hu-si-ni-da

the citadel,

13. su-si-ni sa-a-da za-du-bi

(&) the walls there I have built.

14. Khal-di-ni us-ta-bi

To the Khaldises I prayed,

T5. ma-si-ni-e (gis-)su-ri-e
to the powers mighty

16. ka-ru-ni (\*) Ma-na-n

who have given of the Minni

17. e-ba-a 3 -(ni-)i-e
the land,

18. ka-ru-ni ( Ir-ki-) 4 hu-ni-n

who have given the land of Irkiunis

19. la-e-ku-hu-a-da
as a present

20. y Ar-gi-is-ti-ka-i

to the family of Argistis.

601

1 Bayard has XM.
3 So Layard.

3 So Layard ; Schulz has DC . . . YI (?).'

4 Line 35 shows what, has to he supplied.

602

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAR.

21. -4- Khal-di-ni-ni

To the children of Khaldis

22. al-su-hu-i-si-ni
the multitudinous,

23. | Ar-gi-(is-)ti-s ^

Argistis

24. a-da-e (khu)-ti-a-di

says : among the king’s people (?),

25. >->|~ Khal-di-e-di >-JJ-di

Khaldis the lord,

26. >->|- -4- 4" di
the Air-god (and) the Sun-god,

27. |«<-as-te V Bi-a-na-as-te
the gods of Bianas ;

28. a-lu-si-ni-ni al-su-si-ni

of (the gods) of the inhabitants the multitudinous

29. a-da-a-ba-di kha-si-al-me

among the assembly (?) may make dwell in triumph (?)

y«<

the gods.

SO. y Ar-gi-(is-)ti-i-s
Argistis

31. | Me-nu-a-khi-ni-s a-da-e
the son of Menuas says :

52. Khal-di-i ku-ru-hu-ni
To Khaldis the giver,

53. ->f Khal-di-i-ni gis-su-ri-i ku-ru-hu-ni
to the Khaldises the mighty, the givers,

54. >-»f- Khal-di-i-ni-m al-su-i-si-ni us-ta-di

to the children of Khaldis the multitudinous. On ap-
proaching

THE CUNEIFORM IHSCBIPTIOHS OF YAH* 603

35. Ma-na-i-di kha-hu-bi V" Ir-ki- Miu-ni-ni
the land of the Minni I conquered the land of Irkiunis.

36. ku-dha-a-di pa-ri ^ >->^ 1 2 -ni-ni

On departing out of the lands belonging to Assyria,
Al-ga 3 -ni
the land of Algas,

37. YIMCCCCLXX1
6,471

za-as-gu-bl
I slew,

38. a-da-ki se-khi-ri

partly alive

y y«<

horses,

T<« ‘ mu a "da-ki

of its men partly

a-gn-bi CCLXXXYI
1 took ; (and) 286

42.

YIIIMCCY
(and) 8,205

39. IIMCCLI pa-khi-ni |«<

2,251 oxen,

Mf su-se y«<
sheep.

| Ar-gis-ti-s a-da-e Khal-di-a is-ti-ni-e

Argistis says: For the people of Khaldis these

i-na-ni-da ar-ni-hu-si-ni-da j za-a-du-bi

the city (and) citadel in one year I have built.

-4- Khal-di-ni us-ta-bi ma-si-ni-e gis-su-ri-e

To the Ehaldises I prayed, to the powers mighty,

43. ka-ru-hu-ni Ma-na 4 ~a-ni AA

who have given of the Minni

44. ka-ru-hu-ni Bu-us-tu-m la-ku-hu-a-da

who have given the land of Bustus as a present

a. e-ba-ni-i-e
the land,

2 So Layard. Schulz lias .

4 Schulz has ma.

1 So. Layard. Schulz has Ni~ku.

3 So Layard. Schulz has hu.

604

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAK

45 .

46 .

47 .

48 .

49 .

50 .
may

51 .

52 .

53 .

54 .

| Ar-gi-is-ti-i-ka-i | Me-nu-a-khi-ni-i-e

to the family of Argistis the son of Menuas.

>>>|~ (Khal)-di-ni-ni al-su-i-si-ni

To the children of Khaldis, the multitudinous,

| Ar-gis-ti-s
Argistis

(a-)da-e khu-ti-a-di Khal-di-i-e-di

says : among the king’s people (?), Khaldis,

-IF*

the lord,

“^i ^f-di ->f y<« as-te

the Air-god (and) the Sun-god the gods

Bi-a-na-as-te
of Bianas ;

a-lu-si-ni-ni al-su-i-si-ni

of (the gods) of the inhabitants the multitudinous

a-da-a-ba-di

among the assembly (?),

kha-a-si-al-me «h«< r Ar-gi-is-ti-i-s

make dwell in triumph (?) the gods. Argistis

(f) Me-nu-a-khi-ni-s a-da-e Khal-di-i ku-ru-ni
son of Menuas says : to Khaldis the giver,

Khal-di-ni gis-su-ri-i 1 ku-ru-ni -4-

to the Khaldises the mighty, the givers, to the

Khal-di-ni-ni
children of Khaldis

al-su-i-si-ni us-ta-di

the multitudinous. On approaching
kha-hu-bi As-ka-ya-i

I conquered the land of Askayas.

Sa-ti-ra-ra-hu-ni
land of Satiraraus.

"X 4 " Bu-us-tu-e-di
the land of Bustus
khu-bi

I conquered the

1 Schulz lias mu.

THE CHNEITORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

605

55, an-da-ni Hu-gi-is-ti-ni ha-al-du-bi

The boys (?) of the land of Ugistis I removed

56* ma-at-khi Hu-hu-si-ni ku-dha-a-di
(and) the girls of the land of Ynsis. On departing

57. pa-ri-e A-la-dha-i Ba-ba^a^ni

out of the land of Aladhais, of Babas

58. (V‘) ^-ba-a-ni a-ma-as-tu-bi *-=TT T«< khar-khar-
the country I plundered; the cities I dug

(su-)bi

up;

59. ha-a-se tA lu-tu is-fci-ni-ni pa-ru-(hu-)bi
the men (and) women belonging to them I carried off ;

60. . . MDOCCLXXIII ta-ar-su-a-(ni-e-mu)

1(?),873 of its soldiers

61. a-da-ki za-as-gu-bi a-da- (ki se-khi-ri a-gu-)bi
partly I slew, partly alive I took.

62 LXXX (f<« pa-ru-bi)

.... 80 horses I carried off ;

63. .... yf jzjzf ~c<f y«< .... (t^pa-khi-ni)

.... camels, .... oxen,

64 D . . . QgJ su-se)

(and) . . . 5(00) sheep.

65. (y Ar-gis-)ti-s a-da-e >->p Khal-di-(a is-ti-ni-e)

Argistis says : for the people of Khaldis these

66. (i-na-)ni-da ar-ni-(lru-si-ni-da | za-du-)bi

the city (and) citadel in one year I built.

67. »>f Khal-di-ni us-ta-bi ma-(si-ni-e gis-su-)ri-e
To the Ehaldises I prayed, to the powers mighty,

1 So Layard.

606 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

68. (ka-ru-)ni V 4 Ma-na-a-ni (V)

who have given the country of the Minni (and) of ,

. . di-I-e
* . dis

69. (v')-ni (f) Ar-gis-ti-ka-i

the country to the family of Argistis

Me)-nu-a-khi-ni-e
the son of Menuas.

70. Khal-)di-i-ni-ni al-su-i-si-i-ni

To the children of Khaldis the multitudinous

71. (| Ar-gis-)ti-s | Me-nu-a-khi-ni-s a-da-e

Argistis the son of Menuas says t

72 y Ar-gis-te^e-khi-ni-da 1 2

(The land) as the satrapy of the son of Argistis

si-clu-bi

I established (?).

73, (^) Ma-na-ni s3^ 3 -e | Ha 4 -za-i-ni~e

The land of the Minni hostile, belonging to Hazais

^-ni-e a-gu-bi
the country I took

74 ma-na-da (?) 6 -si-ra-ni kha-i-la-a-ni

the , the ... of the Minni, the

75. (khu-ti-)a-di HF- Khal-di-e-di 4I-di

Among the king’s people (?), Khaldis the lord,

- 4 - 4 * 4 -*

the Air-god

1 Schulz has la. 2 So Layard. 3 So Layard. 4 So Layard.

5 So Layard. Schulz has tar.

6 Layard has ra. The character may he da or ta. See line SO.

THE CUNEIFORM IHSCRIPTIOHS OF YAH.

607

(Hf" *f-)di >->f- y«< -as-te ^ Bi-a-na-as-te
(and) the Sun-god, the gods of Yan ;
a-lu-si-ni-ni

of (the gods) of the inhabitants

fal)-su-i-si-ni a-da-a-ba-di kha-si-al-(rae

multitudinous among the assembly (?) may make dwell

) !«<

in triumph (?) the gods.

(I) Ar-gis-ti-s a-da-e se ip (P) 1 tu si na a (? e)

Argistis says :

a *si y«<-tsi-e -hu-e-da-si-ni-e

the chief (?) of the riders the rank and file ,

^■T-si-ra-m ka-ab-ka-ru-hu-bi nu-na-bi 2

the I approached ; I attached

^ Ma-na- (a-)ni
the land of the Minni.

81. Khal-di-i-ni-ni al-su-hu- (i-si-)ni
To the children of Khaldis the multitudinous.

6. It is unfortunate that the reading of this word is so
uncertain, as the meaning is clear from its taking the place ot
the ideograph which denotes 4 camels 5 in xxxix. 43, etc.

36. For the land of Alganis or Algas see v. 18.

53. Bustuedi stands for Biistu-ve-di.

68. The country meant here may he the same as the
Aladhak of line 57.

72. Literally 4 the place of the son of Argistis/ For sidubi
see note on as-du xxxix. 1. and cp. tmdu xxxix. 24, and

- du li. iii. 3. The root of sidubi may be the same as
that of sidis (=s 4di-si). Argistis himself had governed a
district during his father’s lifetime (xxix.B. 3).

73. The name of Hazas occurs again in liv. 1. It is

1 These two characters probably represent only one, perhaps uz.

2 So Layard ; the word is omitted by Schulz.

76.

77.

78.

79.

80.

608

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTION'S OF TAN.

evidently the Aza of the Assyrian inscriptions. In the time
of Sargon Aza son of Iranzu was king of the Minni, like his
predecessor in the age of Argistis.

74. The reading of the first part of this line is too uncertain
to admit of even conjecture. From line 80, we see that the
word which terminates in -sirani was preceded by only one
character. It must have denoted some class of persons.
Comp. di? r«< -ra-ni and ibirani. If khailani should rather
be read kliaiteani , we might perhaps compare khaidiani li. 6.

79. We have asitsie and not asiatsie, since the collective
suffix -a, denoting ‘people,’ was naturally added only to
names of localities, not to nouns signifying persons: In

- ve-da-si-nie , -ni and -M are adjectival suffixes (si as in nu-si),
da being the suffix of locality, and ve of local attachment.

80. For kabkarubi see v. 25.

XLI. (Schulz VII.) The fifth column of the preceding text.

This part of the inscription is engraved over the entrance
of the chambers.

1. (!) Ar-(gis-ti-s
Argistis

y Me-nu-a-khi-ni-s a-da-e)

the son of Mennas says :

2. khu-ti-a-di (>-»f- Khal-di-di >-J|-di ^>f-

Aroong the king’s people (?), Khaldis the lord, the

-44f-di *T-di)

Air-god (and) the Sun-god,

3 _ >->1^ y«< as-(te V' Bi-a-na-as-te a-lu-si-ni-

the gods of Van ; of (the gods) of the

ni al-su-i-si-ni)

inhabitants multitudinous

4. a-da-i-(a-ba-di kha-si-al-me

among the assembly (?) may make dwell in triumph (?)

y<« a-si- !<«-hu-e-da du-bi)

the gods. The stabling I destroyed.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

609

5. us-ta-di Ur-me-e-di 1 (kha-hu-bi ^ Ur-me-i-ni)

On approaching the land ofUrmes, I conquered of Urmes
g (-^)-ni-e ^-ni-a tu-bi ku-dha-(a-di

the country. The country folk I carried away. On departing

pa-ri 'a*')

out of the land of

7. >--yy y«< f^-bi ha-se -3V 2 lu-tu a-gu-bi
the cities I burned. The men (and) women I took
V s Bi 3 -(a-na-i-di)
to Yan.

8. . . . MIVMDCCCXIII y«<-mu 4 a-da-ki

Over 14,813 of its men partly

za-as-gu-bi a-da-ki 5 —<y< y«< 6 (a-gu-bi)

I slew, partly alive I took,

9 . XXV ^ E*=TT T«< • • • • mdocxl^iy

(and) 25 horses, over 1,744

^ pa-khi-ni XLMYTIIMDOCOXXY JgfJ-(se)
oxen, (and) 48,825 sheep.

10. y Ar-gis-ti-s y Me-nu-a-khi-ni-s a-da-(e) >~»y-

Argistis the son of Menuas says : For the

Khal-di-a is-ti-ni-e

people of Khaldis these

11. i-na-(ni-)da ar-ni-hu-si-ni-da (su-)si-ni-mu 8 za-a-du-bi

’ t he city, the citadel (and) its walls I built.

12 . >->3f- (Khal-di-ni-ni al-)su-i-si-e-(ni y Ar-gis-ti-s
To the children of Khaldis the multitudinous Argistis

a-da-e

says

2 So Layard ; Schulz omits.

For the completion of the sentence see 1. 25.

s So Layard.

7 So Layard.

1 So Layard.

8 So Layard.

4 So Layard.

6 So Layard.

8 More probably y^ < in one year.’
VOL. XIV. — [new series.]

610

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

13. i-hu ^ nu-a-di (Pa-)da-e-me (Khal-)di-s

thus: Among the people of the king the sum total (?) Khaldis

a-ru-ni hu-i 1 Al-di-ni-e 2

has brought, and for the Klialdinians

14. YII(M) . . . LXYI pa-khi-ni LMDOOCLXYIII

over 7,066 oxen (and) 50,868

m r«<

sheep.

15. y Ar-gi-(is-ti-s) a-da-e i-na-ni mu-mu-hu-i-ya-bi

Argistis says: the city I enriched (?).

16. (>->£-) Khal-di-ni-ni al-su-i-si-ni | Ar-gis-ti-s

To the children of Khaidis the multitudinous Argistis

a-da-e

says

17. i-hu Bi-(khu-ra-)a-ni ka-ab-ka-a-ru-lu-hu-bi

thus : the city of Bikhuras I approached.

18. --yy Bi-khu-ra-a-ni a-su-ni-ni

The city of Bikhuras, the neighbouring (cities),
Ba-am-ni kha-ar-kha-a-ru

the country of Bam (with) digging up,

19. mu-ru-mu-ri-a-khi-ni na 3 -a-ni pa-ri -4-
the children of ..... . (and) the city (?) out of the Sun

si-i-e-s

removing,

20. Ba-am-ni khar-khar-sa 4 -bi-i-e 5 -s Bi-khu-

the country of Bam digging up, the city of Bikhu-

ra-ni kha-a-hu-bi
ras I conquered.

1 So Layard. Schulz has mu.

3 So Schulz. Layard has icu.

5 So Layard*:.

2 So Layard. Schulz has si.
4 So Layard. Schulz has a.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

611

5. Sarduris II. the son of Argistis mentions the country of
Urines (xlix. 22), apparently in the same direction as Etuis,
ie. on the northern side of the Araxes. It is certainly tempting
to compare the name of Lake Uruiniyeh.

13. In . . claeme we have perhaps the same suffix as in
askhu-me and khasi-al-me. The word seems to denote 4 sum-
total.’ Cp. adctisi 4 collecting/ If Schulz is right in reading
mu, umu would be the accusative plural of an otherwise un-
known word.

Aldinie , the dative plural of an adjective in -?m, is derived
from al-di, formed from the root cd by the suffix of agency dL
It is clearly a different word from aldinis 4 stone 5 v. 29, and
is shown by Ivi. to stand for Khaldinie .

15. We find mumu-ni in xlv. 23 combined with ardi-{ni)
and a list of articles of tribute. It must there mean either
4 governor 5 or 4 impost/ Mumu-ya-bi , formed by the col-
lective suffix (as in arnu-ya-da ), decides rather for the latter
than for the former signification. See Ivi. i. 2.

18. Kharkharu would be the acc. pi. of a noun kharkharm
4 a digging up/ It stands in apposition with the preceding
accusatives.

19. The reduplicated muru-muris is not found elsewhere.
The suffixes -a and - khinis , however, sufficiently indicate the
general meaning of the word. Compare dharu-khini , ten-
khinie , and asazie-Minie . If nani is the right reading, £:>E
seems to have fallen out before it or to have become obliterated,
unless, indeed, the final i of the preceding m was intended to
run on into the following word. But I fancy we ought to
read here mam ‘ it/ Sies is the participle of si-u-bi, as khar-
khar-sa-bies is of kharkhar-su- hi.

20. The latter word is very remarkable, as the first person
singular is changed into a participle by the mere addition of
the suffix ~es and the change of the preceding vowel from the
verbal u into the nominal a. The context leaves no doubt
as to its meaning.

612

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

XLIL

The inscription was continued on the door of the entrance,
but of this only a few characters remain, which were not
copied by Schulz. Sir A. H. Layard, however, made out
the following : —

1. Khal-di-ni-ni al-)su-i-(si-ni |) Ar-

To the children of Khaldis, the multitudinous Ar-
gis-ti-(s | Me-nu-a-khi-ni-s a-da-e)
gistis the son of Menuas says :

After this there is a break, and the ends of the last six
lines are alone visible :

..........

>->y- Khal-(di-)ni

(us-ta-bi ma-si-ni-e gis-) su-ri-e
da-e-ni

si ku ni

XLIII. (Schulz VI.) The continuation of the preceding text.

This part of the inscription is engraved on the left side
of the entrance to the chambers.

(1) . Ar-gi-is-ti-s a-(da-e)

Argistis says :

(2) . ba-di-ni-ni su-hu-i du x -(hu-bi)

what belonged to all (?) the whole (?) I have destroyed.

(3) . rlllf th kha 2 ~hu-bi e ir 3 i ....

the palace I conquered

(4) . V" e-ba-a-ni-a tu-bi ^yy |«<

The people of the land I carried off. The cities
a-(bi-da-du-bi)

I burned.

1 So Layard. 2 So Layard. Schulz has za. 3 Should probably be si.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAH.

613

(5) . IIIMOOLXX ta-ar-su-hu-(a-ni)

3,270 fighting-men

(6) . a-da-ki za-as-gu-bl a-da-ki se-khi-(ri a-gu-bi),

partly I slew, partly alive I took.

(7) . CLXX Y B=If y«< pa-ru-bi L5II

170 horses I carried off, 62

BIB If (~T ^<1 T«<)

camels,

(8) . IIMCCCCXI s=Y^ pa-khi-ni |«< VFMCXL . .

2,411 oxen, 6,14(0)

(J£ff su-se)
sheep.

(9) , | Ar-gis-ti-s a-da-e 3 (Khal-)di-a

Argistis says : For the people of Khaldis

(is-ti-ni-)e

these

(10). i-na 4 -ni-da ar-ni-(hu 5 -)si-ni-da Q) >^ 6
the city (and) citadel in one year

(za-)du-bi
I have built.

(id. Khal-di-ni us-ta-bi ma-si-ni-e gis-su-ri-i-e
To the Khaldises I prayed, to the powers mighty,

(12) . ka-ru-ni V" Dhu-a 7 -ra-a-tsi-ni-e~i khu 8 -(dhu)

who have given of the chiefe(P) of Dhuaras portions,

(13) . si 9 -ri V s10 Gur-ku u -hu-e ka-ru-ni

the corn-pits of the land of Gurkus ; who have given
V s Ma-na-a-ni
of the land of the Minni

1 So Layard. 2 So Layard. 3 Layard has a.

. ■* Schulz has ma. 5 Layara has ni. 6 So Layard.

7 Schulz places a lacuna after a ; not so, however, Layard. 8 So Layard.

9 So Layard. Schulz has pa. "With this reading the translation would he
‘ out of what belongs to the country of Gurkus.’ But there is no other example
of the adjective in ~m being used thus absolutely,
w Schulz has tar. 11 So Layard.

614 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

(14) . a-si»y<«-i-e la-ku-a-da | Ar-gis-ti-ka-i

the cavalry as a present to the race of Argistis.

(15) . y Ar-gi-is-ti-i-s a-da-e HP- Khal-di is-(ti)

Argistis says : For Khaldis this

(16) , ^<1 a 1 -(gu-nu 2 )-ni e-ha 3 khu-dhu tu-khi

a sixtieth of the spoil, this portion of the captives
e-ha gu-nu-se

(and) this plunder,

(17) . . . . 'Q Da-i-na-la-ti-ni-ni -e a-gu-bi

(beside) the river of the Dainalatians doubly 1 took.

(18) . za-a-du-hu-bi ku-ul-me-i 4 -e V s Su-ra-hu-e

I built the strongholds (?) of the land of Suras.

(19) . I Ar-gi-is-ti-s y Me-(nu)-a-khi-ni-s a-da-e

Argistis the son of Menuas says :

(20) . khu-ti-a-di Khal-di-e-di ^JJ-di -di

among the king’s people (?), Khaldis, the lord, the Air-god,

(21) . HhT<« as-te ^ (Bi-)i-a-i-na-as-te

(and) the Sun -god the gods of Van ;

(22) . a-lu-si-ni-ni 5 al-su-i-(si-)ni

of (the gods) of the inhabitants, the multitudinous,
a-da-a-ba-di

among the assembly (?),

(23) . kha-a-si-al-me >->y~ y<^ a-si-y^<X hu-e-da

may make dwell in triumph (?) the gods. The cavalry-quarters

du-bi

I destroyed.

(24) . us-ta-di 4* M a-na-i-di -ni-a

On approaching the land of the Minni the people of the country

tu-M ><yy y«< -w.

I carried away. The cities I burned.

1 So Layard. 2 Comp, line 78. 3 g 0 Layard.

4 So Layard. 5 Omitted by Layard.

THE CUNEIFOBM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAH.

615

(25) . ku-dha-a-di pa-ri Hu-i-khi-ka-a

On departing out of the city of the tribe of Yikhis
•\ A 1 Bu 2 -us-(tu-)e
of the land of Bustus

(26) . ha-se -hu-e-di-a 3 -ni is-ti-ni-ni

the men (and) women-folk belonging to them
pa-ru-bi
I carried off ;

(27) . XMIIIMDOOOCLXXIX ^y- ta-ar-su-a-ni y<«-mu

13,979 of its soldiers

(28) . a-da-ki za-as-gu-bi a-da-ki se-khi-ri a-gn-bi

partly I slew, partly alive I took ;

(29). CCCVIII y<« pa-ru-bi

308 horses I carried off,

VIIIM pa-khi-ni

over 8000 oxen,

(30) . Ill a-ti-bi IIMDXXXYIII

(and) five thousand five hundred and thirty-eight

M ( su ' se ) V«

sheep.

(31) . | Ar-gis-ti-s a-da-e Khal-di-a is-ti-ni-(e)

Argistis says: For the people of Khaldis these

(32) . i-na-ni-da ar-(ni-)hu-si-ni-da su-si-ni-mu 4 za-du-(bi)

the city, the citadel (and) its walls I have built.

(33) . Hf- Khal-di-ni us-ta-bi ma-si-ni-e gis-su-ri-i-(e)
To the Khaldises I prayed to the powers mighty

(34) . ka-ru-ni V Ma-na-ni V* -ni-e ka-ru-ni
who have given of the Minni the land, who have given

V s E-ti-hu-ni
the land of Etius

1 Layard has se. 2 So Layard. 3 Layard lias e.

4 Bo Layard; Schulz has i. We should probably read s iu one year/

616

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

(35) . la-e-ku-ku-a-da-e | Ar-gi-is-ti-i-ka-a-(i)

as a present to the family of Argistis ;

(36) . Khal-di-i ku-ru-ni Hf- (Khal-di-)ni-ni

to Khaldis the giver, to the children of Khaldis
al-su-i-si-(ni).
the multitudinous.

(37) . f Ar-gi-is-ti-s | Me-(nu-)a-l

Argistis the son of ]

(38) . us-ta-di V" Ma-na-i-

On approaching the land of the I

tu-bi >-j:yy y«<

I carried away, the cities

(39) . ’'Cff Si-si '-ri-kha-di-ri-ni

The city of Sisirikkadiris
a-gu-nu-ni-(mu)

(aud) its plunder

(40) . gu-nu-sa-a kha-hu-bi

for a spoil I acquired. The men (and) women

is-ti-ni-ni pa-(ru-bi)

belonging to them I carried off.

(41) . y Ar-gis-ti-s a-da-e kha-su-bi E-ti-hu-ui-(ni)

Argistis says: I subjugated (?) the Etiuians.

(42) . Ar-di-ni-e-i as-ti-hu zi-ir-bi-la-(ni)

Ofthecity ofArdinis the magazines the

(43) . i-ku-ka-ni-mu si-su-kha-ni £^y>- a-si 2 - (J«<)hu-e-

lts goods, the harness (and) the cavalry-

da du-(bi)

quarters I destroyed.

a-da-(e)

a? -m-a

:hi~ni-e-s
denuas

linni the population

m-n

I burned.

^yy nn -si

the royal city

ha-se lu-tu

1 So Layard.

2 So Layard.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAK.

617

(44) . khu-ti-a-di Khal-di-e-di >-|J -di

Among the king’s people (?), Khaldis, the lord,

-di

the Air-god (and) the Sun-god,

(45) . y«< as-te ( V) Bi-a-i-na-as-te a-lu-si-ni-(ni)

the gods of Van ; of (the gods) of the inhabitants

(46) . al-su-i-si-ni 1 a-da-a-ba-di kha-si-al-me

multitudinous among the assembly (?) may make dwell

-4- y«<

in triumph (?) the gods.

(47) . us-ta-di ^ E-ti-hu-ni-i-e-di kha-a-(hu-bi)

On approaching the land of the Etiuians I conquered

(48) . y E-ri-a-khi -ni-e J Ka 2 -tar 3 -

belonging to the son of Erias the land, of Katar-
za-a-e V" -(ni-e)
zas the land.

(49) . ku 4 -dha-i-a-di pa-a-ri-e V" Is-ki-gu-lu- (hu-e)

On departing out of the land of Iskigulus

(50) . ha-se lu-(tu) si-hu-bi Bi-i-a-i-

the men (and) women I removed to the land of
na-a-(i-di)

Biainas.

(51) . ^Ar-gis-ti^ a-)da-e Khal-di-(ni hu-lu-us-

Argistis says : to the Khaldises I approached

ta-i-bi)

with offerings.

(52) . us-ta-a-di V* (}) Hu-i- dha-ru 5 - (khi- ) e- (ni- e)

On approaching of the son of Yidharus

1 Layard has i.

4 Schulz has ma.

2 Comp. xxxi. 11.
6 So Layard.

3 So Lajard.

618

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

(53) . (e-ba-ni-e-di -ni-a tu-bi y<«

the land, the people I carried away, the cities

(IgE-b!)

I burned.

(54) (kha-)hu-bi A-me-gu (?)

I conquered the city of Amegu (F) ....

(55) (f) Hu-i-dha-ru-(khi)

...... belonging to the son of Yidharus

(56) . a-(gu-ku-)nu-ni na

the plunder

(57) . ^yyy (^y te-)ru-(hu-)bi

a tablet I set up

(58). pi-(e-)ni hu 3 . . . . ri 2

the name .

(59) . ^ nu 3 -si me-e-i .

the royal of him .

(60) . bi-du 4 -ni (?) da- a .

the priests

( 61 )

(62) pi(?)-e-ni

(63)

(64) y«< e .

(65). (a-da-ki za-as-gu-bi a-)da-ki se-khi-ri (a-gu-bi)
partly I slew, partly alive I took.

(66). IMCC . . . tsryy) y«< XXM 5 IXMDIV

over 1200 horses, 29,504

pa-khi-ni)
oxen,

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN, 619

(67) . VI a-ti-(bi ) JgEfl su-se |<« pa-(ru-bi)

(and) over 6 thousand sheep I carried off.

(68) . | Ar-gis-(ti-s a-da-)e Khal-di-a is- (ti-ni-e)

Argistis says: For the people of Khaldis these

(69) . i-na-ni-da (ar)-ni-hu-si-(ni-)da | ^ za-(du-bi)

the city (and) citadel in one year I built.

(70) . Khal-di-ni us-ta-bi ma~(si-)ni-e gis-(su-ri-e)

To the Khaldises I prayed, to the powers mighty,

(71) . ka-ru-ni Tar-i-)hu-ni V" Ba-a-(ba-m-e)

who have given the land of Tarius, the land of Babas

(72) . ka-ru-ni (la-ku-)a-da | Ar-gis-(ti-ka-i)

who have given as a present to the race of Argistis ;

(73) . ->f Khal-di-i (ku-ru-ni) . 4 - Khal-di-ni-ni

to Khaldis the giver, to the children of Khaldis
al-su-(i-si-ni)
the multitudinous.

(74) a | Ar-gis-ti-(s) a-(da-)e us-ta-di V" Tar-i-(u-i-di)

Argistis says : On approaching the land of Tarius

(75) . XI fcYYTT T«<-i-a a-gu-nu-ni gu-nu-sa-(a
the inhabitants of 11 palaces (and) the plunder for a spoil

kha-hu-bi)

I acquired.

( 76 ) . -4- Khal-di e-M(P) 1 -ma(P)-ni is-ti-ni-i a-ru-(hu-bi)

to Khaldis (offerings ?) these I brought.

(77) , y Ar-gi-is-(ti-s) | (Me-nu-)hu-a-khi-ni-e-s a 2 -(da-e)

Argistis the son of Menuas says :

( 78 ) , >_4~ Khal 3 -(di a-gu-)nu-ni e 4 -ha khu-dhu

For Khaldis a sixtieth of the spoil, this portion of

tu-khi e-ha 5 (gu-nu-se 4~' e a-gu-bi)
the captives (and) this plunder, doubly I took.

1 So La, yard, 2 So Layard. 3 So La yard.

4 So Layard. 6 So Layard.

620

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

(79) , Jfl 1 y«<-da 2 f<« lEjr-bi khar-

Buildings many (and) the palaces I burned ; I
(kha-ar-su-hu-bi)
dug up

(80) . >-JzT| 3 ni ha-se -jV lu-tu is-ti-ni-ni

the city of The men (and) women belonging to them

(si-i-hu-bi)

I removed.

(81) . ...... (?) Tar-khi (?) . . da-e

...... of the city Tarkhi . . das (?)

i-ku-ka-ni (pa-ru-bi)

the goods I carried off.

2. Badi-nini may stand for baddi-nini , from baddis 4 all/
This is confirmed by its association with iui, The root badu
4 old 5 gives no sense.

4. For abidadubL see xlv. 9.

12. On khudhu, the acc. pi., see note on the name of the
god Khudhuinis, v. 5. Except in this passage khudhu is
always joined with tulchi (acc. pi. of tukhinis, agreeing with
khudlm) 4 what belongs to the captives/ The word must
therefore denote some kind of property belonging to captives
taken in war, and the present passage seems to show that the
property was in land. Khudhus would accordingly be 6 a
portion ’ or * lot of land/ Greek

13. For sir% see xxi. 2. Here the word cannot mean
4 tombs/ but rather 4 corn-pits/ as in Kappadokian and
modern Georgian.

16. Eha is indeclinable, see v. 25. As gunuse is the acc. pL
of gunusas , it is plain that nouns in - a might form their plural
accusatives in - e .

18. The meaning of kulmeye (acc. pi. of kulmeis) is pretty
well determined by the context, but the word does not occur
elsewhere.

1 Layard lias ni . Perhaps we ought to read 2 So Layard.

3 Schulz and Layard have

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN. 621

Suras was part of the kingdom of Van, as we learn from
xlviii. 6, li. in. 9. Possibly it may be the mountainous land
of Zihar, where Ursa took refuge when attacked by Sargon.

41. Khasu-bi belongs to the same root as the first part of
the compound word khan-alme. In kharhhar-su-bi su has a
causative sense, and it is possible that kham is to be decom-
posed into kha+su ‘make to possess.’ The general sense of
the word is clear, however difficult it may be to fix its exact

meaning. , . ,. .

42. Astiu is the acc. pi. of astius, i.e. as-di-us. As amis is

the 1 bringer ’ from the root ar, so as-U(us ) would be ‘ he ’ or
1 that of the house ’ from as(is), with the locative suffix used to
denote agency, as in KJiaklis. The word is written aste-u-yu-ni
in xxx. 21, with the adjectival ending in -nis, from which it
follows that astiu is contracted from astiuyu. Cp. asta, liv. 6,
10, 11. — Zirbilani is not found elsewhere.

49. Iskigulus is shown by xlvii. to have been the district in
which Kalinsha is situated, a little to the east of Kars.

52. For the son of Vidharus, see xxx. 2.

71. For the land of Tarius, see xxx. 2.

75 From xiii. 1, it follows that the pronunciation of the

two ideographs ]«< here is dhuluri{a). As « is ‘a

house ’ or ‘ temple,’ and asula ‘ a palace,’ dhuluns must be a
special kind of house, either a palace or a temple. The word
is an adjective like giss-u-ris, e-u-ris, etc.

XLIV. (Schulz VIII.) The conclusion of the preceding text.

This inscription is engraved to the right of the entrance
to the chambers.

1. Ar-gi-is-ti-s
Argistis

2, | Me-nu-hu-a-khi-ni-e-s

son of Menuas

3. a-da-e a-lu-hu-s
says : Whoever

622

THE CUNEIFORM. INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

4. i-ni -^ZfTT tu “ da " i ” e

this tablet carries away,

5. a-lu-s pi-tu-da-i-e

whoever the name carries away,

6. a-lu-s a-i-ni-e-i
whoever with earth

7. i-ni-da du-da-i-e
here destroys,

8. ti 2 -hu-da-e hu-da-i tu-ri

undoes on that rock (?),.

9. a-la-s hu-da-e-s
whoever that

10. ti 3 -hu-da-e i-e-s za-du-bi
undoes which I have done,

11. a-lu-s gi-e-i i-nu-ka-ni

whoever the images (and) the suite of chambers

12. e-si-ni-ni si-hu-da-i-e

belonging to the inscriptions removes,

13. a-hu-i-e-i ip-tu-da-i-e
with water floods ;

14. tu-ri-ni-ni Khal-di-i-s

for those belonging to the rock (?) may Khaldis,

15 . >->f- y«<-s

the Air-god (and) the Sun-god, the gods,

16. ma-a-ni ar-mu-zi-i
him, with a curse (?)

17. t-C J ^f-ni pi-e-i-ni

four times four, publicly the name

18. me-i ar-khi-hu-ru-da-a-ni

of him, the family

1 Schulz has la. 3 Schulz has

4 Layard has ‘ seed-seed.’

3 Schulz has *-)

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN. 623

19, me 1 -! i-na-i-ni me-i na-ra-a
of him, the city of him to fire

20. a-hu-i-e hu-lu-da-e
(and) water give,

13. Ip “i~ tu is literally 4 inundation-bring, 7 the meaning of
the whole compound being fixed by the context. In v. 4 the
adjective is very appropriately an epithet of the Air- god.

16. Armuzi can scarcely signify anything else than 4 with a
curse, 5 the genitive being used in the same instrumental sense
as in auyei or aviei above. For the termination compare gala-zi .

XLY.

The following inscription was found by Sir A. H. Layard
on a stone under the altar of the Church of Surk Sahak. It
is here published for the first time. The beginning and end
are unfortunately wanting, as well as the first and last characters
of most of the lines.

1. (ku-)dha-i-a-di (pa-)ri-e ^ Bi-i-(a) 2
On departing out of the land Bias

2. Khu-) 3 sa-ni (kha-hu-bi) 4 us-ta-di V" Di-di-ni-e
the land of Khusas I conquered. On approaching of Didis

-ni-(di)
the land

3. Mf) Zu-hu-a-(i-)di
(and) the city of Zuas,

4. (|) Di-i-a-hu-khi-ni-e-i
of the son of Diaus

Zu-hu-a-ni
the city of Zuas

a-ma-as-tu-bi
I plundered.

5. te-ru-bi JI^HTTT Zu “ a - S1 “ a ~ (ii -di

I set up a tablet in the country of the city of the Zuaians.

1 So Layard. 2 For the country of Bias see ssxyii. 8.

3 See the same passage.

4 Layard’ s copy marks no laeiuia here, but the verb is required by both sense

and grammar.

624

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTION'S OP VAN.

6. V" As-ka-la-a-si-e-di OV i
Among the Askalaians 105

7. kha-ar-khar-su-bi CCOOLIII >*■

I dug up ; 453

8. Ill V" e-ba-ni-e-da-e-di-ni
The people of the three countries

-mr (ek t«<)

palaces

-YYY«< a-ma-(as-tu-bi)
cities I plundered.

su-dhu-(ku-bi)

I despoiled.

9. ta-ar-su-a na-ra-a-ni a-bi-da-du-(bi)

The soldiers with fire I burnt.

10. ^ e-ba-ni-hu-ki-e-di V" Ka-da-i-(ni du-bi)

In part of the country the land of Kadais I destroyed,

11. V As-ka-la-si-e Sa-a-si-i-lu-hu-i-(ni tu-bi)

the Askalaians, (and) the city of Sasilus. I carried away

12. (X)MVMCLXXXI -se IIMDCCXXXIY

15,181 children, 2,734

(ha-se)

men,

13. (XP)MDCIY -hu-e-di-a-ni IYMCCCCXXYI

10(F), 604 women, 4,426

SEE NY Y«<)

horses,

14. (X?)MCCCCLXXYIII ^ pa-khi-ni

10(F), 478 oxen,

YII a-ti-bi IIIMDOC . . (Jg[J su-se)

10,7(00) sheep.

15. (II) ^ -hu-e-di-a du-bi J Sa-as-ki . . .

The people of the two kings I destroyed, of Saski . . .

16. (|) Ar-da-ra-ki-khi | Bal-tu-ul-khi | Ka-bi ....
the son of Adarakis (and) the son of Baltul Kabi ....

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN*

825

17* -II — fl^ f«< e-si-a te-ru-bi ^

Governors (and) law-givers I set up. The king (and)
y Di-a-(hu-e-khi)
the son of Diaves-belonging-to

IS. bu-)ra-as tu-bi ha-al-du-bi me-si-ni

the court

I carried away. I changed

V Q

his

(pi-i)

name.

19. a-da rne-s

y Ar-gi-is-ti-e

y Di-a-hu-(khi-ni-s)

And he

to Argistis,

even the son of Diaus,

20, (a-)ru-ni

XLI ma-na

<$ flA tu ' a_ i' e XXXYII

brought

41 manehs

of gold,

ma-na

«rr *T)

man eh s of silver,

21. . . a-ti-bi ma-na — ^Qf J<« IM ^|yyy Jp~(J

..thousand manehs of bronze, 1000 war-

y«< COO (pa-khi-ni)

magazines, 300 oxen

22. . . a-tbbi su-se a-da me-e-s e^si a-(gu-ni)

(and) . . thousand sheep. And he (my) laws (took).

23. f) Di-a-hu-khi-ni-di te-ru-bi mu-mu-ni

In the land of the son of Diaus I set up impost

ar-di-(se-e)

(and) tribute :

24. . . ma-na ^ ^ y«< tu-a-i-e XM ma-na

. . manehs of gold, 10,000 manehs

(£0 T «<)

of bronze,

626

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

25. . . . jrft y«< 1 0 fcft <^Z-se CCC’ ][gj f<« CCC
. . . oxen, 100 wild-oxen, 300 sheep (and) 300

- m t «<)

tna-si-m-ya-ni
(and) the officers

26. a-si |«< na-a-hu-hu-se

The cavalry, the horses

as-(gu-bi)

I captured.

27. (r Khal-di-ni us-ta-bi ma-si-ni-e gis-su-ri-(i-e)
To the Khaldises I prayed, to the powers mighty,

28. ka-ru-ni E-ti-hu-ni-ni la s -e-ku-(a-da)

who have given the land of the Etiuians as a present

29. 0 Ar-gi-is-ti-i-ka-i Khal-di-i ku-(ru-ni)

to the family of Argistis ; to Ehaldis the giver,

30. (- Khal-di-ni gis-su-ri-i ku-ru-ni

to the Khaldises the mighty, the givers, to the
Khal-di-(ni-ni)
children of Khaldis

31. (us)-ma-a-si-ni us-ta-a-bi | Ar-gi-is-(ti-ni)

the gracious I prayed, belonging to Argistis

32. (f) Me-nu-hu-a-khi
the son of Menuas ;

hu-lu-us-ta-i-bi
I approached with offerings

Khal-(di-ni)
the Khaldises.

33. (|) Ar-gi-is-ti-s a-da-e a-da-e-da ,
Argistis says: the

34. ar-nu-i-a-da | Di-a-hu-khi-ni-e si-si

(and) fortresses of the son of Diaus . I (occupied).

3 Layard lias I s "*

1 Layard lias se.

Layard has se.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

627

35. kha-hu-bi V" Lu-sa-e ^-ni-e Ka-tar-za-e (nl-e)
I conquered of Lusas the country, of Katarzas the country,

36. (f) E-ri-a-khi ^-ni-e Gu-Iu-ta-a-khi-kha

belonging to the son of Erias the country, of Guluta-khikhas

ni-e)

the country,

37. QP) Hu-i-dha-e-ru-khi-i-ni-e-i ^ e-ba-(ni-e)

of the son of Yidhaerus the country.

38. (ku)-dhu-bi pa-ri A-bu-ni-i-e ^ ^ Lu-sa-(e)
I departed out of the land of Abunis ; the king of Lusas

39. (V"~hu-e-)di-a du-bi V" I-ga-a-e

(and) the people of the land I destroyed. Of the land of Igas
bu 2 -ra-as
the court

40. (£^-P ra-ni-)tsi 3 du-bi e-si me-s

(and) the chief of the people I destroyed. The laws he

I Ar-gi-is-ti-e a-(gu-ni)
for Argistis took.

3. For the city of Zuas in the neighbourhood of Melazgherd
see xxx. 11.

5. This tablet may be looked for in the neighbourhood of
that of Menu as.

6. Ashalasis is an adjective in -sis, from which Asfmlasi-a
'people of the Askalians 1 is formed.

7. Narani seems here to be an adjective agreeing with tarsua ,

4 on fired A comparison with xxxviii. 45 shows that abidadubi
is the phonetic equivalent of 4 1 burned.’

11. For the city of Sasilus see xxx. 8.

13. We must remark the large number of horses captured
in this region as compared with the numbers acquired in the
eastern campaigns.

1 So Layard, but xliii. 48 shows that we must read | .

3 Layard has hhi, but see xlix. 17.

3 See p. 568.

628

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

14. For the son of Paltul or Baltul see xxx. 25. Atibi
must here have the sense of ‘ myriads.

17. The collective esi-a is, of course, ‘ men of the law.’ See
note on xix. 15.

18. For bums see line 39, and xlix. 17 ; also the locative
buranadi, 1. 6. The meaning of the word is pretty clear, but
I cannot explain its form, which is that of an adverb like anias.
But cf. gieis, v. 28. For the phrase haldubi mesini pi see
xxx. 15.

20. It has already been noted that this passage gives us
the Yannic term for ‘gold.’ Mana may be the ideographic
representation of some native word. But since it had been
borrowed by the Semites from the Accadians, and was again
borrowed from them by Egyptians, Greeks, and Bomans, it is
more probable that in Yan also the Assyrian name was intro-
duced along with the Assyrian weight it represented.

23. For mumimi see xli. 15. For ardisis from ar ‘to
bring, 1 like the Greek <£opo?, see v. 2.

26. Navusis or navus is not elsewhere found, but since we
find in xxx. 20, V 1 T«< in combination

with asi ‘riders,’ it is very possible that it was the Yannic
word for ‘ horse. 1 In this case the final se will be a mistake
for T«< as in the preceding line, unless we render ‘ belonging
to the horses.’

For masiniyani ‘the staff officers,’ see xxx. 23.

34. Far arnuya-da see xxxi. 4. We may perhaps com-
pare ski . . with sistini, xlix. 22. But it may represent the
ideograph ^y>- <^>- ‘destruction.’

38. For Abunis or Abus and Igas see xxxvii. 12 and 11.

The adjective Abunis has here been turned into a substantive.

40. The meaning of the last sentence must be ‘ he submitted
to the laws of Argistis.’

XLYI.

This inscription was also copied by Sir A. H. Layard in
the same church of Surp Sahak, and is here published for the

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

629

first time. The stone on which it is engraved is built into the
wall of the church. The test is greatly mutilated, the first
line being entirely destroyed, as well as the concluding part of
the inscription and the characters at the beginning and end of
each line.

i-HF- Khal-di-ni us-ta-bi)

To the Khaldises I prayed,

2. (ma-si-)ni-e gis-su-ri-(e)
to the powers mighty,

3. (ka-)ru-ni | Hu-dhu-bur-si-(ni)

who have given of TJdhubursis

4. (| Di)-a 1 -hu-(e-khi) ^-ni-i-(e)

the son of Diaus the country,

5. (ka-)ru-ni | . . . 2 nu-lu-a-(ni)

who have given . * . nuluas

6. . .) a-zu-ni-(ni) la-ku-ni

of the land of . . azus as a present

7. (|) Ar-gi-is-ti-ka-a-(i)

to the family of Argistis.

8. HP) Khal-di-i ku-ru-hu-ni

To Khaldis the giver,

9. HP) Khal-di-ni (gis-su-)ri 3 ku-ru-ni
to the Khaldises mighty the givers,

10. Hf-) Khal-di-ni-ni al-su-si-ni

to the children of Khaldis the multitudinous

11. (us-)ta- (bi y Ar-gi-)is-ti-ni

I prayed, belonging to Argistis,

12. (y Me-nu-a-)khi y Ar-gi-is-ti-s 4

the son of Menuas. Argistis

1 Layard has e.

4 Layard has ML

3 Layard has ba.

630 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

13. (a-)da-e | Di-i-a-hu-khi

says : of the son of Diaus

14. si-su-kha-ni du-ur-ba-ni

the harness, the

15. khu-ra-a-di-ni-da
the camp,

16. . . . di(P) 1 -e-da du-bi hu-da-e-(s)

the I destroyed. That

17. (f) Di-i-(a)-hu-khi-ni-e-(i) . . .
of the son of Diaus .... . . .

18. . . . ri-bi e-ri-da-bi(P) . . .

19. ha ku gu-nu-si-ni-e

slaves

20. . . . i ga ra ab khu bi ni e

21 si .... da (?) a ka i . .

22. (|) Ar-gi-is-ti-i-s

Argistis

23. (a-da-)e khu-ti-i-a-di

says : among the king’s people (?),

24. >->^~ Khal-di-e-di JJ-di

Khaldis the lord,

25. "dx >->^“ ^y»ni-di

the Air-god (and) the Sun-god,

26. f«<) as-te V" Bi-a-na-as-te

the gods of Van;

1 Layard bas It may be hu.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

631

27. (a-lu-^F-ni-ni al-su-si-ni

of (the gods) of the inhabitants the multitudinous

4. See xxx. 12, 13.

18, 19, 20, 21. The characters in these lines are probably
not to be depended on.

XL VII.

The following inscription was discovered by J. Kastner in
Kalinsha (8 versts from Alexandropol, the Giimri of the
Turks), and has been published in the Melanges asiatiques de
VAcademie de 8. Petersbourg , iv. p. 675. Alexandropol is on
the eastern bank of the Arpa Chai, north-west of Erivan, and
due east of Kars.

Khal-di-ni-ni al-su-u-si-i-ni

To the children of Khaldis the multitudinous

2. J Ar-gi-is-ti-s a-da-e

Argistis says :

3. kha-hu-bi | E-ri-a-khi >— -ni

I have conquered of the son of Enas the city ;

4. kha-hu-bi Ir-da-ni-u-ni

1 have conquered the city of Irdanius

5. pa-ri Is-ki-gu-lu-hu

out of the land of Iskigulus.

1. This inscription shows that the invocation to “ the
children of Khaldis ” in the inscription at Van goes along
with the words 6 4 Argistis says.”

5. The campaign against Iskigulus is described in the great
inscription of Van, xliii. 47-49. Kalinsha is accordingly in
the land of Etius, and not far from the site of the city of
Irdanius. From the form Iskigulu we learn that the genitive-
dative of nouns in -us terminated in u as well as in ue.
Mordtmann notices that on the opposite bank of the Arpa-
Chai is a small fortress called Adshuk Kaleh.

632 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

Inscriptions of Sariduris II.

Sari-duris II. continued the wars of his father Argistis, as
well as the fortifications of Van, but the revival of Assyrian
power under Tiglath-Pileser II. suddenly checked his progress,
and brought upon the kingdom of Van a series of reverses,
which ended in the siege of Dhuspas (Dhuruspas) by the
Assyrians in R.c. 735 and the devastation of the surrounding
country. The reverses undergone by the Vannic people are
illustrated by the want of inscriptions for about 80 years.

XLVII. (Schulz XXXVIII. P. Nerses Sarkisian V.)

The inscription which follows is on a stone in the church
of S. Peter (Surb Petros) at Van. It has been copied first
by Schulz, then by Layard and lastly by Nerses Sarkisian.
A squeeze of it has also been taken by Captain Clayton, but
imperfectly. The characters are remarkably small, and the
beginning of all the lines is lost, as well as the end of the text.

1. Khal-di-i-e 1 e)-u-ri-i-e

To Khaldis the lord

(i-ni

pu-lu)-si

Y >-|Y<y -du-ri-s

this stone

written

Sariduris

(Y Ar-gis-ti-)e-

-khi-ni-s

ku-gu-ni

son of Argistis has engraved,

4. Khal-di-ni-ni) al-su-i-si-ni

to the children of Khaldis the multitudinous,

5. (| >~YY<Y -du-ri-ni) Y Ar-gis-ti-e-khi

belonging to Sariduris the son of Argistis,

6. (<X al ~su-i-)ni <X V" Su-ra-hu-e

the king of multitudes, king of the land of Suras

7. (« V Bi-a -na«)hu-e « « |<« -hu-e

king of V an, king of kings,

1 For this restoration see xxix.A., etc.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

633

8. (a-lu-hu-'si-e Dhu-us-pa^a-e

inhabiting the city of Dhuspas.

9 . Of -TT<T -du-ri-s a-da)-e ti 1 2 -e-ru-hu-bi

Sariduris says: I have established

10. (ar-di-se Hf-*T -)ni a-tsu 3 -si-ni-e

the offerings daily (and) monthly

XL ya-si 4 -na-tsi 5 -e

the chief (?) of the ....

12. ....... i ur 6 -pu 7 -da-i~ni

. the shrine

13. ...... V* Bi-a-)i-na-hu-e >->^- -i-e

.... belonging to Yan of the god.

i4. (I HF- -TT<T -du-ri)-i-s a-da-e a-ln-s
Sariduris says : whoever

15 ni su-hu-i du-da-e

the all (?) destroys,

16. (pi* tu-da-) e a-lu-s i-ni J j^] 6

(or) removes the name ; whoever this tablet

17. .(tu-da-e) a-lu 9 -s a-i-ni-e-i

removes ; whoever with earth

18. (i-ni-da du-da-)e ti-hu-da-i-e
here destroys, undoes

19. (hu-da-i tu-ri) a-lu-s hu-da-e-s
on this stone (?), whoever that

20 . (ti-hu-da-e i-e-s) 10 za-du-bi tu-ri-ni-ni

undoes which I have made; for what belongs to the stone (?)

1 So squeeze and Layard ; Schulz has e.

2 Schulz has la , Layard se , the squeeze ti.

3 So Layard. 4 So Layard.

5 So squeeze and Layard ; Schulz has lu.

6 So Layard. 7 So Schulz; Layard has Mi.

b Schulz has la. 9 Schulz has tsi,

10 For the restorations of the text see No. xliv.

634

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

21. Hf- Khal-di-s 4)4fs ^»y- >->|~ y«<-se

may Khaldis, the Air-god (and) the Sun-god, the gods,

ma-ni

him

22. (ar-mu-zi XX- XX I) pi-e-i-ni

with a curse four times four, publicly, the name

23. (me-i ar-khi-hu-ru-da-)a-ni rne-i i-na-i-ni

of him, the family of him, the city

24. (me-i na-ra-a a)-hu-i-e hu-lu-da-e
of him to fire (and) water consign.

25. >~jJL ^yy<y-du-ri-s) y Ar-gis-ti-e-khi-ni-s

Sariduris the son of Argistis

26. (a-da-e Khal)-di 1 2 -is CXX tu-khi a-ru-ni

says : Khaldis 120 prisoners has brought :

27. (na-kha-di dha-ni 3 -)e-si-i XX tu-khi-ni

on enslaving (them), of the 20 prisoners

28. (i-ku-ka-a-ni-mu a-gu-)nu-hu-ni khu-dhu tu-khi
(and) their goods, the spoil (and) portions of the captives,

29. (e-ha pa-khi-ni) e-ha J^ J J su-hu-se-e

viz. these oxen, these sheep,

30. ............ a-si-ni i-ku-ka-ni-mu

belonging to their property,

31. (a-gu-bi .....) nu(P) i-ni XXX

I took . . . the horsemen.

6. For the land of Suras see xliii. 18.

7. In li. iii. 10, instead of ^ |<«, we have klm-la-hu-e
or Mm-te-hu-e, from which it follows that khulais or khutis sig-
nifies 6 a prince 9 or ‘ regulus/

1 So Layard.

2 So Layard ; Schulz has e.

3 Restored from li. iii, 4.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

635

10. See v. 2. Atsusinie is the accusative plural of an
adjective atsu-sis , from atsu-s , agreeing with ardise .

27. Nakha-di (li. iii. 4) is the noun corresponding to
nakhubi (as Imdha-di to Jmdhu-bi ), which is elsewhere used
only of the capture of boys, women, slaves, and cattle (see
xxxi. 12 ; xlix. 9, 23, 26 ; 1. 24). It is replaced by parubi
in xlix. 19. Dhaniesi is an adjective in sis, and the determi-
native shows that some class of persons is intended. But no
further specification is possible.

XLIX. (Schulz XII. Sarkisian YI.)

This inscription, which has been copied by Schulz, Layard,
Sarkisian, and Robert, is engraved on the face of the rock
near the gate of Tabriz, on the way from Van to the lake.
It is on the same pyramidal piece of rock (near the Khazane-
Eapussi) as the three inscriptions of Menuas (No. xx.), above
which it stands. The portion of the rock of Van on which it
is found is of lower height than the citadel fortified by Ar-
gistis, and is separated from the latter by a depression. Fol-
lowing in his father’s footsteps, Sarduris II., as we learn from
this inscription, continued the fortifications of his capital,
inclosing this portion of the rock also within its walls.

L Ehaldini us-ta-bi ma x ~si-ni-e gis-su 1 2 -ri-e
To the Khaldises I prayed, to the powers mighty,
ka-ru-ni ^ Ma-na 3 -ni

* who have given of the Minni

2. XX-ni-e la-ku-ni y^-JJX ^YY<Y

the lands as a present to the family of Sariduris

y Ar-gis-ti-khi-ni-e 4 Ehal-di ku-ru-ni
the son of Argistis ; to Khaldis the giver,

1 Schulz lias gis, Layard na. 2 So Layard, Schulz has e.

3 So Layard and Robert ; Schulz has ma. 4 Schulz has si.

636 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

3 , _jjp_ Khal-di-ni-ni (gis-)su-ri-e 1 ku 3 -ru-ni

to the children of Khaldis, the mighty, the givers

us-ta-bi I >->f >-||<|-du-ri“i-ni
I prayed, belonging to Sariduris

4. y Ar-gis-ti-khi T Hf- HT<T) -du-ri-(s) a-da-e

the son of Argistis. Sariduris says:

us-ta-a-di ^ Ba-bi-lu-ni-e

On approaching of the Babiluians

3, e-ba-ni-e-di kha-(hu-bi) V 4 Ba-bi-lu-hu ^ e-ba-a-ni
the land, I conquered of Babilus the land,

ku-dha-a-di pa-ri
on departing out of

6. V" Ba-ru-a-ta-i-ni-a >->Y~ (Khal-)di-ni-ni

the land of Baruatainias. To the children of Khaldis

al-su-i-si-ni T-f-M -du-ri-s

the multitudinous Sariduris

7. a-da-e kha-hu-bi III ^YIY |<«

says : I have conquered 8 palaces.

a-gu-nu-ni-da ma-nu-da gu-nu-sa-a

The place of plunder, each site, for a spoil

kha-hu-bi
I conquered :

8. XXIII ><yy y«< LX tu-me-ni as-gu-hu-bi

23 cities (and) 60 villages I took.

^YYTY EY- Y«< khar-khar-su-bi Y^

The palaces I dug up. The cities

IS^E-bi 4^-ni-a tu-bi

I burned. The people of the country I carried away.

1 So Layard and Eobert.

2 Schulz has la.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

637

9. ha-se |«< 'jV lu-tu |«< is-ti-ni-ni

The men (and) women belonging to them
pa-ru-bi YIIIMOXXXY J^Spse |<«

I carried off; 8,135 children

na-khu-bi
I enslaved

10. XXMVM 'jV-hu-e-di-a-ni |«< YIM

(and) 25,000 womanfolk (and) 6000

gu-nu-si-ni-i 1 HMD ^ |<«

slaves : 2,500 horses

pa-ru-bi 2
I carried off

11. XMIIMCCC ^ pa-khi-ni XXXM(II)MC
(and) 12,300 oxen (and) 32,100

JUJJ su-se i-na 3 4 -ni nu-na 5 -a-bi

sheep. Of the city the kings I attacked,
me-i-a-da
On its site

lg, a-si |<«-se pa-ar-tu-se e ripa 6 argis 7 . . . i hu

the cavalry captive . . .

V" e-ba-ni as-hu 8 -la-a-bi
the country I

13. i-ku-ka-ni-mu ta-li 9 -ni ns-ta-di

its goods On approaching

10 E-ti-hu-ni-e-di V Da-ki-hu-e-

the country of the Etiuians, of the land of Dakis

1 So all tbe copies. But' analogy seems to require mu 1 their . 5

2 So Layard ; Schulz omits.

3 So Layard and Robert ; Schulz has ma.

4 So Layard ; Scbulz bas mo. Perhaps we should read nu.

5 So Layard ; Schulz has ma.

6 So Layard ; Schulz and Robert omit.

7 So Schulz ; Layard has tu (?).

8 So all the copies, hut we should probably read ga.

9 So Layard. 10 Schulz has se.

638

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

14. e-di-a ^ E-di-a^ni nu-si

the people, the land of Edias, the royal city

f A-bi-a-ni-i-ni a-gu-nu-ni ma-nu

belonging to Abianis, the plunder each

$ru-nu-sa-a kha-hu-bi

for a spoil I acquired.

15. ^ Ir 2 -hu-i-a-ni <X nu-si | Ir 3 -ku-a-i-ni-i
The city of Irhuyas, the royal city belonging to Irkuais

a-gu-nu-ni ma-a-nu

(and) the plunder individually

16. gu-nu-sa-a kha-hu-bi I r4 - m a» 5 -a-ni

for a spoil I acquired. The city of Irmas the royal
(riu-)si y Hu-e-ni 6 -da-i-ni a-gu-nu-hu-ni
city of Yenidais (and) the plunder

17. ma-nu gu-nu-sa-a kha-hu-bi ^-ni ^yy

individually for a spoil I acquired. The king of the

Bu-i-ni-al-khi bu-ra-as tu-bi

inhabitants of Buis (and) court I carried away,
me-si-ni pi-i
His name

18. ha-al-du-hi me-e-s y»-»y- >-yy<y-du-ri-e a-ri-e-dha

I changed. He of Sariduris became.

i-na-ni-da iy ^yyyy y«<

The site of the city, 4 palaces,

19. V* e-ba- (a-)ni-a-tsi-e kha 7 -hu-bi ha-se J«<
the chief inhabitants I conquered. The men (and)

■£>- lu-tu y«< is-ti-ni-ni pa-ru-bi *

women belonging to them I carried off.

1 Layard has e. 2 So Schulz and Layard ; Bobert and Sarkisian have ni.
3 So Schulz and Layard; Robert has e-ni, Sarkisian ni.

A So Schulz and Layard; Robert and Sarkisian have ni. 5 Layard has du.

6 So Robert and Sarkisian ; Schulz and Layard have ir.

7 So Layard ; Schulz has za.

THE CTTNEIFOKH INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

639

20. IIIMD J^£f>ae y«< XMD J^^-hu-e-di-a-ni

8,500 children, 10,500 womenfolk,

IVM T«< gu-nu-si-ni-i

4000 slaves

21. pa-ru-hu-bi YXIIMDXXV pa-khi-ni

I carried off ; 8,525 oxen

XMVIIIM JgJ su-se f«< pa-ru-bi
(and) 18,000 sheep. I carried

22. i- (ku- )ka-a-ni-mu 1 si-is-ti-ni 2 us-ta-di

its goods (and) furniture (P). On approaching

^ Ur-me-hu-e-e-di-a XI |<«

the people of Urines 11 palaces

kha-hu-bi
I conquered,

23. khar-khar-su-bi ha-se -jV lu-tu is-ti-ni-ni

I dug up. The men (and) women belonging to them

pa-ru-hu-bi IMG -se |«< na-khu-bi

I carried off ; 1100 children I enslaved,

24. VIMDC lu-tu y«< IIM y<« gu-nu-si-ni-i

6,600 women, 2000 slaves,

IIMDXXXVIII ^ pa-khi-ni
2,538 oxen

25. YIIIM JgJ su-se y«<

(and) 8000 sheep.

y Ar-gis-ti-khi-ni-s a-da-e
the son of Argistis says :

y^4> ^yy<y-dmri-s

Sariduris

a-da tu-khi

the sum of the captives

pa-ru-bi
I carried off

off

640 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

26. Ill V e-ba-na 1 | a-du-bi >3^-2

belonging to 3 countries in one year I summed up. In all,

XMIIMDCCXXXV ^gl-se na-khu-bi
12,735 children I enslaved,

XLMVIMDC vV lu-tu y«< pa-ru-bi

46,600 women I carried off.

27. XMIIM y«< gu-nu-si-ni-mu 3 pa-ru-hu-bi

12,000 of their slaves 1 carried off;

HMD V- t-]] y<« pa-ru-bi

2,500 horses I carried off.

28. XX 4 MIIIMCCOXXXY ^ pa 5 -khi-ni

23,335 oxen (and)

LMYIIIMC pi] su-se pa-ru-bi
58,100 sheep I carried off.
j->|- Khal-di-i-a is-ti-ni-e

For the people of Khaldis these

29. i-na-ni-da ar-ni-hu-si-ni-da |

the city (and) citadel in one year
| ^yy<y.du-ri-s y Ai^-gis-ti-khi-ni-s
Sariduris the son of Argistis

za-du-ni
has built.

4. It is clear that Babilus cannot be Babylonia, as Dr.
Hincks supposed. From line 1 it would appear that the
campaign began in the north-western part of the land of the
Minni, and extended from thence in a north-westerly direc-
tion as far as Etius. Babilus must therefore have been in the
neighbourhood of the modern Khoi, and is probably to be
identified with the Babyrsa of Strabo, near Artaxata, where
the treasures of Tigranes were kept.

1 So Layard. 2 So Layard.

3 So Layard ; Schulz has L 4 Schulz and Robert have XXXM.

■ 5 Schulz has e.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

641

8. The meaning of tume-ni is settled by the context and
parallel passages in the Assyrian inscriptions.

11. I have taken meiacla as representing me-ya-da 4 place of
the people of it/ like arnu-ya-da . But it may be two words,
met 4 of it ’ and ada either 4 number ’ or 4 and/

12. If we read asise the word must be an adjective in sis ,
and mean literally c those belonging to the riders/ But se
may be due to miscopying, or may form the first syllable of
the following word. Partme , an adjective in -ms-, being a
compound of par and tu, must signify 4 captive/ Ashulahi
cannot be right. Beading asgalabi , we might explain the
word as a compound of as (as in asgubi) and gala , which we
have in gala-zu The word must have something to do with
the idea of plundering.

13. Talini does not occur elsewhere. — It is only in the case
of suffixes like edia , which were felt to be separable, that a
word is carried from one line into another. See xxx. 21, 22.

14. It seems pretty certain that we ought to read
instead of ^ before Ediani. Manu , being a pronoun, does not
take the affix -m, which is accordingly appended to the pre-
ceding substantive.

15. Since Schulz and Layard are certainly wrong in reading
ni in Venidaini , it would seem probable that we ought to read
ni instead of ir with the two other copyists in Irhuyani,
Irkuaini , and Irmainu At the same time Robert’s copy is an
exceedingly bad one, while Sarkisian’s is inferior to that of
Layard.

18. Le. he became the subject of Sariduris. The context
leaves no doubt as to the meaning of ariedha . Dha here
takes the place of da, like sudhukubi by the side of sudukubi.

22. Sisti-ni here takes the place of sisu-kha-ni (xliii. 43),
and must mean something similar. Since ti stands for di aftei
s 9 the root is sis, which may be identical with the first part of
sisu-kha-ni.

If Robert’s reading is right in xxxvii. 25, the country of
Urines would be named there also. See xli. 5.

26. Ebani here shows that the suffix -na(s) differs from

642 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

-ni(s) in denoting not only 6 belonging to/ but specifically
c people belonging to/ Adu-bi is plainly the verbal form
answering to the indeclinable ada, and must mean 4 1 summed
up’ or 6 counted/ The number 12,735 children is correct
(8135 line 9, 3500 line 20, and 1100 line 23). Instead of
46,600 women, we ought to have 42,100 (25,000 line 10,
10,500 line 20, 6600 line 24). It is difficult to say where
the mistake lies.

27. The number 12,000 slaves is correct (6000 line 10,
4000 line 20, and 2000 line 24). The only horses carried
away were the 2500 from Babilus (line 10). Instead of
23,335 oxen we ought to have 23,363 (12,300 line 11, 8525
line 21, and 2538 line 24). The copyists have probably
mistaken the numbers in the summations. The 58,100 sheep
are composed of 32,100 line 11, 18,000 line 21, and 8000
line 25. The summation shows that the missing figures
in line 11 must be IIM.

This inscription was discovered and copied by Captain von
Miihlbach on a rock between Isoglu and Kumurhan, eastward
of Malatiyeh, and on the east side of the Euphrates. It was
published in the “ Monatsberichte liber die Yerhandlungen
der Gesellschaft fur Erdkunde zu Berlin,” i. 1840, pp. 70-75;
and again (by Grotefend) in the “ Original Papers read before
the Syro- Egyptian Society of London,” i. 1, 1845, pp. 125 sq.
A revised copy of the inscription is much to be desired.

1. Khabdi-i-ni us-ta-bi, ma-si-ni gis-su-ri-e 1
To the Khaldises I prayed, to the powers mighty,

ka-ru-ni
who have given

2. y Khbla-ru-a-da-ni | Sa-khu-khi ^

Khila-ruadas the son of Sakhus the king (and)

--yy M e-li 2 -dha- abkhi- e
of the inhabitants of Malatiyeh

1 Omitted by Grotefend.

2 The copy has da*

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

643

3. -ni 1 -© la-e-ku-ni | >~4“ ^^-dii-ri-ka-i
the country as a present to the family of Sariduris

| Ar-gis-ti-khi-ni
the son of Argistis.

4. >~4’ Khal-di-i ku-ru-ni >~4“ Khal-di-ni gis-su-ri-i
To Khaldis the giver, to the Khaldises the mighty,

ku-ru-ni
the givers,

5. us-ta-bi | >~4" >-||<|-du-ri-ni | Ar-gis-ti-e-khi

I prayed, belonging to Sariduris the son of Argistis.

g, y >~yy<|-du-ri-s a-da-a al-khi

Sariduris says : the inhabitants

bu 2 -ra-na-di tu i 3 is khi ma-nu 4

in the district of the court I carried away (?)... each

7. hu-i a-i-ni-e-i ^ is-ti-ni Ka-hu-ri khu-ti-a-di

and of the land king this the Kauian. Among the

king's people (?)

8. ^->5jL Khal-di-e-di-e >~JJ-di >~4" ^4y“di

Khaldis the lord, the Air-god

4 -ni-di - 4 . y«< -as-te 6
(and) the Sun-god, the gods

9. V" Bi-a-i-na-as-fce a-lu-si-ni-ni

of Yan : of (the gods) of the inhabitants,

al-su-i-si-ni
the multitudinous,

10. a 7 -da-a-ba-di kha-si-al-me-e

among the assembly (?) may make dwell in triumph (?)

>-24 y<« IY tu-me-ni-e
the gods, (and) 4 villages

1 So Grotefend. 2 Omitted by Grotefend.

3 Perhaps we should read hi. 4 Grotefend has sL

5 Omitted by Grotefend. 6 The copy has la.

7 Grotefend has za.

644 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

11. ka-a-di a-si Y«<-tsi 1

in battle (?), the chief of the cavalry
>*yy Dhu-me-is-ki-ni-ka-i
of the clan of the city of Dhumeskis

12. I-ku-ka-ni tu-me-ni-e us-fca-di

(and) the goods belonging to the villages. On approaching

< A -ni-di an-da-ni

the country the boys (?)

13. ka-la-ha-ni ha-al-du-bi ku-dhu-bi pa-ri
I removed. I departed out of

V* Kar-ni-si-e (...)
the land of Kar-nisi, — 2

14. V" Ba-ba-ni & ma-at-khi Me-li 3 -dha-a-ni

the land of Babas (and) the maidens of Malatiyeh.

ku-dhu-bi pa-ri
I departed out of

15. Mu-sa-ni-e Za-ap-sa

the land of Musanis, (and) of the city of Zapsas

a-su-ni XIV feRR 0 f«<

the neighbourhood : 14 palaces, 100 cities,

16. su-si-ni tu-me-ni as-gu-bi «=mr eh T«<

walled fortresses, (and) villages I took. The palaces

khar-kha-ar-su-bi
I dug up ;

17. y«< -bi L gis-su-ri gu-nu-si-ni sa-tu-
the cities I burned ; 50 mighty men as slaves I took

hu-bi

as hostages.

1 Grotefend has lu,

3 A line seems to have been omitted. 3 The copy has da.

4 The copyist has probably omitted |<« here.

THF CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

645

18. gu-nu-si-ni-ni bi-di-a-di-ba-ad |«< lu-liu-bi

Belonging to the slaves the , . . I . . , *

19. Ni-si-i-ni ^ nn-si | Kh i-la-rn - a- da- a-i

The city of Nisis the royal city of Khila-ruadas

20. a-gn-nu-ni

ma-nu gu-nu-sa-a kha-hu-bi ni-ri-bi

(and) the plunder severally for a spoil I acquired. The persons
ha-se Yr lu-tu

of the men (and) women

21. is-ti-ni si-i-hu-bi y >-|y<y -du-ri-s a- da

belonging to it I removed. Sariduris says :

is-ti-di
In this

22. ul-khu-di Me-li^dha-a-ni ka-ab-ka-ru-li-ni

campaign the city of Malatiyeh after being approached

nu-na-a-bi
I attacked

23. | Khi-la-ru-a-da-ni ka-hu-ki-e su-lu-us-ti-i~bi

(and) Khila-ruadas with arms (?). I imposed

24. sa-tu-a-da ku-ri-e-da si4u 2 -a-di na 3 -ku-ri
hostages (and) tribute. On the receipt (?) of the gifts (?)

na-khu-bi
I carried away

25. gn-si-i ^ Bi-a-na-
gold, silver, (and) vessels (?) of bronze (?). To the

i-di a-gu-bi

land of Yan I took

26. ma-a-ni ha-al-tu-bi me-e-si-ni pi-e-i IX »Ey>~

him. I changed his name. The people of

y<« -e-di
9 palaces

1 The copy has da. 2 Grotefend has Jcu.

3 The copy has ma; hut see xxx. 15.

646

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

e-ba-na-ki-di

-n

the

27. su-du-ku-bi a-bi-da-du-bi

I despoiled ; 1 burnt in part of the country

28. Kha-a-za-a-ni Hu-hu-ra-a^khi >-

the city of Khazas, of

Dhu-me-is-ki
city of Dhumeskis,

29. Ha-a-rat 1 2 -ni Ma-ni-nu-hu-i A-ru-si

the city of Harat, of the city Manirms (and) the city

Arusis,

80. Ku-ul-bi 3 -tar-ri-ni ^ir Um-e-se-e

the city of Kulbitarris, the city of the IJmeans (or
of inscriptions),

31. Ti 4 -ku-ul 5 -ra 6 -i-ta~a-se-e Me-e-lu-i-a-ni

the city of the Tikulraitaians, (and) the city of Meluyas.

al-su-i-si-ni
the multitudinous,

32. >~»|- Khal-di-ni-ni
To the children of Khaldis

| *-|y<y-du-ri-ni

belonging to Sariduris

33. f Ar-gis-ti-khi <X fcffl *sf-

the son of Argistis, the powerful king,

su-i-ni V s Bi-a-i-na-hu-e

multitudes, the king of Van,

34. a-lu~si Dhu-us-pa-a >-|y<y -

inhabiting the city of Dhuspas, Sariduris

du-ri-s a-da-e

«al-
the king of

1 Omitted by Grotefend.

2 Probably an error for ni. Tbe character rat elsewhere occurs only in
Schulz’s copy of v. 14-52, where Layard more correctly has or; and I have,
therefore, not ventured to include it in the Yannic syllabary.

8 Omitted by Grotefend.

4 The copy has an, hut we do not find this character used elsewhere

phonetically in Yannic.

5 The copy has

6 The copy has im.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

647

35. a-lu-s i-ni TTT tu-u-da-e a-lu-s

whoever this tablet takes away, whoever

pi-tu-da-i-e
removes the name,

36. a-lu-s se-ri clu-da-e a-lu-s a-i-ni

whoever the characters destroys, whoever with earth

i-ni-da du-da

here destroys,

37. ti 1 ~lm-li 2 -e hu-da 3 ~i tu 4 -ri-e

after undoing (them) on this rock(?j;

tu-ri-ni-ni

for what belongs to the rock (?)

Khal-di-s
may Khaldis,
->f y«<-s
the gods,

A4f- s 5 > ~ > f~ 6 7 -s

the Air- god (and) the Sun -god,
ma-a-ni
hi in

39. ar-di (P)-ni (P)-ni pi-e-ni me-i, ar-khi-hu-ru-da-a-ni

publicly the name of him, the family

40. me-i i-na-ni me-i na-ra a-hu-i-e hu-lu-da-e
of him, the city of him to fire (and) water consign.

2. For Khila-ruadas and Meiidhas (Malatiyeh) see p. 403.

6. Buranadi is connected with hums as Menuakhi- n a- cli

(xxix. 3) with Menuakhinis. It is formed from the stem by

the aid of the collective-adjectival suffix na and the locative

suffix dL

7. Kahuri is the accusative of an adjective like gtss-u-ris,
e~u~ris 3 etc. The word must therefore mean 6 the Kauian.’
Now on the Black Obelisk (133) Shalmaneser names the tribe
which is called Kue elsewhere in the Assyrian inscriptions
Kauians. They were associated with the people of Malatiyeh,
the Hittites of Carchemish, and the neighbouring populations.

1 The copy has an. 2 The copy has se-ri . .

3 The copy has la- me. For the restoration of the text, see xliv. 8.

4 Omitted by G-rotefend. 5 The copy has 6 The copy has J .

648

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

11. Ea-di is the locative of Jcas, the stem of which is found
in Jcc hiiJde of line 23, which see. Here it can hardly mean
anything else than 4 battle.’ Cf. xxs. 13. For the simple
Dumeskis see line 28.

13. Ealaha-ni may possibly signify 6 young. 5

Kar-nisi 6 the fortress of men 5 is an Assyrian name.
Several of the cities in this part of the world, after their
capture by the Assyrians, had received Assyrian titles. Thus
Pitru or Pethor, at the junction of the Sajur and Euphrates,
was called “the fortress of Shalmaneser. 55 — A line must have
been omitted here by the copyist, since (1) pari is followed by
a dative, not an acc. like Babani, and (2) there is no sense in
the passage as it stands. Capt. von Miihlbach may however
have omitted the word tu-bi (or ha-al-du-bi) in the next line.
We might then render: 4 1 carried away (or removed) the
maidens of the city of Malatiyeh, belonging to the city of
Babas. 5

18. Bhli-adibacl must be some kind of property belonging to
the hostages, and the ideograph after it shows that the final
d marks the plural as in armanidad . The first part of the
compound claims affinity with bidus ‘priest,’ 4 minister,’ the
second part with adayabadi (see xxxvii. 4). Perhaps the
word signifies ‘duties 5 or ‘offices, 5 lubi being ‘I fixed. 5 At
all events lubi must have some such meaning as 4 establishing, 5
since it occurs in kabkaru-lubi ‘I approached 5 (P ‘approach-
made 5 ).

20. N'iribi is in apposition with hose lutu . The phrase
seems to mean that the inhabitants were carried away and put
to death. Sarduris can hardly have robbed the graves.

22. The meaning of ulkhu-di is clear from the context, but
the word is only found here. Kabkaru-li-ni is an interesting
form, the accusatival -m, which unites it with the preceding
word, being attached to the suffix -IL See note on v. 31.

23. See kci-di line 11. Ka-aMe is formed like ebani-uJci
(xxxix. 25). Considering Im-di (line 11), ‘with fighting 5
would perhaps be the nearest English equivalent of the word.
Bibudid must be a plural like Udi-adibad above. The analogy

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

649

of xlv. 21, 24, as well as of the Assyrian inscriptions, would
lead us to expect a mention of bronze after ‘gold J and ‘silver,’
and gasi is a genitive case governed by bibubid. Tiglath-
Pileser I. received vessels of bronze and iron as tribute from
Eomagene, and Assir-natsir-pal received from this district
gold, silver, lead, and bronze.

26. We must notice the form hal-tu-bi; see p. 427.

28. Dhumeskis may be the Tuskha (in Nirbu) of the As-
syrian texts. m -e-se-e and T i-kit-iil-ra- i- ta-se-e are accu-

satives plural of adjectives in si- like Askala-sie-di and Askala-
si-e xlv. 6, 11, or Ziia-si-a-di xlv. 5. From line 11 it would
appear that Dhumeskis was one of the principal cities of the
country.

39. It is most unfortunate that this word is so badly
copied, as it gives us the reading of the name of the Sun-god.
The copy has ^|^->-.y|<y f The last cha-

racter but one seems certainly to be ni 9 which explains the
ni which sometimes appears as the phonetic complement of
>->f and the second character seems most naturally to
be meant for dL Mordtmann reads it ka. Ardinis would be
c belonging to the offerer/ a curious name for the Sun.

LI. (Schulz XL. and XLI.)

The following inscription is engraved on the Karatash rocks
on the northern side of the Lake of Yan, about five miles
north-east of Ardish or Arjish. The rocks are also called
Uan-tash or ‘serpent-rock/ and the inscription consists of
three tablets eight feet above the level of the ground, and at a
little distance from each other. The second tablet or column
has been so much injured that no characters are any longer
decipherable upon it. This is the more regrettable, since, as
will be seen, it would have given us the Tannic words for
ideas like 4 protecting ’ or 6 glorifying/ The first tablet or
column has been copied by Schulz only, the third by Schulz
and Dr. Humphry Sand with,

650

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

[

/'S'

Col. I. %4

1. Khal-di-i-ni-ni al-su-i-si-ni

To the children of Khaldis the multitudinous

2 . | T Ai\gis-ti-khi~ni-s , „

Sariduris the son of Argistis

3. i-iri ^|-du-u te-ra-hu-iii -ri-s

these monuments has set up. Sariduris

4. a-da-e a-da-i-si i-ku-ka-ni-e-di-ni

says : The king | “™2Lg P } the meu of P ro P ert J

5. sa-hu-e na-nu-da me-i a-se-e-i

belonging there, the place of .... of him, for the house

pi-ur-ta-a-ni

he has remembered (?) ;

6. kha-i-di-a-ni te-ri-khi-ni-e y - 4 - >-yy<y-du-

the workmen (and) setters-up belonging to
ri-ni-i
Sariduris,

7. tiM-ni y >->^~ >~yy<y-du-ri-ni-i ^y hu-du-

he has called belonging to Sariduris. For the

da-e-i

place of the monument

8. |y | Se-kka-hu-da-e ^yy^i-ni hu-ru-da-e

the son of Sekhaudas the food of the household
J/jE^-ni-ni
for the gifts

9. y Hu-i-du-s su-ni 2 (?)

Yidus has provided (?). Sariduris
a-da-e . .

says :

1 Schulz has >^-< , 2 Schulz has pa.

THE CUKEIEOEM INSCRIPTIONS OP VAN.

651

10. f Se-kha-hu-da-e tu-ri-ni-m

Of Sekhaudas for what belongs to the rock (?)
-4 Khal-di-s
may Khaldis,

11 . ^4 A4f s -4 4 s -4 y«<-se

the Air-god (and) the Sun-god, the gods,

-4*T -ni pi-i-ni

publicly the name (glorify).

Col. II. destroyed.

Col. III.

1. Khal-di-i-ni-ni al-su-hu-i-si-ni

To the children of Khaldis the multitudinous

2. y >->y- -yy<y-du-ri-s y Ar-gi-is-ti-khi^ni-s

Sariduris the son of Argistis

3. a-da-e i-hu Khal-di-is OXX tu-khi

says thus : Khaldis 120 prisoners

a-ru-ni
has brought.

4. na-kha-a-di dha 2 -ni-(e-)si-i ^ tu-khi-ni

On carrying away, of the 20 prisoners

5. i-ku-ka-ni-mu te-ru-(ni)

(and) their goods he set up ................. .

6. y >~yy<y-du-ri-e-i -

of Sariduris

7-Hb Khal-di-i-ni-ni (al-su-i-si-ni)

To the children of Khaldis the multitudinous

8. y Hb ^yy<y-du-ri-ni (y Ar-gis-ti-)khi

belonging to Sariduris the son of Argistis,

1 Schulz has $e.

2 Sandwith has at-li.

652

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OP VAN.

9. « i=yfy if- <X al-su-i-ni

the powerful king, the king of multitudes,

V" Su-)ra-hu-e
king of the land of Suras,

10. Bi-a-i-na-hu-e (^-) e khu-laMm-e
king of the land of Yan, king of kings,

11. a-lu-hu-si-e Dhu-us-pa-e

inhabiting the city of Dhuspas.

Col. i. — 3. Line 7 shows that du is the phonetic comple-
ment of iidii . The determinative and context fix the meaning
of the word. We have already come across a root du 4 to
establish 3 ; see notes on xxxix. 1 and xl. 72. Ini must here
be plural.

4. Since adaisi is the accusative (like ^ nii-si ), the nomi-
native to the verb must be Vidus at the end of the whole
paragraph. With adaisi compare ada and adubi in xlix. 25,
26. Adaisi is from ada 6 summation,’’ as nusi from nu{s).
Participial adjectives in -si followed by a case seem to be
indeclinable. Ikukaniedi-ni is formed from ikukani (with
adjectival -nis) by the suffix of agency di (as in Khaldis, ardis,

. etc,).

5. Sa-ve is formed from sa 4 there 3 (as in sada) by the help
of the suffix -ve. The stem nanu is not found elsewhere.

Pi-urta-ni is a compound of pi 4 name 3 and urta of un-
known signification. The word seems to be a verb here, the
third person in -ani corresponding to a first person like
■ustabi

6. Khai-di-a-ni is analyzable into the stem khai, and the
suffixes di (of agency) and a (collective). With the stem
khai- compare khai-tu xxxii. 4, khai-ti-ni xvi, 4. The sense
seems clear. Teri-khinis is formed from the root tern by the
suffix of derivation khinis ,

7. In ududaei we have the full form of the root, which is
expressed in line 3 by the phonetic complement du only.

1 Sandwith has te.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

653

8. The last word may also mean ‘for the givers/ literal! v
‘ for those (things) belonging to giving/ Sic-ni (?) seems to
be connected with suL If the latter word really means ‘ all/
sum would be literally 4 he has fully supplied/ &, how-
ever, may be an ideograph signifying 4 to increase/

The sense of the paragraph will be this : 4 Vidus, the son of
Sekhaudas, has remembered (?) the king, when assembling (or
taxing) the men of property belonging to this neighbourhood,
and his place of ... . for a house ; the workmen and artizans
of Sariduris he has called the men of Sarduris. For the
place of the monument he has provided (?) the food of the
household by way of gift/

Col. iii. — 10. For kliula-ve or khute-ve see the parallel pas-
sage xlviii. 7. If Dr, Sandwitl/s reading khute-ve is the
right one, an explanation appears to be afforded of khuti-a-di ;
see note on xxxvii. 3.

Inscriptions of Rusas.

LII.

After an interval of nearly a century, we again meet with
Vaimic inscriptions on the bronze shields found in the ruins
of the palace or temple of Tuprak Kilissa, near the village of
Karatash, the ancient Managerd or ‘town of Menuas/ Kara-
tash is not far from Vastan, south of Van. Sir A. H. Layard
purchased at Constantinople a number of bronze objects, now
in the British Museum, which had come from this place.
Among them are small winged bulls with human heads, the
model of a palace, and the fragments of a shield. The inscrip-
tion which runs round the shield shows it to have belonged
to Rusas, son of Erimenas, the contemporary of Assur-bani-pai.

. . e-di (?)-ni 1 -A Khal-di-ni-ni al-su-i-si-ni

. To the children of Khaldis the multitudinous

I Ru-sa-a-ni
belonging to Rusas

1 Clearly for ulgmiyani-e-di-ni ; see p. 655.

654

TEE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

y E-ri-me-na-khi « m * « a-lu-si

the son of Erimenas, the powerful king, the king inhabiting
Bhu-us-pa-e
the city of Uhuspas

........ ni >->f Khal-di-ni-ni al-su-i-si-ni

......... To the children of Ehaldis the multitudinous

I Ru-sa~a-ni y Ar-gis-ti-(khi)

belonging to Rusas the grandson of Argistis

« ^ « . -">■«

the powerful king, the king inhabiting

(>*yy Dhu-us-pa-e >— ^yy)

the city of Dhuspas.

The fact that the suffix - khinis indicates descent or deriva-
tion only generally is brought into relief by this inscription,
where Argistikki must signify ‘the grandson of Argistis/
Argistis II. was a contemporary of S argon and Sennacherib,
which would exactly suit the relationship of Rusas to him.
Erimenas was probably the king to whose court the murderers
of Sennacherib fled. The name is a compound of JEri and
rnenas, which we have in Memos. JEri(s) seems to have been
a name of the Sun-god. Rusas is probably the name which
the Assyrians turned into Ursas. Assur-bani-pal, however,
writes it JRu-sa-a (Smith’s Assurbanipal , p. 147), and says of
him: u Rusa, king of Urardha, heard of the power of Assur
my lord, and the fear of my sovereignty overwhelmed him,
and he sent his chief men to the midst of Arbela to ask for
my friendship.” The successor of this Rusas II. must have
been Sarduris III., since, according to Assur-bani-pal (Smith’s
Assurh. p. 115), “ Sar-dur, king of Urardhu, whose royal
fathers had sent terms of brotherhood to my fathers, Sardur,
again, heard of the might (and) the deeds which the great
gods established for me, and like a son to his father sent
acknowledgment of lordship ; and he according to this tenour
sent thus : Peace to the king my lord ! Reverently (and)

655

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

submissively his abundant gifts he caused to be brought to
my' presence. 5 ’ This was after the final conquest of Elam,
towards the end of Assur-bani-pal 5 s reign (? b.c. 645),
whereas the embassy of Rusas had arrived at Nineveh several
years before, just after the overthrow of the Elamite prince
Teumman.

In the summer of 1880 Mr. Rassam excavated on the site
of the temple, and discovered two other bronze shields, which
are ornamented with rows of lions between lines of waves.
The inscription upon one of them is, unfortunately, for the
most part destroyed, but the other is fairly perfect. The latter
reads as follows :

| ^ Khal-di gis-su-hu-ri-e i-ni

For Khaldis the mighty, the lord this
| Ru-sa-a-s
Rusas

| E-ri-me-na-khi-ni-s us-tu-ni ul-gu-si-ya-ni-e-di-ni
the son of Erimenas has dedicated (and) the shield-bearers ;

Khal-di-ni-ni al-su-i-si-ni | Ru-sa-a-se [ni]

for the children of Khaldis the multitudinous belonofino* to
| E-ri-me-na-a-khi
Rusas son of Erimenas

« =n? « (a-lu-si) Dhu-us-pa

the* strong king, the king inhabiting the city of Dhuspas.

For ulgusis 6 a shield ’ see v. 24-67. The meaning is fixed
by ulgmi-ya-ne-cli-ni , which is formed from ulgusis by the
suffixes -m, - di (of agency), and -ni (the accusative suffix).
The word is strictly analogous to ebani-a-tse-di-ni (xxx. 28),
where the suffix -tse takes the place of the simple adjectival
-ne. It is literally 6 the corps of shield-bearers, 5 and must
refer to the body of priests who carried the sacred shields in
the temples. From this it would appear that the building
disinterred by Mr. Rassam was a temple, not a palace. The
temple of Khaldia represented on the bas-relief of Khorsabad

(ul-gu-si-ni)

shield

656

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OP YAN.

(see p. 356 sup.) lias the shields suspended on either side of
the entrance.

The signification of its-tu-ni is fixed by the context. It is
a compound of tu ‘ to bring ’ and us, which seems to have the
sense of ‘near’ (as in us-tahi). The existence of this verb
accounts for the vowel of the stem usta; testa- is ‘to ap-
proach,’ ‘pray,’ ustu ‘to make approach,’ ‘consecrate.’

The upright wedge at the beginning of the inscription is
used, as it often is on the Assyrian tablets, to introduce a
paragraph. It was from this usage that the oblique wedge came
to be employed in Persian cuneiform as a word-divider; in the
earlier Persian texts it stands before and not after a word.

The en "raver has by mistake written Rusase instead of
Rusani, which is correctly written on the Layard shield.

The inscription on the latter shield is evidently the same as
that on the shield just given ; the other shield found by Mr.
Rassam seems to bear a similar inscription, though but little
of it is legible. It may be restored as follows

m _>y_ Khal-di-e ^-(e) »- ni (ul-gu-si-m) I Hu-sa-(a-s
For Klialdis the lord this shield Rusas

Y E-ri-me-na-khi-)i-ni-s (us-tu-)ni (ul-gu-si-ya)-

the son of Erimenas has dedicated (and) the shield-

ni-e-di-ni ....
bearers

Fragments of a kneeling bull and rosettes in bronze, found
on the same spot, also bear portions of an inscription. As
these, however, have not yet been cleaned, the inscription can
be only partially made out : —

^-4- (Khal-di-e) e-hu-ri-e i-ni (f Ru-)sa-(a-s

To Khaldis the lord this Rusas

y E-)ri-me-na-a-(khi-ni-s ^

the son of Erimenas, the mighty king

(«) ^ Khi ^yy-ni-e

kin" of the land of Khi cities

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAX.

657

Khal-di-ni-ni al)-su-i-(si-ni

To the children of Khaldis the multitudinous

y Ru-sa-a-ni | E-ri-me-na-a-)khi ^

belonging to Rusas the son of Erimenas, the

V" ^ al-(su-i)-ni a-Iu-si

mighty king, king of multitudes, inhabiting

Bhu-us-pa-a-e
the city of Dhuspas.

The equivalence of >-JJ and euris here is unmistakable.

Inscriptions op undetermined Date.

L1IL

This inscription was discovered by the Yartabed Mesrop
Sembatiants or Sempadian on a height on the south-western
bank of Lake Erivan, and near the village of Adam-khan or
Atam-khan, north of Eranos, the ancient Tsag. His copy,
however (in the Armenian Journal of Moskow, u Le Nouvelliste
russe,” 1863), was too inaccurate for use. A photograph of
the inscription has since been published by the “ Gesellschaft
der Liebhaber der Arehaologie des Kaukasus,” Tiflis, 187*5
(pi 3), which leaves nothing to be desired. Sarduris, son of
Rapis, may have been the king of Van mentioned in the
annals of Assur-bani-pal as a successor of Rusas, but he may
also have been a local ruler in the neighbourhood of Lake Erivan,
whose subjects spoke the same language as the people of Van.
If so, we should have an interesting proof of the extension of
the Vannic language on the north, within the territory of the
modern Georgians. The latter view is supported by the
dialectal peculiarities to which attention will be drawn.

1. Khal-di-ni-ni * us-ma-si-ni

To the children of Khaldis, the gracious,

VOL. XIV. — [NEW SEMES.]

858

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

2. I Sar-du-ri-s | Ea-pi-is-klii-ni-s

Sarduris the son of It apis

3. a-da Tu-da-hu-ni >-£^7 {{ no-si

says : the city of Tudaus, the royal city

4. y Tsi-ma-da-bi-i | Tsi-e-ri-khi-ni-i
of Tsimadabis the son of Tsieris,

5. gu-nu-sa kha-u-bi | Tsi-ma-da-bi-ni
for a spoil I acquired. Tsimadabis

6. « ^lyy y<« -ra-ni lu-tu-bi

the king, the men (and) women of him

7. ku-dhu-bi pa-ri U-du-ri-e-ti-ni

I carried away out of the land of Udurietis.

2. The spelling Sar-du-ri-s with not only shows

that the Assyrian inscriptions have transcribed the Vannic
name of the Asiatic goddess correctly, but also that the cha-
racter in question had in Vannic the value of sar and not of
Mir. From the fact that the name of Sarduris is here
written phonetically instead of ideographically as in the texts
of the Vannic kings, and also that we have Rapis-khinis in-
stead of Rapi-khinis, which would have been the proper
Vannic form, I conclude that the inscription belongs to some
northern ruler, and not to a king of Biainis. No name like
Bapis is found at Van.

3. Tudaus would have been near Atam-khan, perhaps on
the site of Eranos.

6. The suffix here can hardly have any other meaning than
that of the suffixed 3rd personal pronoun. We may regard
it as representing the mei of the Vannic texts, and constituting
a peculiarity of the northern dialect, to which this inscription
belongs.

7. Instead of the genitive-dative after par% as at Van, we
have the accusative — another peculiarity of the dialect of the
inscription.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

659

LIT.

This fragment was found near the mins of Armavir on the
Araxes, and has been published by Mordtmann in the
Z. D. M. Gk xxxi. 2, 8 (1877). The beginning and end are
lost, as well as the commencement of every line. The men-
tion of Hazas in the first line seems to show that the inscrip-
tion belongs to Argistis, who conquered a Hazas (xl. 73).

1. . . (J Ar-)gis-ti-khi-na

.... of the land of the son of Argistis,

^-ni

Hazas the lands

2 a-ru-hu-ni su-hud-ba-ra-ni

he brought the

3. ...... cla-u-a-ni bar-za-ni zi-el-di

. the .... of the . . . .

4. khu-su -HIT - p i" n i ni 1 2

the flesh (and) belonging to the tablet the

si-ni

inscription

5 e-gu-du-da-a me-da hu-da-ni

the monument . . ... there that

6 a-da-bi-di as-ta nu-la-da

. . . among the assembly (P) the palace the courtiers’’ quarters (?)

7. ...... i-ni te-ir-du-da-ni e-si-i

this place of the setting up of the law

8 hu-e tar-a-i-hu-khi ma-

belonging to, the offspring of the mighty, in

nu-da-e
each place

1 The copy seems to have ga .

2 This character must be wrong. Perhaps e should be read.

I Ha-za-ni
belonging to

660 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

9. ...... khi-e-hu-ni Ur-bi-i-ka-a-s

the tribe of Urbis

10 da a-da-bi-di

. . among the assembly (?)

a-da-e

courtiers’ quarters (?)

11. .

..... da a-da-bi-di

as-ta nu-la-

among the assembly (?)

the palace, the

a- da

courtiers'’ quarters (?)

12. .

..... Se-)lu-i-ni-e-hu-ni

| ITu-nu-da-e

the Seluinian

of Nunudas

13. .

si-ni ur-di-du J^5y>~ Se-hi

-i-ni-e

the Seluinian.

1. . . gistikhina is plainly for Argistikhina , like Menuakhina ■ di

xxix. B. 3. Argistis must have assigned the government of
the province of Georgia on the Araxes to his son.

2. As the inscription relates to the erection of a shrine and
the gift of flesh to the gods, subarani may mean 4 sacrifices.’

3. For barza-ni zildi see xix. 9, where it is defined as * the
eating-place of a chapel/

5. . . egudu-da is plainly compounded with udu 4 monu-
ment/ — Me-da is the localizing case of mes.

6. For adabidi see xxxvii. 4. The next word is evidently
for as(j)da 4 a palace ’ ; cp. astiu xliii. 42. Nu-la-da seems
derived from nu(s) by the suffix - la (as in burga-la ), which
stands to ~M as -na to -ni.

7. For teir-du-da-ni see v. 2 (34).

8. We have already met with the country of Taraius in

xxx. 2. See also xliii. 71, 74. The word is a derivative
from tarais 4 powerful/ the vowel u being that which appears
in arni-u-sinida , ebani-n-kcis> etc.

9. From line 12 it appears that . . . khieimi is the accusa-
tive of some tribal name.

For Urbi-kas see xxxviii. 6.

as-ta nu-la-
the palace, the

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN. 661

12. From the next line we see that -u- in Sehdnie-ii-m is an
adjectival suffix, as in line 9.

LY.

This inscription was found by the Vartabed Mesrop Sera-
batiants or Sempadian at the foot of the hill of Otsapert, near
the lower village of Ktanots or Alichalu, to the south-east
of Lake Erivan. Unfortunately his copy, published in Le
Noumttisfe rime 37 a, for 1862, is so hopelessly bad that
hardly a word in it is recognizable. Apparently, some Yannic
king records the despatch of prisoners and materials from the
neighbourhood of Erivan to Yan, for the erection of a palace
there. The following is all that I can make out of the text : — •

L Klial-di-nP-ni us-ta-(bi ma)-si-ni-e gis-su-ri-e

To the children of Khaldis I prayed ; to the powers mighty,

2. ......... ka-ru-ni-e Dha(?)-e-ba ....

who have given the country of Dhaeba . . .

3. Khal-di-ni-e us-ta-bi

To the Khaldises I prayed

4. ^ Hu-e-da

the country

5. V* Ar ni

the country of Ar

6. V Si ^

the country of Si . .

7. V" za-i-ni Zu-a-i-ni-e V* . . . . .

the country of ... . zais, the land of Zuais, the land of

a-i-ni A-ma

.... the land of Ama . ...

8. V" Ir . . . a-ma . . . -ni ^ Pa-la-i-ni ^

the land of Ir the land of Palais, 6 pieces of

tu-a-i-ni

gold

1 This should probably be L

662
9. .

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.
a-i-ni na ni hu ni gu si (?) e (?) a-i-ni al-zi-

bronze (?)

ra~ni

10. du-ru-a-i-ni me-la-a-i-ni
........ the -

l-m

11 .

. a-i-ni

za-a-i-ni E-i

-ri-a-i-ni ^ A-za-
, the gate, the land of Eriais, the land

ru-m-m

12 ,

of Azarunis

, i-m

-i sa-ni ap-ti-ni

belonging there which was called

me-la-i-ni a ni Ba-ba-ni-a

the people of Babanis

13. ku(?)-ru-ni CCCC(?)XXIII fcffi !«<

the givers (?), 423 men

su-si-ni-ni ]«< as-gu-bi

belonging to the walled fortresses I took.

14. ha-se lu-tu ]«< ^ Bi-a-i-na-di

The men (and) women to Van

me-si-ni sa-a-da

belonging to him. There

15. ma-a-ni si-di-is-tu-hu-da i 1 hu pi |<«
him a restoration .........

a-gu-bi
I carried,

16.

V" e-ba-a-ni
the country

17 i-ni E'f'- si-di-is-tu-bi

.... this palace I restored

•mu.

THE CUNEIFORM IKSCEIPTIONS OP YAH.

663

^rr • •

the city

the country

A comparison of the first line as well as of line 14 with 1.
might seem to show that the inscription belongs to Sarduris II.
Line 8 makes it clear that a number of objects are described
as sent from the A raxes to Yan. Diirmim and melahii , lines
10 and 12, appear pretty certain readings. In line 9 the
word gn-si-e~a-i-ni 4 of bronze 9 seems to occur. A photograph
or squeeze of the inscription is much to be desired.

LYI. Inscription of Menuas at Kelishin.

As already mentioned (p. 386) Sir H. Rawlinson found a
Cuneiform inscription of forty-one lines engraved on a column
of stone in the pass of Kelishin, 12,000 feet above the level of
the sea, and not far from Ushnei. 1 It lies to the west of

1 Rawlinson (Journ. R.G-.S. x. (1841) p. 21) says that the pillar of Keli-sliin,
“which is upon a little eminence by the side of the road, and nearly at the top of
the pass,” is “a pillar of dark-blue stone, 6 feet in height, 2 in breadth, and 1
in depth, rounded off at the top and at the angles, and let into a pediment, con-
sisting of one solid block of the same sort of stone, 5 feet square and 2 deep.
On the broad face of the pillar fronting the E. there is a Cuneiform inscription
of forty-one lines, hut no other trace of sculpture or device is to be seen.” “ On
breaking away the sheet of icicles with which the surface of the stone was
covered, the upper half of the inscription was shown to be irrecoverably
obliterated, and the lower half also to he much destroyed.” Keli-SMn signifies
in Kurdish “the blue pillar.” At the distance of five hours from this pass,
“ there is a precisely similar pillar, denominated also Keli-Shin, upon the summit
of the second range, which overlooks the town and district of Sidek. This also
is engraved with, a long Cuneiform inscription ; and as it is said to be in far
better preservation than the one at Ushnei, it would be very desirable to examine
and copy it,” As for the pillar of Keli-Sipan, or “white pillar,” Sir H.
Rawlinson describes it as “a rude column of white stone, 12 feet in height,
3 feet in breadth, and Ij feet in depth, fixed in a pediment, and differing only in
size and colour and the want of an inscription from “ the pillar of Keli-Shin
Ushnei.” “It faces also W.N.W. instead of due E., like the Keli-Shin,
There are some rude figures like a horseshoe engraved upon different parts of it,
which had been taken by the Kurds for writing. Between this pillar and the
village of Legwin, there is another, which is also called Keli-Sipfm, hut it has
been thrown down, and is of smaller dimensions even than the Keli-Shin ; this,
likewise, on the three sides which are exposed, is without inscription.” The
first-named pillar of Keli-Sipan is two miles from Khoreni, overlooking the
plain of Lahiian, at the source of the Little Zab, and due south of Lake
Urumiyeh. The pass of Kelishin, on the other hand, leads eastward from
Rowandiz into the plain of Ushnei on the south-western shore of the lake.

18,

19,

664:

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

Task Tepeh (near Ohillik, on the Tatau), to the south-west of
Lake Urumiyeh, and bears witness to the campaigns of the
Yannio kings in the lands of the Minni and of Bustus.
Schulz was the original discoverer of the inscription, but his
copy of it was lost after his murder at Julamerk. In 1852 a
cast of it was taken by Khanykow, which was destroyed on its
way home, and a squeeze in 1853, of the subsequent fate of
which I have not been able to learn anything. Another cast
of it, however, was made by Dr. Blau, and sent by him
through Dr. Rodiger, to the library of the German Oriental
Society at Halle. It was broken on its way to Europe, but
the fragments have been preserved, and Prof. August Muller
has been kind enough to have a cast of them made for me and
forwarded to England. Unfortunately the beginning and end
of each line is destroyed, and the four pieces into which the
cast was broken have been wrongly fitted together, so that not
only are four lines obliterated by being fused together, but it
is impossible to tell where the inscription begins or in what
order the fragments come. The difficulty of translation is
further increased by the occurrence of new words, the absence
of the usual formulae, and the loss and obliteration of many
characters by the wear of the stone. It proves to be a record
of Menuas, who will thus have preceded his son Argistis in
forcing his way to the south of Lake Urumiyeh. The pass in
which the column is erected appears to be called a gate.

Fragment I.

2 (mu)-hu-mu-m-ni (JJ Me-nu-(a-s a-da-e)

. the wealthy. Menuas says :

3 ra-za-hu-ni Bi-a . . .

.... razaus the king of the country of Bia . . »

.... ^ Dhu-us-pa-a (f) Me-(nu-a-ni)

. . . the city of Tosp, the city of Menuas

4 ,

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN,

665

5. (f Is-pu)-hu-i-ni-khe ya-ra-(a)-ni i-(ni

the son of Ispuinis who has dedicated this stone
Khal-di)
to Khaldis,

6. . . . e-ya-ni I-nu-hu-a-si

........ for the people of the country of Inns

te(-ru-ni)

who has appointed

7. . . . (?) ku(?)-lu-a-i | Is-pu-hu-i-(ni-i-e)

. . . country of Kuluas (?) for Ispuinis

8. . . . >-Jzyy Ni-pu-ur^ni liu-ri ...

. . . the city of the fort of Nipur . . .

9. . . . li ni-ri-bi ga-su-li-na . . .

.... the dead ..........

10. . . . e (?) y<« -Hiy ni • • * a(P)-ni

. . . the characters (?) of the tablet

~ na khu(?) 2 ....
belonging to the pass ....

11. ... . ni ya-a-e za-du-(ni)

he has made

12. ... Al-di-na jzJyZy a-ru-ni

... of the land of the god Aldis the gate he brought

>->f. Al-(di-e)
to the god Aldis

13. . . ri-i ul-gu-si-ya-ni . . .

of the gate the shield-bearers . . .

666

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

Fragment II.

1. (Me-nu-a-s) a-da Al-di-is Te-ra-a-i . . .

(Menuas) says : The god Aldis the city of Terais . . .

2. . . . . i Ar-di-ni Khal-di-e . . .

the city of Ardis to the god Khaldis . . .

3. gu-ru-khu kha-i-ni kha(-u-ni)

as a possession (?) he took

4. . . li-i-hu i-hu Khal-di- ka . . . .

....... Thus for the race of Khaldis . . .

5. . . . di-ni-di nu-na-a-li | Is-pu-hu-(i-ni-e)

(the city of Ardinis) after attacking for Ispuinis

6- (t -1H) E0- -khe y Me-nu-a | Is-pu-
the son of barduris (and) Menuas the son

hu-i-(ni-khe)
of Ispuinis

7 MO hu --yy-se

. 1100 cities

2 .

4 .

Fragment III.

~>f (?) ni ni 1 ri (?) . .

the country . . .

, Khal-di-na-ni

, belonging to the land of Khaldis the gate (pass)
kha-hu-li-i-e . . .
after conquering . . .

. da-ni a-lu-s a-i-ni-e i-hu-da-(i-e)

. . ... whoever with earth undoes

(e-)si-e-ya

governors

me du-da-i-e
his destroys

1 Perhaps us. The upper portion of this line is cut off in the cast.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

667

5 * m "*“ ni a-lu-si i-na-a-ni . . .
the inhabitant of the city , . .

6 . . . . li-ni Ar-di-ni

(the city of . . .)lis, the city of Ardis,

Kha-na-li-(ni) ....
the city of Khanalis . . .

HF- Khal-di-ni
to the Khaldi’s

. al-li-i-e

. the records

rSfly za-i-se-e-i yy^

of the pass he has made (?)

me ku-i-gu-(ni) . . .
his he has inscribed . . .

O^lf) 1 2 bi-ku-lm-ra-e-di ku-lu-di . . . .
belonging to the city of Bikuras in the district

10.

(a-lu-s)

i-ni

mu-hu 3 -i-du-li-i-e . .

Whoever tablet

this

after spoiling (?) . .

11.

. . . a-lu-s ip-tu-li-

-i-e

a-lu-s a . . . .

. . . whoever after flooding ;

whoever

12.

. . . al-li-i-e

pi-i-hu-li-i-e . . .

. . . the records

after removing the name . . .

13 .

. . . i Khal-di-is

- 4 - >-4-

. . , may Khaldis,

Teisbas

(and) the

4s y«<-s)

Sun-god, the gods,

14 . (ma-a)-ni ar-mu-zi Bi-ku-ra-e-di

him with a curse, of the city of Bikuras

ku(-lu-di)
in the district

1 Must be i. 2 Or perhaps rL

3 There is a fracture here, and the two characters may be te-ru.

668

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAH.

Fragment IY.

1 YIIIMXX JgJ >f ^ (-£ |«<)

8,020 lambs . . .

2 II gu-ru-kke (|<«) XMIIMCGOC

2 12,400

3. . . . kha-at-ka-na-ni i-hu >-»y_

. . . belonging to the city of Khatkanas. Thus for the
Al-di-ka-(a-i)
race of Aldis

4. Ar-)di-ni-di. nu-na-bi | Xs-pu-hn-i-(ni-e)

(the city) of Ardinis I attacked for Xspuinis

6. Of Hf: « tfyj ^ «

son of Sarduris the strong king, the king

^ Na-ra-a(-hu-e)
of Nahri

6. (a-lu-si-)i Su-ra-e a-lu-si

inhabiting the land of Suras, inhabiting the city

Dhu-us-(pa-e)
of Dhuspas.

7. . . . i-ni-ni us-kuMu-i JSFi-bur

the city of Nipur

8. . . . i-ni-la-a-ni -STI Hu -si . . .

the city of Husi . . .

Fragment III. ought plainly to come at the end of the
inscription, though the last two or three lines, containing the
final words of the imprecatory formula, have been lost. Frag-
ment IY. probably precedes Fragment II., Fragment I.
forming the commencement of the text, of which, however,
the first few lines are gone. About three characters at the end
of each line and about as many at the beginning of each
are also gone.

1 Possibly da.

2 Probably ri.

THE CEXEIFOEM INSCEIPTIOlSrS OF YAK.

669

The Inscription was engraved while Ispuinis and his sou
Menuas were reigning together. It is clear that It must have
been after his return from the expedition to the south-east
which it commemorates that Menuas caused the inscription
of Meher-Kapussi to be made. ■ The names of many of the
territorial deities mentioned in the latter are explained by the
inscription of Kelishin. We learn that Ardinis or Ardis
(v. 14), Khatkanas or Atkanas (v. 19), and Inuas (v. 23) were
all places in the mountains of Eowandiz, whose gods were
adopted by the victor, and were consequently not native Tannic
divinities at all. The land of Aais (v. 23) was probably in the
same part of the world as Inuas, with which it is conjoined, and
we know that the land of Babas (v. 20) was so. 1 Huisis (v. 16)
seems to be the same city as the one named in Fragment
IT. 8. In fact, the inscription of Meher-Kapussi turns out to
be a record of the conquests of Menuas in the Kurdish moun-
tains, the gods of Tan and of the conquered districts being
mixed together in it. The mention of Naras, too, instead of
Biainas, further shows that the inscription before us belongs to
the period which immediately succeeded the reign of Sarduris I.
and the introduction of the Assyrian syllabary into Tan (see
note on Fragment IT. 5).

Linguistically, the inscription is of considerable interest.
While we have Khatkanas instead of Atkanas, the guttural is
more than once omitted in the name of the supreme god of
Tan, which is written Al-di-s (comp, aldi-nie v. 29). This
suggests that the scribe or engraver spoke a slightly different
dialect from that current in the capital, and the suggestion is
confirmed by the remarkable fact that t between vowels is
twice omitted, in iuda for tiuda (Frag. III. 3), and piulie for
pitulie (Frag. III. 12). 2 This goes far to show that the Assyrian
Bitanu is really the Tannic Biana(s), the dental of the
Assyrian texts representing either an older pronunciation of
the name or the pronunciation of the more correct speakers,
and that the Aryan Armenian omission of a dental between

1 The last sentence of the note on v. 20 (p. 486) must accordingly be erased. _

3 The dental, however, it must he remembered, is omitted in iulie or iudae in
another inscription of Menuas, xxxi. 28.

670

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAH.

two vowels is a continuation of a habit of their Alarodian pre-
decessors. Possibly the tendency to drop the dental was
most marked on the eastern side of the Yannic kingdom, and
to this part of it the engraver of the Kelishin inscription may
have belonged.

As compared with the later Yannic inscriptions the
Kelishin text offers many peculiarities. It contains but few
of the formulae we are accustomed to meet with. On the
other hand, it uses to express the second syllable of

the name of Sarduris, as in the Assyrian inscriptions of Sar-
duris I. and Inscription iii. of Ispuinis. At Meher-Kapussi
we already find clu-rL As at Meher-Kapussi, the compound
ideograph is also employed. Notice, further, the

forms of the ideograph for 6 city * and the character khe, as
well as me for mei c mine/ the omission of J before the name of
Menuas (Frag. 1. 2, 4), and the postposition of the demonstra-
tive ini (Frag. III. 10).

Frag. I. 2. We must evidently supply mu. With mumu -
ni-ni compare mumu-ni 4 tribute * (xlv. 28; see also vi.A, 2)
and mumuiya-bi (xli. 15). If the latter means 4 to make
wealthy 5 or 4 fill with spoil/ mumunini will be either the ace. s.
or the dat. pi. of muma-nis ‘ wealthy/ The root, in an unre-
duplicated form, seems to occur again in mui-clu-lie Frag. III. 10.

8. The construction here seems to be : 4 . . . . razaus king
of the land of Bias (?) he (i.e. Menuas) took out of (tuni pane)
the city of Tosp which belongs to Menuas son of Ispuinis.’ 1
The land of Bias mentioned in xxxvii. 8 lay on the north-
west side of Lake Van.

5. For yarani see xxxiii. 13.

6. . . . eya-ni is probably esieya-ni 4 officers/ as in Frag.
III. 4. Inua-si will be the acc. s. of the adj. in -si(s) agreeing
with eiieyani , the translation of the line being : 4 officers over
the people of Inus he established.’

8. The city of Nipur or Nibur is mentioned again in Frag.
IY. 7. It is, of course, different from the country of Nibur
in the Assyrian texts, which lay among the highlands of Mobs
Masius.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAK.

671

9. For gaiu-li or gam-li-na I can suggest no meaning. As
the lost word at the beginning of the line ends with -//, it is
best to read gaiu-li,

10. We should perhaps read ^]-m-da-a~ni for

armanida-ni 4 tablet." The word 4 gate " here evidently means
‘ the pass ’ in which the inscription was set up.

12. Aldis for Khaldis is very noticeable. Perhaps we should
read Aldis, 4 Aldis brought/

13. For the sacred shield-bearers see Hi.

Frag. II. 2. For the city of Ardis or Ardinis see v. 14.

3. Gurukhu must be the accusative pi. from gurukhus . In
Frag. IV. 2 we have gurukhe , like gimme by the side of eban'a.
Here it must denote some object, apparently an animal,
which was offered to the gods. See note on the line.

Khaim is the accusative sing, of the stem which we find in
khaubi 4 1 took 7 or 4 conquered. 7

4. Just as the people of Van are called Khaldias 4 the people
of Khaldis, 7 so here they are called Khaldi-kas 4 the race of
Khaldis/ implying a belief that they were descended from the
god. Here is plainly the origin of the name of Khaldun given
by the Greeks to the Khalybes.

Frag. III. 3. For the loss of the dental in iitdaie see above.
The proof that the dental is lost is furnished by piulie in line
12. See also xxxi. 28.

4. For esieya see xlv. 17. Me for mei must be noticed.

5. Alim inani , which is exactly equivalent to alusi D/mspae ,
settles definitively the meaning of inanis .

7. This line apparently gives us the phonetic rendering of

the ideograph of 4 gate’ or 4 pass/ We should probably
read Khaldi-ni zaisei zaduni 4 the tablet to the

Khald/s of the pass he (Le. Menuas) made/

8. The context here and in line 12 shows that allie must

mean 4 records/ or something similar. In later inscriptions
its place is taken by pulusi ‘ inscribed stone' before

Jmiguni. If it stands for khallie as Aldis for Khaldis it is
possible that Khal-dis may mean 4 the recorder/

672 the citneiporm inscriptions op van.

9. The signification of kuludi is fixed by the context. The
only other sense that could be attached to it would be that of
‘mountain, 1 but this is rendered highly improbable by the
fact that the whole district in which the pass of Kelishin is
situated consists of a mass of mountains. Moreover, the word
hikes seems connected with kulmeie xlviii. 18. — Bikuras may
be the modern Ushnei.

10. The position of ini after its noun, contrary to the
invariable usage of all other inscriptions, goes far to show that
the engraver of the inscription was not versed in the court
language of Yan.

If we read mui-du-li , the word will be a compound of mid
‘spoil’ (see- Frag. I. 2. above), and du for tu ‘bring; 5 if tern-
du4i , we must analyze into teru ‘set up/ and du ‘destroy. 5 The
doubtful characters are In other inscriptions

the word is replaced by tu-dae ‘takes away/ and it must,
therefore, have much the same sense.

12. For the omission of the dental in piulie see above.

Frag. IY. L Here the passage probably runs (Frag. II. 4.) :
“Thus for the race of Khaldis after attacking the city of
Ardinis for Ispuinis son of Sarduris (and) Menuas, son of
Ispuinis, I took 55 so much spoil, including “8,020 lambs,
... 2 gurukhe (and) 12400 . . . belonging to the city of
Khatkanas.” In the inscription of Meher-Kapussi (v. 19)
the latter name is written Atkanas. The locative case after
the verb nunabi must be noticed. Since gurukhe is. conjoined
with ‘lambs 1 here, while the only other inscription in which
lambs are mentioned is that of Meher-Kapussi, where ‘wild
oxen 5 are stated to have been offered to the gods of the land
of Babas, it is possible that gurukhe signifies ‘ wild oxen. 1

5. It is interesting to find Naras , that is, the Assyrian
Nahri, here taking the place of Biainas, just as it does in the
two inscriptions of Sarduris I. We may infer from this that
the inscriptions of Kelishin and Meher-Kapussi belong to the
period which immediately followed the reign of Sarduris L,
when Yannic scribes were only just beginning to use the
Assyrian characters for their own language.

673

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

6. For Suras see xliii. 18.

7. Here we should pi-obably read -4- Khal-cli- i- ni - ni.
TJskubi seems to be the first person sing, of a verb, compounded
with the adverb us ‘near/ We may perhaps translate: —
“ For the children of Khaldis I besieged the city of Nipur
{Ni-pur-ri-i-ni), the city of . . . nilas (and) the city of
Huisis”

LVIL

The Seal of Urzana King of Mutsatsir.

For the sake of completeness I add here the seal of TTrzana
of Mutsatsir, of whom Sargon speaks as follows ( Botta , iv.
[vii. viii. x.] 72-77) 1 : — “Urzana the Mutsatsirian, who to
Ursa the Urardhian trusted and refused servitude, with the
might of my army the city of Mutsatsir like a swarm of locusts
I covered, and he to save his life fled by himself and his
mountains ascended. Into Mutsatsir as suzerain I entered,
and his wife, his sons, his daughters, the spoil, the furniture,
(and) the treasures of his palace as many as there were, along
with 20,100 men as well as their families, Khaldia (and)
Bagabartu his gods, as well as their numerous treasures, for
a booty I counted. Ursa king of Urardhu heard of the
destruction of Mutsatsir (and) the carrying away of Khaldia
his god, and with his own hand he cut off his life with the
iron sword of his girdle/’ This was b.c. 714 (see above, pt. iii.
p. 408). Mutsatsir lay to the south of Yan, as we learn from
the Black Obelisk (lines 177-180), where Shalmaneser states
that he sent the Tartan first to Khupusca, then to Zapparia
“ a stronghold of the country of Mutsatsira,” and that after
the capture of Zapparia and forty-six other cities of Mutsatsir
the Assyrian army marched “ up to the borders of the country
of the TTrardhians,” fifty of whose towns it destroyed. The
worship of Khaldia, the god of Ursa, seems to show that the
population of Mutsatsir was allied to that of Yan — indeed the

* See also 'W.A.L i. 36, 27.

VOL. XIV. — [new seeies.]

674

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

Yannic language appears to have extended as far south as
Khupuscia, as the name of the latter country is formed by the
gentilic suffix a . Hence it is not surprising that the Assyrian
title of Nahri “the river-land,” which comprised the whole
country between Lake Van and Mons Masius, was regarded
by the Yannic kings as synonymous with the name of their
own kingdom. If the Assyrians have reported the name of
Khaldia correctly, the god worshipped at Mutsatsir was
not Khaldis, but u the god of the people of Khaldis.” As,
however, Sargon says that he was the god of Ursa, it would
seem that they must really have confounded together Khaldis
and Khaldias.

The cylinder of Urzana must have been carried off by
Sargon and is now in the Museum of the Hague. It has
been published by Dorow, Die assyrische Keikchrift, pi. 1 ;
Oullimore, Oriental Cylinders, pi. xxix. No. 140 $ Lajard,
Quite de Mithra, pi. Ixi. No. 9 ; and more accurately Menant,
Les Cylindres orientaux die Cabinet royal des medailles d la
Kaye, No. 145 ; Schrader, Monatsbericht der Kbnigl Akad.
d. Wissenschaften zu Berlin, 1879 ; and Lenormant, Gazette
archeologique , No. 6 (1879), p. 250. Schrader first perceived
that the inscription is in the Assyrian language, and gave a
translation of it, while Lenormant showed that the two
ostriches upon the cylinder which are being strangled by a
winged human figure who stands between them represent
the evil demons of the mountains overcome by the good
genius. It is interesting to find the ostrich living so far
to the north at this period. The fact that the inscription
is Assyrian not only indicates that the seal was made at
Nineveh, but further suggests that the Cuneiform characters
of Van had not been communicated to the population of the
neighbouring mountains. Had the king of Mutsatsir been
acquainted with the Vannic mode of writing, he would not
have gone to Assyria for the inscription on his seal. The
inscription is talismanic and runs as follows : —

1. S=TTT f Ur-za-na
Seal of Urzana

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

675

2. sar -Jiff Mu-tsa-tsir u

king of the city of Mutsatsir and

8. ^ Hu-ab (?) x -ti
the city Huabti (?)

stone of the good-colossus (lamas ki)

5. sa cima tsir(i)

of whom like a serpent

6. ina sad-e limnuti

in the mountains evil

7. pi(>Cj<T)-su pi-tu-u.
its mouth is open.

m cun ^ cu ^ iere ^ a ^ es the Solace of the
pulmi of the Yannic texts. The seal is composed of red
jasper.

The Inscription of Tarku.

Among Schulzes papers was found a two-line inscription,
entitled “ Inscription de Tarkou, d’apres un dessin du prince
Dimitri Cantemir, qui se trouvait aveo les instructions de
Guldenstadt, St. P. 4 Aug. 1807.” St.-Martin (Me moires
de VAcademie des Inscriptions , xii. 2, p. 114) averred
that it stood at the gate of Tarku on the Caspian. It has,
however, been shown by Lowenstern {Rev. archeologique ,
vii. p. 455), and more especially Boltzmann (Z.D.M.G.
vi. pp. 379-388), that the inscription was not copied by prince
Cantemir, but came from the first edition of WitseiTs Noord
en Oost- Tartary e, ii. p. 563 (Amsterdam, 1705). The latter
writer states that : 64 In the countries beyond Zarku, Boinak
and Osmin is a district where a Qerraan physician, who had
traversed It when flying from the anger of Stenka Basin, has

1 It may be meant for sum or even tw\ or perhaps for the two

characters tab and ru (du).

676

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

informed me that he has seen on arches, walls, and mountains
characters of the same form as those on the ruins of Persepolis,
which he had also seen. This mode of writing belongs, it is
said, to the language of the ancient Persians Gaures, Gabres,
or fire-worshippers. Two specimens of it will be found here,
which I give, although to-day these characters are unin-
telligible. Throughout the whole district, says this physician,
especially at a little distance from Derbent, in the mountains
by the side of the main road, one sees, engraved on the rock,
figures of men dressed in a very strange manner, like the
ancient Greeks or perhaps Romans, and not only isolated
figures, but entire scenes and representations of persons
engaged in the same action, broken columns, aqueducts, and
arcades.” 1 But the first specimen given by Witsen — the
so-called Inscription of Tarku — really came, not from a
German physician, but from Hyde's “ Vetera m Persarum
et Parthorum et Medorum religionis Historia” (1700), who
took it from a paper published by F(rancis) A(ston) in the
Philosophical Transactions , June, 1693. Aston here states
that Mr. S. Flower, an agent of the East India Company
in Persia, had copied it from a fragment of marble “ at the
Mountains of Nocturestand and Chahelminar in Persia . . .
in November, 1667,” along with five other Greek, Sassanian,
and Arabic inscriptions. Other cuneiform inscriptions copied
at Persepolis by Flower are not given by Aston. The two-
line inscription, however, which is given, now known as the
Inscription of Tarku, really consists of specimen characters
from the Persian, “.Protomedic,” and Babylonian transcripts
of the Akhsemenian texts, grouped together without any
regard to order and divided from each other by the Persian
word-divider. It reads thus :

1. a (P.) r (P.) s (P.) u (B.) f th (P.) bu (B.) si (B.) sa
(B) rat (B) h (P) i (B.).

2. bumi (P.) a (B.) hu (B.) uu (B.) ak (Pr.) kha (Pr.)
v (P) kh (P) ya (B) da (Pr.).

1 See Burnout, Memoire sur deux Inscriptions cuneiformes, p. 176.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

677

The Inscription of Xerxes at Yan.

This is engraved in an almost inaccessible part of the rock
of Yan, on the southern side, and about 60 feet above the
plain. Like other Akhsemenian inscriptions, it consists of
three versions, Persian, “ Pro to medic,” and Babylonian,
placed side by side. We learn from it that the rock was
prepared by Darius Hystaspis, but some unknown cause ob-
liged him to leave the task of filling it in with an inscription
to his son and successor. It is difficult not to believe that the
great inscriptions of Argistis on the rock of Yan suggested to
Darius the idea of commemorating his own power in a similar
way, and it is possible that we owe to this the inscriptions of
Behistun and Naksh-i-Rustem. I have already noticed the
remarkable resemblance between the form in which the Akhse-
menian inscriptions are drawn up and that of the older Yannic
texts. In both we have an invocation to the supreme deity
at the beginning, and each paragraph is introduced by the
phrase “ he says.” As this phrase does not occur in the
Babylonian or Assyrian inscriptions, Darius must have bor-
rowed it from Yan. If the people of Yan used the Hittite
hieroglyphs before they adopted the cuneiform system of
writing, they may well have been familiar with the phrase,
since the inscriptions of Carchemish also begin with it. The
following is a translation of the Inscription of Xerxes i 1 * * —

“A great god is Ormazd, who (is) the greatest of gods, who
has created this earth, who has created that heaven, who has

1 The text as copied by Schulz is published in the’ Journal . asiatiqm, 1840.
Another copy of the Persian text by Bore has been given by Sir H. Rawlinson
in the J. R. A. S. Vol. X. p. 334. For Westergaard’s copy of the 4 ‘Protomedic’’
text as far as line 21 see Norris, in the J. R. A. S. Vol. XV. p. 156. ># For the

Babylonian text see Oppert, j 'Expedition seientijique en Mesopotamia ii. 2. It
reads : a-na e-bis liv-su v& tsalam-ma ina mukh-khi ul is-dhu-ur ‘ (he gave com-
mand) to make his tablet and an image,* thereon he did not write.’ Ziv

(KT*") * s ’ of the older Assyrian period. Oppert has already

recognized that ^ is here the ideograph of tsalamu ‘image,’ as at Naksh-i-
Rustem (26), ma being the phonetic complement. See Bezold: Die Achameni-
denimchriften, p. 76.

678

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

created mankind, who has given happiness to man, who has
made Xerxes king, sole king of many kings, sole lord of many.
I am Xerxes the great king, the king of kings, the king of the
provinces with many languages, the king of this great earth
far and near, son of king Darius, the Akhsemenian. Says
Xerxes the king: Darius the king, my father, did many
works through the protection of Ormazd, and on this moun-
tain he commanded to make his tablet and an image ; yet an
inscription he did not make. Afterwards I ordered this in-
scription to be written. May Ormazd, along with all the
gods, protect me and my kingdom and my work.”

Armenia seems to have formed part of the Median empire
when it was conquered by Kyros. According to Hdt. i. 74,
75, the Median empire extended as far west as the river
Halys, and a cuneiform inscription on a gryphon’s head of
red stone, discovered in Kappadokia, which I have published
in the Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, Nov.
1881, is in the characters of the Amardian or “Protomedic”
syllabary. 1 On the other hand, before the rise of the king-
dom of Ekbatana, at the time when Jeremiah li. was first
written, there were “kings” of the Medes, while the princi-
palities of Askchenaz (Asguza), Minni and Ararat were
independent. The war between Darius and the pretender
Phraortes, who professed to be Satarritta the Median king,
was partly carried on in Armenia, where the Armenian
Dadarses, the general of Darius, fought three battles at Zuza,
Tigra, and Uhy&ma. That the Yannic language was still
spoken in Armenia is pretty clear from the names of Khaldi-da
or Khaldi-ta and of his son Arakha (Kharakha in the Amardian

1 The only character not found in the Amardian texts is dim in its later Baby-
Ionian form. The inscription is circular, and reads : Ku-'ar-hu-man ITT-
(‘ tlie king ’) Man-clhu-mas. The sound kw seems to have been known in Kap-
padokia and Kilikia. Among the proper names found in the inscriptions of
Hamaxia are K oias (C. I. G. 4401, etc.), ’Ofipavyoveis, K ovaXts, KtSa^ovatm,
and ’Emot/acm, and at Selindy we have K ovaXes (C. I. G. 4424). The inscrip-
tion probably belongs to the time of Kyros, when the system of cuneiform writing
employed in Khapirti or Amardia (the plain of Mai Amir) was likely to have
been carried beyond its original boundaries, as Khapirti formed part of the
ancestral dominions of Kyros. and its language and writing accordingly were
those of the conqueror of Western Asia.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

679

version), who had settled in Babylonia, and claimed to be
Nebuchadnezzar, son of Nabonidos.

In concluding this memoir, I have only to add that no one
can be more sensible than myself of the imperfections it
contains. There is much yet to be done before the decipher-
ment of the Yannic inscriptions can be placed on a thoroughly
satisfactory footing. New inscriptions are needed as well as
squeezes or photographs of many of those of which we now
possess copies only. The cast of the inscription of Kelishin,
which I did not receive until after the publication of the first
part of the memoir, shows the light that may be poured at
any moment on obscure questions of Vannic grammar and
lexicography by the discovery of a single fresh text. We
know of the existence of four still unpublished inscriptions —
those of Tash-Tepe, Sidek Kelishin, Erzerum, and Alichalu
(since the so-called copy of the latter which we have is a
caricature rather than a copy) — all of them of considerable
historical importance, and one at least within the limits of
Russian territory. And there must be others besides these
which are yet to be discovered.

The phonology of the language especially requires further
elucidation. We have to settle the exact pronunciation of e,
and its use as a modifier of the other vowels. The question
of long and short vowels has also to be determined. My
account of the grammar, too, will doubtless be corrected and
supplemented by more extended researches. Light is thrown
on the import of the suffix -tsi by the equivalence of ebani-a-
Ue-cli-ni and ulgusi-ya-ne-di-ni (p. 655), and I am now disposed
to think that the following view of the declension is the one
which best explains the facts and gets rid of anomalies. I am
now inclined to doubt whether originally any difference was
made between the cases of the singular and plural any more
than it was between the singular and plural third person of
the verb. Originally both singular and plural were alike
j Khaldis in the nominative, Khaldi or Khalde in the genitive,
dative, and accusative, Khaldida in the local, Khaklidi in the
locative, and Khaldili in the perfective. The demonstrative

680

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

then came to be attached to all these cases — the nominative
excepted — like in Greek or -ce in Latin. Hence arose

Khaldini , Khaldidani , Khaldidini, and Khaldilini. For reasons
which I cannot explain the locative Khaldidini was disused ; •
at all events no such form is found in the texts. Khaldini
became the regular form of the accusative singular, as would
naturally be the case, the accusative in other languages being
similarly distinguished from the nominative by the help of a
demonstrative. By way of distinction the demonstrative was
dropped in the accusative plural. On the other hand, it was
retained in the genitive- dative plural through a confusion with
the adjectival suffix -ni, Khaldi-ni 4 to that belonging to
Khaldis * being equivalent to 4 to the Khaldises.’ A striving
after differentiation next led to the omission of the demon-
strative in the genitive-dative singular. In the perfective the
demonstrative came to be employed only where a special
emphasis had to be laid upon the word, as, for example, where
it came at the end of a series of other perfectives. Its use in
the local was influenced by the analogy of the accusative;
when -ni had come to be regarded as the sign of the accusative
singular, there was a natural tendency to attach it to the case
(in the singular) which had much the same signification as the
accusative. The new form, Khaldida-ni, tended to supersede
the old attempt to distinguish between the singular and plural
of the local by reduplicating the local suffix - dada , contracted
into -dad. This attempt was imitated in the locative, where
-didi contracted into -did was sometimes used to denote the
plural. But the attempt was never fully or consistently
carried out, and up to the last evident traces remained of the
fact that originally the cases of the Vannic noun had been the
same in both singular and plural. Indeed, where a noun was
formed by the suffix -ni(s), the latter was confounded with the
old demonstrative affix of the accusative singular, producing
Khaldini ‘the Khaldinian,* instead of Khaldinini , like forms
in - khinis which drop the -ni in the accusative. To explain
this we must go back to tlie time when the demonstrative was
not as yet invariably attached to the accusative singular, and
where it was attached was affixed only to the substantive, not

THE CUNEIFORM IKSCRIPTIOKS OF YAH.

681

to the adjective which agreed with it. It was only the
pronoun, as in pi mesini, which took the demonstrative, and
accordingly obliged its substantive to drop it . 1

Before, however, these and such like questions of Tannic
grammar can be finally settled, much will have to be done.
I shall be content if my Memoir will have prepared the way
for other and more advanced researches into the language of
the Tannic inscriptions, and more satisfactory explanations of
the words and phrases they contain. Above all, I would
direct the attention of Georgian scholars to the subject, and
ask them to examine whether or not the modern Kartvelian
idioms are in any way connected with the old language of
Tan.

VOCABULARY.

\The Roman ciphers denote the inscription the Arabic ciphers the line. 2 ]

A-a-i-na-hu-e. To the god of the land of Aais. v. 23, 65. See
p. 669.

I A-bi-a-ni-i-ni. Alianis (acc.). xlix. 14. King of Edias,
A-bi-da-du-bi. I burnt ; interchanged with JjJz -bi. xliii. 4 ;
xlv. 9 ; 1. 27.

1 I ought to have mentioned in my sketch of Yannic grammar that participial
adjectives in - sis resembled those in - Minis in discarding the aceusatival - ni .
Indeed they went further, as neither the substantive which preceded the adjective
in -sis nor the adjective itself in some instances took -ni. Thus we find inani
nusi ‘royal city,’ nu adais'i (li. 4). On the other hand, we have ini ase badusie,
Menua-ni . . . alusie, and in the dative plural masi-ni. In my list of Yannic

characters, also, hob must he expunged. I now feel convinced that in

xxxii. 7 £;£;»- represents ^ ar - Accordingly, the word for 4 stone * will

he Mr bis and not Jsabbis. I have to add, too, that in one passage (xxxi. 21)
^y tu is replaced by >~£^y. In the account of the verb, moreover, I have

omitted to notice the causative conjugation formed by the suffix su, sa (as in
kharkhar-su-bi, kharkhar-sa-Mes). 8u probably signified originally 4 to cause/
‘ make.’ The noun-suffix -tsi. I am now inclined to think, contains the idea of
‘all.’

1 Mu and u are arranged alike under u, and / and ts follow s. Otherwise the
order of the letters in the Latin alphabet is followed. Kh follows k and k. Dh
comes after d.

682

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

| A-bi-da-i-a-ni-e-khi. The son of Abidayanis. xxxvii. 17. A chief
near Melazgherd.

V* A-bu-ni-i-e. The land of Abunis (N.W. of Lake Yan). xlv. 38.

^ A-bu-ni-i-e-di. Into the land of Abunis. xxxvii. 12.

Abur-za-ni-ni. The city of Aburzas . xxxix. 37. In Bnstus.

A-da. And. Originally ‘ partly.’ v. 25, 70 (where the copies
have a-li) ; xxx. 17; xxxiii. 9; xlv. 19, 22; xxi. 7 (?) ; see
note on last passage.

A-da-a. xxxiii. 13.

A-da — a-da. In part-in part ( some-some ) ; both- and. xix. 7, 8.

A-da. The whole , the sum ; ideograph A- xxi. 3 ; xlix. 25,

A-du-bi. I summed up. xlix. 26.

A-da-i-si. Summing up, collecting (?), li. 4.

A-da-e-da . . Tlace of assemblage (f). xlv. 33.

A-da-a-ba-a-di. Among the assemblage (?). xxxvii. 24.

A-da-a-ba-di. xxxviii. 39 ; xxxix. 27, 52 ; xl. 29, 49, 77 ;
xliii. 22, 46; xli. 11 ; xliii. 10, 32, 69; xlix. 29; 1. 10.

A-da-i-a-ba-di. xxxvii. 4 ; xxxviii. 10 ; xxxix. 3 ; xli. 4.

A-da-bi-di. Probably the same word. liv. 6, 10, 11.

A-da-ma-a-nn. Some and each, or all and each . xxxii. 10.

A-da-kid. Partly, some . xxxii. 9.

A-da-ki. xxxvii. 14; xli. 42; xxxviii. 21, 47; xxxix.
15, 42; xl. 3, 4, 37, 38, 61 ; xli. 8; xlii. 6, 28, 65.

A-da-e. He says; sterna, xx. 10; xxi. 3, 6; xxx. 7, 12, 18,
29 ; xxxii. 2 ; xxxiv. 8 ; xxxvii. 1, 2, 16, 21, 22 ; xxxviii. 2,
8, 11, 23, 29, 38, 49, 56; xxxix. 4, 23, 28, 39, 44, 49, 53;
xl. 9, 24, 31, 40, 47, 51, 65, 71, 78; xli. 1, 10, 12, 15, 16;
xliii. 1, 9, 15, 19, 31, 37, 41, 51, 68, 74, 77; xliv. 3; xlv.
33 ; xlvi. 13, 23 ; xlvii. 2 ; xlviii. 9, 14, 25 ; xlix. 4, 7, 25 ;
1. 34; li. 4, 9, iii. 3; lvi. (1,) 2; xxxv.A. 1 Eev.

A-da-a. 1. 6.

A-da. xx. 10; xxii. 7 ; xxviii. 2; xxix.B, 10; xxxiii.
22 ; 1. 21; liii. 3; lvi. (2,) 1.

-4- A-da-ru-ta-a. To the god Adarutas . v. 9, 41.

A-di-i-a. To the god Adias. v. 23.

A-gu-bi. I toolc, selected . xxii. 10 ; xxix.B. 7, 9; xxxvii. 14;
xxxviii. 20, 21, 47 ; xxxix. 15, 42; xl. 4, 38, 61, 73; xli. 7;
xliii. 6, 17, 28, 65 ; xlviii. 31 ; 1. 25 ; lv. 14.

A-gu-hix-bi. xxii. 9.

A-gu-bi-e. xxxvii. 43.

A-gu-ni. He took. xxii. 3; xlv, 22, 40.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN,

683

A-gu-hu-nn-ni. Spoil . xlviii. 28.

A-gu-nu-hn-ni. xlix. 16.

A-gu-nu-ni. xxxvii. 26; xxxix. 62; xliii. 16, 39, 56,
75, 78; xlix. 14, 15; 1. 20.

A-gu-mi-ni-ma-a-im (?). xxxviii. 13.

A-gu-hu-ni-e-da. Place of spoil . xxx. 27.

A-i-a. To the god Aias (the Earth-god), v. 21.

V" A-i-du-ni. The land of Aldus. xxix.B. 5. See p. 395.

A-i-e. In the land . xxy. 6.

A-i-ni-e. To the earth or dust. Literally what belongs to the land,
ainis being an adj. in -nis from ais. xxxi. 27 ; xxxv.A. 5 Rev. ;
lvi. (3,) 3.

A-i-ni-e-i. xx. 12; xxii. 8; xliY. 6; xlYiii. 17 ; 1. 7.
A-i-ni. vii. 5; xxx. 31 ; 1. 36.

A-i-ra-i-ni-e. To the god Air ainis. y. 11, 45.

A-khi-u -ni-ka-ni. City of the clan of Ahhiunis. xxix B, 1.

See p. 395.

A-la . . . The stone . . „ xxxvii. 29.

V s A-la-dha-i. Of the country Aladhas. xl 57. Near Bustus.
>->$- Al-di-s. The god Ehaldis ; see Ehaldis. lvi. iL 1.

' > 4 - Al-di-e. To Ehaldis. lvi. i. 12.

Al-di-ka-a-i. To the race of Ehaldis . lvi. iv. 3.
Al-di-na. The land of Ehaldis . lvi. i. 12.
Al-di-ni-e. To the Ehaldmians. xli. 13.

Al-di-ni-i-e. Stones (f). v. 29, 80.

->f Al-dn-tn-si-ni-e. To the God Aldutusinis. y. 10, 43.

Perhaps a compound of al and dutu.

V Al-ga*ni. Of the land Alganis (belonging to the Minni). xl. 36.
Al-ga-ni-na-hu-e ^>f-. To the god of the land of Alganis .
y. 18, 56.

Al-khi-e. Inhabitants. Cf. aluiie. 1. 2, 6. The root is aL
Al-khe. xxxiii. 16.

Al-khi. xxxviii. 41 ; xlix. 17.

Al-li-i-e. Records, lvi. iii. 8, 12.

Al- su-hu-i-ni-e. Relonging to multitudes . xxxiii. 19.
Al-su-hu-i-ni. xx. 7.

684

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

Al-su-i-si-e-ni. To the multitudinous, xli. 12. Perhaps a com-
pound of al and sui.

Al-su-i-si-i-ni. xxxix. 55; xl. 70.

Al-su-u-si-i-ni. xlvii. 1.

Al-su-hu-i-si-m. xx. 5 ; xxvii. 8 ; xxix.B. 8 ; xxxiii.

17 ; xxxvii. 19 ; xl. 22, 81 ; li. iii. 1.

Al-su-i-si-ni. vi.A. 1; xxxvii. 4, .23; xxxviii. 7, 10,
15, 28, 39 ; xxxix. 3, 5, 23, 27, 30, 48, 52; xl. 34,
46, 49, 53, 77; xli. 16; xlii. 1; xliii. 22, 36, 46,
7 3 ; xlviii. 4 ; xlix. 6 ; 1. 9, 32 ; li. 1 ; lii.
Al-su-si-ni. xx. 5 ; xxii. 4 ; xxix. 8 ; xxxv. 5 ; xxxvi.

8; xl. 28 ; xlvi. 10, 27,

Al-su-i-si-e. (Sing.) v. 12.

Al-sii-hu-si-e. v. 49.

A-lu-liu-s. Whoever, xliv. 3.

A-lu-s. x. 3; xix. 13, 14, 15, 17; xx. 10, 11, 13; xxi.
6, 8, 9, 10, 12; xxii. 7, 8, 9 ; xxviii. 2; xxx. 29,
30, 31, 32; xxxi. 21, 22, 27, 29; xxxiii. 22, 23,
24; xxxiv. 16, 17, 18; xxxv. A. 2, 3, 5, 7 Rev,;
xliv. 5, 6, 9, 11 ; xlviii. 14, 16, 17, 19; 1. 35, 36;
Ivi. iii. 3, 10, 11.

A-lu-kid. In any ease. v. 26.

A-lu-s-Hu-ru-li-hu*e-Si-hu-a-li. To the god who
(is) when the offspring are carried away. v. 9, 43.
A-lu-hu-si-e. Inhabiting; allied to alkhe. xxvii. 13; xlviii. 8;
li. iii. 11.

A-lu-lm-si. xxii. 6.

A-lu-si-e. xxxiii. 21.

A-lu-si. xx. 8; xxvi. 7 ; xxvi. (2,) 6; xxix. 12; xxxv.

9 ; xxxvi. 10 ; 1. 34 ; lii. ; lvi. iii. 5, iv. 6.
A-lu-hu-si-ni (?). xxxvii. 4.

A lu-hu-si-ni-mi. To the gods of the inhabitants, xxxvii.
23; xxxix. 51.

A-ln-si-ni-ni. xxxviii. 10, 39 ; xxxix. 3, 27 ; xl. 28,
49, 76 ; xliii. 22, 45 ; xlvi. 27.; 1. 9.

Al-zi-i-ni-ni. The land of AMs. See p. 398. xxxii, 8.
Al-zi-ra-ni. Iv. 9.

A-ma-as-tu-liu-bi. I plundered. Compounded of amas and iu.
xxxii. 3 ; xxxix. 57 ; xxxv. A. 2 Obv.

A-ma-as-tu-bi. xxx. 9 ; xl. 58 ; xlv. 4, 7.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCEIPTIGNS OP TAN.

685

^ A-me-gu (?)... The city of Ame . . . xliii. 54.
A-mu-hu-bi. I captured (?). xxxix. 32.

, . . a-na-si-i-e. xxxi. 1, 14.

An-da-ni. Boys, xxxvii. 8; xxxviii. 16; xl. 55 ; 1. 12.
a 4 " A-ni-is-ti(?)-ir-hu-e. Of the land of Anistir (in Georgia),
xxxvii. 18.

. . . a-nu-ni. v. 31, 83 ; vi.I). 3.

Ap-ti-i-ni. Which was called . See Uni. Ap seems to be a pre-
fixed relative. xi.A. 3.

Ap-ti-ni. xxxii. 6, 7 ; lv. 12.

Arame or Arrame, King of Ararat, p. 405. Perhaps we should
read Arave, which would be written in Yannic A-ra-hu-e-s
* belonging to Arasd Cf. art's.

A-ra-za-a. To the God Arams, v. 11, 46.

Ar-bi-i. xi.A. 3. See si-ri-bi-i.

y Ar-da-ra-ki-khi. The son of Ardar aids (N.W. of Lake Yan). Ixv. 16.
^ Ar-di-ni. The city of Ardis, near Kelishin. lvi. ii. 2, iii. 6.

--yy Ar-di-ni-di. In the city of the Ardinians. lvi. ii.
5, iv. 4.

^TT Ar-di-ni-na-hu-e Hb- To the god of the city of
the Ardinians. v. 14, 52.

-^y Ar-di-ni-e-i. xliii. 42.

->f Ar-di-i-e. To the god Ardis . v. 23.

Ar-di-ni. Publicly. Ideog. *T -ni. v. 26.

Ar-di(?)-ni(?)-ni. Bay by day . 1. 39.

Ar-di-se-e. Regulations, xlv. 23.

Ar-di-se. v. 2, 34; 29, 80; xix. 6; xlviii. 10.
Ar-dhu-ha-ra-ir-hu-e. To the god of Ardlmhar air. v. 14, 51.
y Ar-gi-is-ti-s. xxvii. 22 ; xxxix. 23, 28, 39, 53 ; xl. 23 ; xli. 15 ;
xliii. 1, 19, 37 ; xliv. 1 ; xlvi. 12; xlvii. 2.

y Ar-gis-ti-s. xxxvii. 2, 16, 21 ; xxxviii. 2, -8, 23, 29,
49; xxxix. 4, 44, 49; xl. 40, 46, 65, 71, 78; xli.
1, 10, 12; xlii. 1; xliii. 9, 31, 41, 51, 68, 74, 77;
xlv. 33.

y Ar-gi-is-ti>i-s. xxxviii. 11, 37, 55 ; xl. 9, 30, 50;

xliii. 15 ; xlvi. 22.
y Ar-gi-is-ti-e. xlv. 19, 40.
y Ar-gi-is-ti-i-ni. xxxvii. 20.

686

THE CUHEIFOEM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

I Ar-gi-is-ti-ni. xxxvi. 5, 8; xxxviii. 4, 28; xlv. 31;
xlvi. 11.

I Ar-gis-ti-e-klii-ni-s. The son of Argistis. xlviii. 3, 25.
y Ar-gis-ti-khi-ni-s. xlix. 25, 29 ; li. 2, iii. 2.
y Ar-gis-ti-khi-ni-e. xlix. 2.
y Ar-gis-ti-khi-ni. 1. 3.
y Ar-gis-ti-e-khi. xlviii. 5 ; 1. 5.
y Ar-gis-ti-khi. xlix. 4 ; 1. 33 ; li. iii. 8 ; lii.
y Ar-gis-te-e-khi-ni-da. Place of the son of Argistis.
xl. 71.

y Ar-gis-ti-i-ka-a-i. To the race of Argistis. xxxviii. 26,
54 ; xxxix. 48 ; xlvi. 7. *
y Ar-gis-ti-i-ka-i. xxxviii. 6.

y Ar-gis-ti-ka-i. xxxvii. 18; xxxix. 22; xl. 69 ; xliii.
14, 72.

y Ar-gi-is-ti-i-ka-i. xl. 45 ; xliii. 35 ; xlv. 29.
y Ar-gi-is-ti-ka-i. xl. 20.

Ar-ka-a. To the god Arhas . v. 22.

A-ri-e-dha. He becomes , 3rd s. pres, of the subst. vb. xlix. 18.
A-ri-e-ni. xxxix. 5.

Ans (?). “ A man.” See Ideographs Ho. 6, and note.

Ar-kha-hu-e-e-di. Into the land of the Arlchaians (near Bustus).
xxxix. 34.

Ar-khi-e-hu-ru-da-a-ni. Family (acc.) ; compound of ar-kM i off-
spring ’ from aru * to bear/ and hurudas . xxi. 14-15.

Ar-khi-hu-ru-da-a-ni. xx. 17; xxx. 34; xxxiii. 27;

xxxiv. 22 ; xliv. 18 ; xlviii. 23 ; 1. 39.
Ar-khi-u-ru-da-ni. xxii. 12.

Ar-khi-hii-ru-da-m, xxviii. 11.

cm Ar-ma-a-ni-e-da-ad, Tablets, xx. 3.

City Ar-ma-ni-da-ad. xx. 3.

Ar-mu-zi-i. With a curse (?). xliv. 16.

Ar-mu-zi. xxviii. 9 ; xlviii. 22 ; Ivi. iii. 14.

Ar-ni-i-e. Of the fort. v. 17, 54.

Ar-ni-i-e. To the god Arms. v. 12, 48.
Ar-nu-ya-da, Castles, xxxi, 4; xlv. 35.
Ar-ni-hu-si-ni-e-da. The citadel {of Van), xxxviii. 24,
50 ; xxxix. 45, See note on Inani.

687

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

Ar-ni-hu-si-ni-da. xxxvii. 16 ; xxxyiii. 8; xxxix. 19;
xl. 12, 41, 66 ; xli. 11 ; xliii. 10, 32, 69; xlix. 29.

Ar-si-me-la-e. To the god Arsimelas. y. 39.

Ar> si-me-la. v. 6.

>->^- Ar-tsi~bad-di-ni-e. To the god Art sib add inis. y. 12, 48.

Ar-tsu-hu-i-ni-ni. The city of the Artsuians (the modern
Sirka, near Yan). y. 15.

>— Jiyy Ar-tsu-hu-ni-ni. y. 54.
jzY y Ar-tsu-ni-hu-i-ni-e. (Apparently the same city,
now Sirka.) xi. 1.

Ar- tar-mu . . . The land of Ar tar mu . . . xxxyil. 33.

A-ru-hu-bi. I brought, xxxii. 10; xliii. 76.

A-ru-hu-ni. He brought . xxx. 16; liy. 2.

A-ru-ni. xli. 13 ; xly. 20 ; xlviii. 26 ; li. iii. 8; Ivi. i.

12 .

^ly A-ru-si. The city of Arusis (near Malatiyeh). 1.29.

A-sa-a-zi-e-khi-i-ni-e. 6 The sons of the . . . ’ (apparently the
commissariat officers), xxx. 21, 23. It is possible that we
ought to read gi instead of zi.

As-du. Occupying, xxxix. 1, 25. Literally ‘house-establish-
ments/ from as is and du (for asidu).

m A-si-e. Of the house, temple . v. 12, 49.

>_yyyy ? XT<

^yyyy -se. m. i, 2 .

^TTyj-i-ni. iv.

A-se. y. 29, 80 ; x. 2 ; xii. 1, 3 ; xxx. 81 ; x. 2, 4, 5, 6.

A-se-e-i. li. 5.

*mr Bb r«< A-si-da. The site of a house, i.e. palaces .
xxx. 27.

A-si-da. xxxi. 12. See under

A-se, Gods (?). xxiy. 7. This word may possibly be better ren-
dered 4 temples.’

As-ga-la-a-bi. J. . . . xlix. 12. The reading as-hu-la-a-bi must
be rejected. The word is a compound of as (as in as-du) and
gala (as in gala-zi ).

As-gu-bi. I took, xxxix. 35; xly. 26; 1. 16; ly. 13. Probably
a compound of as and gu.

688

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

As-kha-as-ti. Of the food-remover, x. 5 ; xii. 2. A compound of
askha-s(i) ‘ belonging to food 5 and U(u) 1 to undo.’

(As)-kha-as-te-e-se. The food-remover 8 (pi. of ad j . in -sis).

x. 2.

As-kha-as-tu-li. After the bringing of the food. vii. 2.

A compound of askha-s(i) and tu i to bring away. 5
A s-khu-da-ni. Place of food (acc. of the localizing form),
xix. 12.

As-khu-me. Let them eat (?) xxiv. 6.

Aska-la-a-si-e-di. Among the Askalaians (N/W. of Lake Yan).
xlv. 6.

As-ka-la-a-si-e. xlv. 11.

As-ka-ya-i. Of the land of Askay as (in Bustus). xl. 54.

As-ta (nu-la-da). Palace (f), perhaps for asida. liv. 6, 10 , 11 .
See nu-la-da.

As-ti-hu. War-magazines . xliii. 42. Perhaps a derivative in

-di f from asis 4 house. 5

As-te-hu-i-hu-ni. Belonging to the war -magazines, xxx. 21.
A-si J<«. Horsemen , charioteers, v. 13, 50; xxx. 20,
21 ; xlv. 26.

A-si y<«. v. 51 ; xxxix. 16; xlviii. 31.

A-si- y«< -i-e. xliii. 14.

A-si- f«< -se. (Adj. in -sis.) xlix. 12.

A-si- y<« -tsi-e. xl. 79.

£^y>- A-si- f<« -tsi. l. n.

£^f>- A-si- y«< -hu-e-da. Cavalry -quarters, xli. 4;
xliii. 23.

J^y>- A-si- y«< -hu-e-da-du-da. Ruined cavalry -quarters.

xliii. 43. Compounded with du ( to destroy. 5
J^y» A-^i- y <<< -hu-e-da-du-hu-da. xxxix. 49.

A-su-ni. Neighbourhood lj). xxx. 11; xxxiv. 14; 1. 15.
A-sn-ni-ni. xli. 18.

A-tsu-s. Month . v. 2, 34.

A-tsu-si-ni-e. Monthly, xlviii. 10.

At-bi-nH-e. To the god Atbinis. v. 8, 40.

A-ti-bi. Thousands^ myriads (see p. 628). xxxi. 15; xxx vii. 14,
15; xxxviii. 2 ; xliii. 30, 67 ; xlv. 14, 21, 22.

y<« (^yy) At-ka-na-hu-e. To the gods of Atkanas.

19, 57. See Khatkanas.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

689

A-hu-i-e-i. To water ( 110 m. avis), xxi. 8 ; xliv. 13, 20.

!" A-hu-i-e. xx. 19; xxi. 16; xxii. 14; xxviii. 12; xxx.

36; xxxiii. 28; xxxiv. 24; xlviii. 24; 1. 40.
A-hu-e. xx. 19.

A-hu-i-e. To the water-god. y. 21.

A-hn-e-ra-sI-da. Place of the auxiliaries . xxxix. 30.

A-hu-e-ra-si-ni. xxxix. 32.

V" A-za-ru-ni-nL Land of the Azarunians. It. 11.

A-zi-i-bi-e. The dead (?) ; statues (?). xxxvii. 1.

A-zi-bi-i. xi.A. 3 {note).

B. See also P.

"X* Ba-ba-a. Of the land of Babas, v. 21, 59; xxxix. 40. See
pp. 486, 579.

Ba- a-ba-ni-e. xliii. 71.

Ba-ba-a-ni. xl. 57.

Ba*ba-ni. xxxvii. 10 ; xxxix. 5 ; 1. 14.

Ba-ba-ni-a. The people of the Babaian land. Iv. 12.
^ Ba-ba-na-hu-e. To the god of Babas, y. 20, 58.
Ba-bi-lu-hu. Of the land of Babilus (the Babyrsa of Strabo,
near Artaxata). xlix. 5.

V" Ba-bi-lu-ni-e. xlix. 4.

Bad-di-ni. To all . y. 24, 67 ; xi. 2.

Ba-di-ni-ni. xliii. 2.

Bad-di-ma-a-nn. All and each. xxx. 17.

Bad-di-sa-ni. Of every hind. y. 25, 72. Perhaps com-
pounded with sa (as in sa-da c there ? ).

Bad-H y<«. v. 7, 40. See [<«.

Ba-a-du-hu-si-e. Decayed , old. xxxy. 4.

Ba-du-hn-si-i. xvii. 5.

Ba-dn-si-i-e. x. 8.

Ba-dn-si-i. xviii. 5.

Ba-du-si-e. ix. 2 ; xiii. 2.

Ba-dn-si-ni. iii. 2.

| Ba-al-tu-nl-khi-e. The son of Baltul (in N7W\ of Lake Van),
xxx. 25.

I Bal-tu-ul-khi. xlv. 16 .

VOL. XIV. — [new series.]

690

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

< Ba-am~ni. The land of Bam (in Kurdistan), xli. 18, 20.
Bar-su-liu-a-i. Of the land of Barsuas. xxxix. 13. South-
west of Ummiyeh, tlie Barsuas or Parsuas of the Assyrians.
See pp. 389, 400.

V" Bar-su-a-i-di. Into Barsuas . xxxix. 12.

"v Ba-rn-a-ta-i-ni-a. The people of Baruatainis (N.E. of Tan),
xlix. 6.

^YYTT Par-su-di-i-bi-du-hu-ni. A chapel, xix. 4. Cf. Biduni.

■ *=rm Bar-su-di-bi-i-du-hu-ni. xxv. 3, 5 ; xxvi, (3.) 3.

Bar-su-di-bi-du. xix. 12.

>->^- Bar-tsi-i-a. To the god Bartsias . v. 22.

Bar-za-ni, Apparently some kind of sacred edifice, xix. 9 ; liy. 3.
Bi. His (dialectal form), liii. 6.

^ Bi-a-i-na-e. Of the land of Biainas or Van . xx. 7 ; xxii. 5 ;
xxxyi. 9.

Bi-i-na-e. xx. 7.

a Bi-a-i-na-di. Into the land of Biainas . ly. 14.

Bi-a-na-i-di. xli. 7 ; 1. 25.

< Bi-i-a-i-na-a-i-di. xliii. 50.

^ Bi-a-i-na-a-hu-e. The Biainian . xxxy, 8.

Bi-i-a-i-na-hu-e. xxyi. 6 ; xxvi. (2.) 5 ; xxxiii. 20.
^ Bi-a-i-na-hu-e. xxvii. 12; xxix. 11; xlyiii. 7, 13;
1. 23 ; li. iii. 10.

Bi-a-na-as-te. Loe. pi. of adj. in - sis * xxxix. 2;
xl. 27, 48, 76 ; xli. 3 ; xlvi. 26.

Bi-a-i-na-as-te. xxxviii. 9, 39 ; xxxix. 27, 51 ;
xliii. 45 ; 1. 9.

V" Bi-i-a-i-na-as-te. xliii. 21.

^ Bi-i-a. Of the land of Bias. xly. 1. Near Melazgherd.

V" Bi-a-ni. xxxvii. 8.

^ Bi-a .... lyi. i. 3.

Bi-bu-di-id. Vases. 1. 25.

Bi-dba-di-ba-ad |<«. Some kind of property belonging to slaves.
1. 18.

Bi-du-ni. Briests. xxx. 17 ; xliii. 60. See Barsudi-biduni.
>-£iyy Bi-ku-hu-ra-e-di. In the city of Bihuras (near Bowandiz).
lyi. iii. 9, 14. ^

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

691

Bi-kliu-ra-a-ni. The city of Bikhuras (perhaps the same as
Biknras). xli. 17, IS, 20.

>*yy Bi . . . hu (?)-kha-hu-ni-e. The city of Bi . . . ukhaus .
xxxviii. 44.

Bu-lu-si. Written . See pulusi.

--yy Bu-i-ni-(al-khi). {The inhabitants) of Buis (in Georgia),
xlix. 17. See al-khi-e .

Bu-ra-as. The court . xxxv.A. 7 Obv.-, xlv. 18 ; xlix. 17.
Bn-ra-as. xlv. 39.

Bu-ra-na-di. 1. 6.

Bur-ga-la-da. Temples, xxxi. 3, 11. Perhaps a compound of
bur (as in bums) and gala (as in gala%i).

Bur-ga-na-ni. Altar if), iii. 1, 2; y. 29, 79.

Bii-us-tu-hu-ni. The land of Bust us (adjoining Barsuas).
xxxix. 61. It is the Bustu of the Assyrians. See .p. 400.
Bu-us-tu-ni. xxxix. 21, 47 ; xl. 44.
Bu-us-tu-hu-e-di. (Loc.) xxxix. 36.

Bu-us-tu-e-di. xl. 53.

I Ba-a-da-ni. JDadas . xxxix. 32. A chief of Barsuas or Bustus*
y Ba-di~ka-i. Of the race of JDadis . Apparently the same as

Badas. xxxix. 5.

^ Ba-ki-hu-e-e-di-a. The people of JDakis (in Georgia), xlix. 14.

II S Ba- i-na-la-fci-ni-ni. The river of the Bainalatians (among

the Minnih xliii. 17.

^TT Ba-a-ra-ni. The city of Baras (near Erivan). xxxvi. 7.
y B id-a-hu-khi-ni-e-i . {The kingdom of) the son of Biases . xlv. 4 ;
xlvi. 17. The Bayaeni of the Assyrians, on the Murad Ohai,
near Melazgerd. See p. 399.

y Bi-a-hn-e-khi-ni-i. xxx, 19.
y Bi-a~hu-khi~ni-e. xlv. 34.
y Bi~i~a-hu-e-khi. (Ace.) xxx. 13.
y Bi-a-hu-e-khi. xxx. 7; xxxvii. 6; xlv. 17; xlvi. 4.
y Bi-i-a-hu-khi. xlvi. 13.

y Bi-a-hu-e-khi-ni-e-di. (Loc.) xxx. 2 ; xxxvii. 6.

692

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

V" | Di-a-hu-e-khi-ni-di. xlv. 23.

f Di-a-hu-khi-ni-s. (Nom.) xl v. 19.

Hi-di-ni-e. The land of Tidinis (N.W. of Lake Yan). sly. 2.

->f Di-e~du-a~i-ni-e. To the god Diduainis , v. 40.

Hf- Di-du-a-i-ni-e. v. 7.

Di-du-li-ni. After the . . . xvi. 3. The name of the god Didn-
ainis (‘belonging' to the people of Didid ), -which is followed at
Meher-Kapussi by the name of the Moon-god, is from the
same root. Perhaps the word means ‘ night.’

Di-ru-si-i-e. To the . . . (Dat. pi. of adj. in -sis), v. 13, 50.

->f . . . di-ra-hu-e. To the god . . . dir as. v. 19, 57*

Du~n. A monument, li. 3. See TJdu.

Lu-ha-bi. I destroyed. xxxv.A. 6 Obv. ; xxxvii. 6; xxxviii. 36;
xxxix. 1 ; xliii, 2.

Dn-bi. xxxv. A. 8 Obv. ; xxxYii. 5 ; xxxviii. 35 ; xli. 4 ;
xliii. 23 ; xlv. 10, 15, 39, 40 ; xlvi. 16.

Du-da-i-e. lie destroys, xix. 14, 16; xx. 12; xxi. 12;
xxxy.A. 36 Rev. ; xliv. 7 ; Ivi. iii. 4.

Du-da-e. xix. 17; xx. 12; xxviii. 5; xxx. 31; xxxi.
25, 26, 27; xxxiv. 17; xlYiii. 15, 18; 1. 36.

Du-da. xxii. 9 ; xxxiii. 24 ; 1. 36.

--yf Du-ka-ma-a-i-di. Into the city of Tuhamas (in Barsnas).
xxxix. 8.

Du-nr-ba-ni. Coupled with sisuhhani. xlvi. 14.

Diiris in S'ari-duris. Perhaps ‘ given 9 or 4 servant.’ Comparing
e-uris and giss~uris we find the root to be d-.

Du-ru-a-i-ni. lv. 10. Doubtful reading.

Du-si-si-i-hn-li-ni. After the winter, y. 31, 83.

Du-tu. (Ace. pi.) xxxi. 10.

DH.

jT^y^Dha-ni-si-i. Some class of persons, li. iii. 4.

Dha-ni-e-si-i. xlviii. 27.

^ Dha-ir-tsn-bi. The land of Lhairtsubi (?). xxxvii. 25.

Dha-ri-khi-ni. The inhabitants, xvi. 2. The stem dharu is here
weakened to dha/ri.

Dha-ru-khi-ni-i. xxxvii. 12.

V* Dhu-a-ra-a-tsi-ni-e-i. The chief (?) of the land of Thmrus.
xliii. 12. See p. 436. Perhaps we should read Dhu-e - for Thu-a-.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

693

Dhu-ra-ni-i-e. To the god of Thuras . y. 5, 37, Probably
the same district as Dhuaras.

-Jziy dhu-ra-a-ni, xxxii. 6.

m 3}hu-lu-(hu)-ri-(ni), A palace, xiii. 1.

>=11 H Bh -ri-a. The people of the palace, xliii, 75.

Dhn-me-is-ki. Of the city DhumesMs (near Malatiyeh). 1.28,

>-£^1 Bhu-me-is-ki-ni-ka-i. Of the clan of Dhumeskts .

L 11.

-Jiyy Bhu-us-pa-(a)-e ^Sljy. Dhuspas (Tosp, the modern Van)*
xx. 8 ; xxii. 6 ; xxvi. (1,) 7 ; xxyi. (2,) 6 ; xxxiii. 21 ; xlyiii.
8 ; li. iii. 1 ; lii. We should probably read Lhmpaelnmni
‘the city of Tosp.’ This was distinguished from the inanhla
or city of the rock subsequently built and fortified by Argistis
and Sariduris II.

>^yy Dhu-us-pa-a ^yy. xxvii. 14; xxix. 12; xxxvi.
10 ; 1. 34 ; lyi. i. 4, iv. 6.

-^y Bhu-us-pa. xxxy. 9.

Bhu-us-pa-ni-na-hii-e To the god of the

Tospians. y. 14.

^ Bhu-us-pa-na- hu-e To the god of Tosp .

y. 53.

Dhu-us-pu-a. To the Tospian god. v. 21.

E-ba-a-ni-i-e. Countries, xxx. 25, 26 ; xxxviii. 41 ; xxxix.
9 ; xl. 1 7, 43. See -ni-e.

\ A E-ba-ni-e. xxxiii. 8, 9 ; xxxvii. 17 ; xlv. 37.

V s E-ba-a-ni. xxx. 9 ; xl. 58 ; xlix. 5 ; Iv. 16.

E-ba-ni. xxxyi. 6 ; xxxy. A. 9 Oby, ; xlix, 12.

V s - E-ba-a-ni-i-e-di. Into the land, xxxix. 56,

^ E-ba-ni-e-di. xxxix. 11; xliii. 53; xlix. 5.

V s E-ba-a-ni-a. The people of the land . xxxii. 3;

xliii. 4.

E-ba-ni-a. xxxix. 13.

E-ba-na. xlix. 26.

"a/ E-ba-a-ni-a- tsi~e. The chief (?) people of the land ,

xlix. 19. At - v;V. ; \ : V

694

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAH.

E-ba-ni-a-tsi-e-di-ni. xxx. 28.

V" E-ba-ni-e-da-e-di-ni. People of the (three) lands, xlv.8.
V" E-ba-ni-hu-ka-ni. The race of the land, xxxix. 7, 31.
V" E-ba-ni-hu-ki. Part of the land, xxxix. 1, 25.
E-ba-ni-bu-ki-e-di. (Loc.) xlv. 10.

E-ba-ni-ki-di. 1. 27. (This form, when compared
with tbe preceding, proves that -u is an adjectival
suffix which may be omitted without injury to the
sense).

< A E-ba-ni-na-hu-e To the god of the land.

v. 18, 56.

E-ba-hu-si-i-e. Belonging to the land (dat. ph). xi. 5,
This adjective is formed from eh as, instead of the
derivative eba-nis.

The Iban of Kedrenos (p. 394) may be ebanis rather than
Biainas.

(\ A ) E-di-a-ni. The land (or city ?) of Edias (in Georgia), xlix. 14.

. . . e-gu-du-da-a. liv. 5.

E-ha. This . v. 25, 73; xiii. 3 ; xliii. 16, 78; xlviii. 29.

E(?)-ka-ar-su. Of the city Ekarsus (near Mush). xxxv.A.
5 Obv.

E-ld(?)-ma(?)~ni. xliii. 76. Perhaps s offerings.’

E-li-a-ba-a. To the god Eliahas. v. 16.

E-li-e-ha-a. v. 54.

E-li-ip-ri-i-e. To the godElipris. v.41. See Ipris and Lutipri.

E-li-ip-ri-e. v. 8.

E-ra-dha-da-hu-ni. The city of Eradhadaus (bordering on
tbe Minni). xxxix. 58.

-^y E-ra-dha-da-e-hu-da xxxix. 58.

V s E-ri-a-i-ni. The country of Eriais. Iv. 11.

y E-ri-a-khi. The son of Erias (king in Georgia), xxxiv. 2 ;
xliii. 48 ; xlv. 36 ; xlvii. 3.
y E-ri-ya-khi. xxxiv. 8.
y E-ri-a-khi-ni-ni-e. xxxvii. 11.

E-ri-da-bi(P). xlvi. 18.

-^y E-ri-di-a-ni. The city of Eridias. v. 16. See Irdiya.

y E-ri-me-na-khi-ni-s. The son of Erimenas (Eusas of Yan). lii.
y E-ri-me-na-a-khi. lii.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

695

►jp E-ri-na-a. To the god Trims, v. 10, 43.

E-ri-nu-i-di. Into the land of Brims . xxix.B. 2. Perhaps
the island of Aghthamar.

E-si. Laws . xxi. 2 ; xxxv.A. 8 Oby. ; xlv. 22, 40*

E-si-i. liv. 7.

E-si-ni-e. Regulations, inscriptions, xxxi. 25.
E-si-i-ni-e. xix. 15.

E-si-i-ni. xxviii. 4.

E-si-ni. xxi. 5 ; xxix.B. 6 ; xxxiv. 11 ; liv. 4.
E-si-ni-ni. (Adj. in -nis.) xliv. 12.

E-si-a. Lawgivers , governors, xlv. 17.

E-si-e-ya-ni. Ivi. i. 6, iii. 4.

E-ti-hu-ni. The land of Etius (Georgia). xliii. 34.

E-ti-hu-ni-ni. The land of the Etiuians. xxxvh 2 ;
xxxvii. 21 ; xxxviii. 25 ; xliii. 41 ; xlv. 28.
E-ti-hu-ni-i-e-di. (Loc.) xliii. 47.

E-ti-hn-ni-e-di. xlix. 13.

V" E-ti-hu-khi-ni. Sons of the land of Etius. xxxvii. 22.

E-ti-hu-khi-ni-da. xxxi. 3, 12.

\ A E-ti-hu-khi-na-e-di . In the land of the sons of Etius .
xxxi. 7.

E-u-ri-i-e. To the lord(s). xii. 4; xlviii. 1. From a root e (ep.
giss-uris). Interchanges with >~JJ, which see.

E-hu-ri-i-e. x. 7 : xvii. 2 ; xxvi. 3 ; xxvii. 2 ; xxix. 2 ;
lii.

E-hn-ri-e. v. 1, 32.

Ga-la-zL Altars (?). xi. 4. Comp, hir-gdada. For the termi-
nation cf. armuzi.

Gar-bi-e. Stones . xxxii. 7. See karhie , Correct
( karbis ), p. 421.

Gar-bi. xxxvii. 26 ; xxxix. 62.

Ga-ri-ni. xxxix. 62. Should perhaps be read marini.
Ga-su-li-(?na). Ivi. i. 9.

Gi-e-i-is. Images, v. 28, 77. The nominative pi. seems here to
have taken the place of the acc.

Gi-e-i. (Acc. pi.) xiii. 2; xliv. 11.

Gi-e-i-si-da. Place of images, iii. 1, 2.

696

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

& Gis-la-a-i-e and gis-la-a-e* Of the mother, xxiii. 1.
Gis-su-hu-ri-e. To the mighty (dat. pi.), lii.

Gis-su-ri-i-e. xxxix. 46; xliii. 11, 33.

Gis-sti-ri-e. xxx. 1 ; xxxi. 6 ; xxxiii. 2 ; xxxiv. 1 •

xxxvi. 1, 3; xxxvii. 17; xxxviii. 5, 7, 25, 51-
xxxix. 20 ; xl. 15, 42, 67 ; xliii. 70 ; xlv. 27, 80 ;
xlvi. 2 ; xlix. 1,3; 1. 1 ; Iv. 1.

Gis-su-ri-i. xxx. 3 ; xxxi. 8 ; xxxiii. 5 ; xxxiv. 4 •

xxxvii. 19; xxxviii. 27; xxxix. 4, 29, 54; xl. 83,
52 ; 1. 4.

Gis-su-ri. xlvi. 9 ; L 17.

Gi-is-hu-rhe. v. 78.

Gi-is-hu-ri. v. 28.

. . . gu-di. vii. 3.

Gu-li. After dusk (?). v. 26, 74.

V s Gu-lu-ta-a-khi-kha. The land of Gulutakhihhas (on the Araxes).
xlv. 36.

Gu-nu-sa-a. For a spoil . xxx. 8 ; xxxvii. 26 ; xxxix. 63 ; xliii.
40, 75; xlix. 14, 16, 17; 1. 20.

Gu-nu-hu-sa-a. xxxviii. 14.

Gu-nu-sa. liii. 5.

Gu-nu-se. (Pi. acc.) xliii. 16, 78.

f<« Gu-nu-si-ni-i. Slaves . xlix. 20, 24, 27.
Gu-nu-si-ni-i. xlix. 10.

Gu-nu-si-ni-e. xxxvii. 34 ; xlvi, 19.

Gu-nu-si-ni. 1. 17.

Gu-nu-si-ni-ni. 1. 18.

XX Gu-hu-pa-a-ni. The land of Gupas (near Pain), xxxiii. 10.
Gu-pa-ni. xxxiii. 4.

aX Gur-ku-hu-e. Of the land of Gurhus (bordering on the Minni).
xliii. 13.

Gu-ru-khu. Wild lulls {?). Ivi. ii. 3.

Gu-ru-khe. Ivi. iv. 2.

Gu-si-i. Of bronze (?). 1. 25.

Ha-a-kha-a-hu. Chariots . xxx. 20.

Ha-a-li. For sacrifice, v. S, 35, 81, 82, 83. Ideograph

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

697

Ha-al-du-bi. I changed , removed . xxx. 15 ; xxxvii. 8, 11 ; xxxviii.
16; xl. 55; xlv, 18; xlix. 18; 1. 13. Compounded of hal
‘ sacrifice 7 and du for tu 6 bring away. 7

Ha-al-tu-bi. xxxiv. 13; 1. 26. For tbe interchange of
d and t see p. 427. Perhaps, however, hdlduM is
compounded with du £ destroy 7 rather than tu.
Compare zaduali and mtuali.

Ha-al-du-hn-ni. He changed . xxxiii. 16.

Ha-na-ap-sa-e. To the god Hanapsas . v. 7, 40.

Ha-a-rat-ni. The city of liar at (near Malatiyeh). 1. 29.

| Ha-ar-si-ta-ni. Harsitas (Assur-dan of Assyria), xxxviii. 52.
-4- Ha-a-ru-ba-a-ni-e. To the god Harubanis. v. 59.

. 4 - Ha-a-r u-ba-i-ni-e . v. 21.

Ha-se. Men. xxxviii. 43 ; xlv. 12.

Ha-se y<«. xlix. 9, 19.

Ha-a-se. xl. 59.

Ha-se. xxxvii. 22, 26, 30 ; xxxviii. 18 ; xxxix. 59, 64;
xli. 7; xliii. 26, 40, 50, 80 ; xlix. 23; 1. 20; Iv. 14.
I Ha-za-i-ni-e. Hazas (Aza in the Assyrian texts), king of the
Minni in the time of Argistis. xl. 73.

| Ha-za-ni. liv. 1.

For HU see under U.

I-bi-ra-a-nL Men (?). xxx. 18.

I-bi-ra-ni. xix. 1 1 .

^ Id . . ku ... a-hu-ni-e-di. In the city of Id . . 1m . . amis .
xxxvii. 29.

I-e-s. Which , what. xx. 14; xxii. 10; xxx. 32; xxxi. 30;
xxxiv, 19; xxxv. A. 9 Rev.; xiiv. 10; xlviii. 20. See t-hu.

I-ga-a-e. Of the land of Ig as (N.W. of Lake Tart), xlv. 39.
I-ga-ni-ni. The land of Iganis. xxxvii. 1 1 .
I-kn-hu-ka-a-ni. A series of goods , property, xxxii. 3.

I-ku-ka-a-ni. xxxvii. 5, 24 ; xlviii. 28 ; xlix. 22.
I-ku-ka-ni. xxxviii. 40; xxxix. 8, 33 (60?); xliii. 43,
81 ; xlviii. 30 ; xlix. 13 ; 1. 12 ; li. iii. 5.
X-ku-ka-ni-e-di-ni. Men of property, li. 4.

698

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OP TAN.

I-na-a-i-ni. A ' city . xxxvii. 2 . ‘ city ’ may be connected

•with inus * a rock-chamber.’

I-na-a-ni. Ivi. iii. 5.

I-na-i-ni-e. xxi. 15.

I-na-i-ni. xx. 18; xxii. 13; xxviii. 11 ; xxx. 35;
xxxiii. 27 ; xxxiv. 23; xliv. 19; xlviii. 23.

I-na-ni. xx. 18; xli. 15; xlix. 11; 1. 40.

I-na-a-ni-da-e. The place of the city , the capital (i.e. the
new upper town built on the rock of Yan by Argistis,
as opposed to the old lower town of Tosp ; cp. Greek
tlarv and 7 76 X 19 ), xl. II . 1 * *

I-na-ni-e-da. xxxix. 45.

I-na-ni-da. xxxvii. 16 ; xxxviii. 3, 24, 50 ; xxxix. 19;
xl. 41, 66 ; xli. 11 ; xliii. 10, 32, 69 ; xlix. 18, 29.
I-ni-i. This (always precedes its noun except in lv. iii. 10).
xxxiii. 12 .

I-ni. iv., xiv., xv., xvii. 3, 5 ; xix. 2 ; xx. 10 ; xxi. 2,
10 ; xxii. 2, 7, 10; xxiii. 2; xxiv. 5; xxv. 3;
xxvi. 4; xxvi. (2,) 3 ; xxvii. 3 ; xxviii. 3; xxix. 3;
xxix.B. 9; xxx. 29; xxxi. 21, 26; xxxiii. 22;
xxxv. 3 ; xxxv.A. 2 Eev. ; xxxvii. 1 ; xliv. 4 ;
xlviii. 2 , 16; 1. 35 ; li. 3 ; Iii., liv. 7; lv. 17; Ivi.
iii. 10 .

I-ni-li. After this . v. 2 , 33 ; x. 8 ; xvii. 4 ; xviii. 3 .

I-ni-da. Here. xx. 2 , 12 ; xxi. 12 ; xxii. 9; xxx. 31;
xxxi. 27 ; xxxiii. 24; xxxiv. 17 ; xxxv.A. 6 Eev. ;
xliv. 7 ; xlviii. IS; 1. 36.

1 M. Guyard believes inanida to signify 4 spoil,’ and would translate the stereo,
typed phrase : inanida arniusinida y>^ X zaduni 4 the spoil and tribute in one

year X has made.’ Da is used to form abstracts, and as the phrase occurs at the
end of the account of a campaign and an enumeration of the booty carried of in
the course of it, it would seem naturally to be a summing up of what had been
done. Moreover, in xlix. line 29 appears to be parallel to line 26. The
repetition of the statement that the king had built the citadel of Yan is un-
meaning, and arniusinida could easily be derived from the root ar 4 to bring.’
If the interpretation of M. Guyard is adopted, inani in the execration formula
would signify 4 property.’ On the other hand, zadu means properly 4 to build,’
and arnuyada seems to be 4 castles.’ But the expression alusi inani , parallel to
aluH Dhuspae , in lvi. iii. 5, really settles the question. See also xlix. 11. We

must further remember that -ni is the phonetic complement of

that the root of in as and inus is probably the same, while no verb from a root tn,
signifying 4 to spoil ’ or 4 carry away,’ has been found in the inscriptions. In the
execration formula the ascending scale is naturally: the offender himself —his
family— his name— his city. Por his 4 property’ to come at the end, instead of
‘city,’ would be an anti-climax.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

639

a A 1-nu-h.u-a-si. Belonging to the land oflnms (near'Bowandiz). lvi.

I-nu-a-na-hu-e. To the god oflnms . v. 23, 66.
I-nu-ki. Bart of a chamber (better than: as a chamber ). iii. 1, 2.
I-nn-ka-a-ni. A series of tomb-chambers, xxi. 5.
I-nu-ka-ni. xliv. 1 1 .

I-nu-si-i-ni. Belonging to the chambers, xxi. 3.
Ip-pu-bu-e. The inundator (a title of Teisbas). v, 4, 36.

Xp-tn-da-i-e. lie brings an inundation, xliv. 13. A com-
pound of ip and tu.

Xp-tn-li-i-e. After bringing an inundation . lvi. iii. 1 1 .
Ip-kha-ri-e. To the god Iphluiris. v. 22. Perhaps a com-
pound of ip.

Ipris in El-ip ns and Zutipris (-which is compounded with lutu
i women 5 ). Comparing euris, gissuris , dims, we find the root
to be ip ‘ to inundate. 5 Lutipris will be ‘ women-floocling. 5
Ir-da-ni-u-ni. The city of Irdanius (near Erivan). xlvii. 4.
Ir-di-ya. The city of Irdiy a. v. 54. See E-ri-di-a-ni.
Ir-du-a-ni. The city of Ir duas (capital of Edias in Georgia),
xxxviii. 42.

a A Ir-ki . . . The land of Ir-ld . . . (perhaps the same as the next),
xxx vii. 31.

Xr-ki-hu-ni-ni. The land of the Irlciuians (among the Minni).
xl. 18, 35.

| Xr-ku-a-i-ni-i. Of Irhiainis (prince of Irvias). xlix. 15.
Ir-ma-a-ni. The city of Irmas (in Georgia), xlix. 16.
Xr-xnu-si-ni-e. To the god of Irmusis. v. 9, 41.

^TT Ir-hu-i-a-ni. The city of Irvias (in Georgia), xlix. 15.
f Is-lu-bu-ra-a-ni. I&luburas. xxxviii. 41.

"1*^ Is-ki-gu-lu-hu-e. Of the land of Iskigulus (near Kalinsha).
xliii. 43 ; xlvii. 5.

Is-pu-hu-i-hu-bi. I overmastered , xxxix. 24.

| Is-p u-hu-i-ni-s. Ispuinis or Isbuims ( the lordly,’ the
son of Sarduris I.). iii. 1, 2; iv. ; v. 1, 32, 25, 70,
27, 75, 28, 78.

y Is-pu-hn-i-ni-e. lvi. i. 7, ii. 5, iv. 4.
f Xs-pu-hu-i-ni. v. 24, 68.

I Is-pu-hu-i-ni-ni, xxxi. 3.

y Is-pn-hu-i-ni-e-khi-ni-e-s. The son of Ispuinis. xix. 2 ;
xx. 2.

700

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

| Xs-pu-hu-i-ni-e-khi-ni-s. y. 79.

I Xs-pu-hu-i-ni-khi- ni-s. y. 2, 33, 25, 70, 27, 75, 29*
vii. 7; ix. 1, 3; x. 7; xiii. 1, 3; xiy.; xv.; xvii. 3;
xviii. 2 ; xxi. 1 ; xxii. 2 ; xxiv. 4 ; xxv. 2 ; xxvi. 2 ;
xxvi. (2,) 2 ; xxvii. 5 ; xxxii. 1.

I Is-pu-hu-ni-khi-ni-s. xx. 9.
y Is-pu-u-ni-khi-ni-s. xx. 2, 9 ; xxix. 5.
y Xs-pu-u-ni-khi-ni-i-s. xxxy. 2.
y Is-pu-hu-i-ni-e-khi-ni. y. 24, 68.
y Is-pu-hu-i-ni-khi-ni-e. xxxiy. 12.
y Is-pu-hu-i-ni-e-khi. xx. 6; xxvii. 10; xxx. 5; xxxiii.
7 ; xxxiy. 6.

y Is-pu-hu-i-ni-e-khe. xxyi. 5 ; xxyi. (2.) 4; xxxiii. 18.
y Is-pu-u-i-ni-e-khi. xxix. 9.
y Is-pu-hu-i-ni-khe. Ivi. i. 5, ii. 6.
y Is-pu-hu-i-ni-khi. xxxi. 10.
y Is-pu-u-i-ni-khi. xxxy. 6.
y Is-pu-u-ni-khi. xx. 6.

y (Is-pu-i-)ni-ka-i. To the race of Ispuinis. vi.C. 1.
Is-ti, For this . xliii. 15.

Is-ti-cli. (Loc.) 1. 21.

Is-ti-ni-e. To these . xxxyii. 16; xxxviii. 3, 23, 49;
xxxix. 18 ; xl. 10, 40, 65 ; xli. 10 ; xliii. 9, 31, 68;
xlix. 28.

Is-ti-ni-i-e. xxxix. 44.

Is-ti-ni-i. xliii. 76.

Is-ti-ni. xiii. 2; xxxyiii. 35, 36 ; xxxix. 6; 1. 7, 21.
Is-ti-ni-ni. Belonging to them . xix. 6 ; xxi. 7, 9 ; xxxi.
14; xxxyiii. 43; xxxix. 59, 64; xl. 59; xliii. 26,
40, 80; xlix. 9, 19, 23.

Is-ti-ni-hu-e-di-a. The people lielonging to them. xxxi. 15.
I-hu. Thus, xxxii. 2 ; xli. 13, 17 ; li. iii. 3 ; lyi. ii. 4, iv. 3.
See i-e-s.

I-hu-da-i-e. He undoes. Ivi. iii. 3. For tiudage with, the dental
dropped.

I-hu-da-e. xxxi. 28.

V" I-ya-a-ni-ni. The land of lyanis (bordering on the Minni).
xxxix. 47, 56.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

701

Ka-a-di. In battle. I. 11.

Xa-a-i-hu-kid. In battle or with arms. xxx. 18.

Xa-hu-ki-e. 1. 23.

Ka-la-ha-ni. 1. 13.

Ka-am-na~a. JPossessmis (ace. pi.), six. 19.

Xa-am-ni-ni. Belonging to the possessions, vii. 4.

^ Xar-ni-si-e. The land of Kar-nisi (Assn. ‘ fort of the men’) on
the Hittite border. 1. 18.

Ea-a-ru-ni. Who have given (dat. pi.), xxxiii. 3. See hi-rn-ni .
Xa-ru-hu-ni. xl. 32, 43, 44.

Xa-ru-ni-e. xxxiii. 2; Iv. 2.

Ka-ru-ni. xxxiv. 2; xxxTi. 2; xxxvii. 17; xxxviii. 5,
6, 25, 26, 52, 53 ; xxxix. 4, 21, 47 ; xl. 16, 18, 68 ;
xliii. 12, 13, 34, 71, 72; xlv. 28; xlvi. 3, 5; xlix.
1; 1 . 1 .

| Xa-tar-za-e. Of Katarms, a Georgian prince (called Xudhurzas

by Argistis ; see Ku~dhur-za~ni-i-ni). xliii. 48 ; xlv. 35.

I Ka-tar-za-a. xxxi. 11.

| Xa-tar-za-ni-i-e-di. In the {land) of JTatarzas. xxxi. 6.
Xa-hu-ri. Of the land of the Kauians (near Malatiyeh). 1. 7.
Probably the Xue of the Assyrians; see p. 647.
Xid-da-nu-hu-da. xxxii. 4.

Xi-da-nu-bL xxxix. 30.

Xi-ri. xxxviii. 17. The reading is doubtful.

Xu-hu-dha-a-di. On departing, xxxvii. 32.

Xu-dha-i-a-di. xliii. 49; xlv. 1.

Xu-dha-a-di. xxxvii. 7, 10, 21, 28, 36 ; xxxviii. 17 ;

xxxix. 40 ; xl. 36, 56 ; xli. 6 ; xliii. 25 ; xlix. 5.
Xu-dhu-hu-bi. I departed, xxx. 10.

Xu-clhu-bi. xxix.B. 4 * xlv. 38 ; 1. 13, 14 ; liii. 7.
Xu-dhu-ni. lie departed, xxxiii. 10.

Xu-hu-i-gu-hu-ni. He wrote, engraved, xxvii. 6 ; xxix. 6.
Ku-i~gu-ni. xxxiii. 12.

Xu-gu-ni. xxvi. 4 ; xxvi. (2,) 3 ; xlviii. 3.

Ku-i-gu-bi. I ivrote. lvi. iii. 8.

Xu-gu-bi. vi.B. 2.

V" Xu-la-si-ni. The land of Kulasis (near Bustus). xxxix. 5.
Xu-ul-me-he. Strongholds, xliii. 18.

702

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

Ku-lu-di. In the district, Ivi. iii. 9, 14.

(?) Ku-lu-a-i. Of the land (?) of Kuluais. Ivi. i. 7.
Ku-ri-e-da. Gifts (abstract from root hum i to give ’ ). xxx. 14
1. 24.

Ku-ru-hu-ni. The givers (dat. pL). xl. 33 ; xlvi. 8. See
haruni.

Ku-ru-ni. xix. 5 ; xxx. 3, 4 ; xxxi. 7, 8 ; xxxiii. 4, 5 ;
xxxiv. 4, 5 ; xxxvi. 3 ; xxxvii. 19 ; xxxviii. 7, 27 ;
xxxix. 29, 54; xl. 51, 52; xliii. 36, 73; xlv. 29,
30 ; xlvi. 9 ; xlix. 2, 3 ; 1. 4.

V s Eu(?) . . ru-pi-ra. (The first character may be lu.) xxxvii. 28.

KEL

Kha-i-di-a-ni. Workmen (?). li. 6. A derivative in -a and -di
from root hhai.

Ivba-i-ti-ni. Monument (?). xvi. 4.

Kha(?)-a-i-ti(?). xvi. 6.

Kha-a-i-tu-hu. Monuments (?). xxxii. 4.

Kha-i-la-a-ni. The .... xl. 74.

Edm-i-m. A possession if'). Ivi. ii. 3.

Xha-khi-a-hu-e-e- di-a. The people of Khahhias. xxxviii. 43.
>~>f Khal-di-i-s. Khaldis (the supreme god of Yan). xxviii. 7 ;
xliv. 14. Also written Aldis, which see.

-A Khal-di-is. xlviii. 26 ; li. iii. 2.

Ehal-di-s. xix. 9, 18; xx. 15; xxi. 10; xxii. 11 ;
xxx. 33 ; xxxi. 30 ; xxxiii. 25 ; xxxiv. 20 ; xxxv.
11 Rev.; xli. 13; xlviii. 21; 1. 38 ; li. 10; Ivi.
iii. 13.

Khal-di-i-e-i. Of Khaldis. xxiv. 7 ; xxvi. 3.
Khal-di-i-e. xii. 4 ; xvi. 6 ; xvii. 2 ; xxvii. 1 ;
xxix. 1; xlviii. 1.

*->f - Khal-di-e. v. 1, 32, 3, 34, 35, 4, 36, 27, 76, 30, 81,

31, 82; yii. 1; x. 1; Iii.; Ivi. ii. 2.

Khal-di-i. x. 2 ; xix. 5 ; xxx. 3 ; xxxi. 7 ; xxxvi.
2; xxxvii. 19; xxxviii. 7, 27; xxxix. 4, 29, 54; xl.

32, 51; xliii. 36, 73; xlv. 29; xlviii. 8; 1. 4.

Xhal-di. x. 1; xvi. 3; xvii. 4; xviii. 3; xxxiv.
4; xliii. 15, 76, 78 ; xlix. 2; Iii.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

703

->f- Khal-di-*. xix. 7.

-jJf- Khal-di-i-ni. viii. 4; xxxvii. 17 ; xxxviii. 5, 29 ;
xl. 33 ; 1.1.

Khal-di-ni. v. 12, 49, 13, 50, 17, 54, 20, 58, 24,
67, 25, 73 ; xi. 5 ; xxx. 1, 3, 6 ; xxxi. 5, 8 ; xxxiii.

1, 5 ; xxxiv. 4, 7 ; xxxv. 1; xxxvi. 1, 3; xxxvii.
19; xxxviii. 7, 12, 25, 27, 51 ; xxxix. 4, 20, 29,
46, 54 ; xl. 14, 42, 52, 67 ; xliii. 11, 33, 51, 70 ; xlv.

29, 30, 32 ; xlvi. 1,9; xlix. 1 ; 1. 4 ; lvi. iii. 7.
Ivhal-di-ni-e. Iv. 3.

->jf- IOial-di-i-ni-ni. To the {gods) belonging to Elialdis.
xvii. 1 ; xxv. 1 ; xxvii. 7 ; xxix. 7 ; xxx. 4 ; xxxvii.

19 ; xl. 34, 70, 81; li. 1, iii. 1, 7.

->f- Khal-di-ni-ai. v. 17, 54 ; vi.A. 1 ; viii. 2; xiii. 1 ,
xviii. 1; xix. 1; xx. 1, 4; xxii. 1, 4; xxiv. 1;
xxvi. 1 ; xxxii. 1 ; xxxiii. 6, 17 ; xxxiv. 5 ; xxxv.
5; xxxvi. 4, 7; xxxviii. 7, 15, 28; xxxix. 5, 23,

30, 48, 55; xl. 21, 46, 52; xli. 12, 16; xlii. 1,
xliii. 36, 73; xlv. 30; xlvi. 10; xlvii. 1 ; xlviii. 4;
xlix. 3, 6; 1. 32; Iii.; IHi. 1; lv. 1.

Khal-di-e-di-e. (Loo.) 1. 8.

Khal-di-e-di. xxxvii. 23; xxxix. 2, 26; xl. 2o,
47, 75 ; xliii. 20, 44 ; xlvi. 24.

»>Jf- Khal-di-di. xxxvii. 3 ; xxxviii. 8, 38; xxxix. 50;

xii. 2.

Khal-di-i-a. To the people of Khaldis. xlix. 28.
Khal-di-a. xxxvii. 16 ; xxxviii. 3, 23, 49; xxxix.
18, 44 ; xl. 10, 40, 65, 75 ; xli. 10; xliii. 9, 68. .

Khal-di-na. The land of Khaldis. x. 4; xi. 3;
xvL 2, 4, 5, 6.

>->f- Khal-di-na-ni. xi. 2 ; lvi. iii. 2.

>->f- Khal-di-na-hu-e. To the god of the land of Khalits.
v. 7, 40, 13, 50, 16, 54.

►JL Khal-di-ka. To the race of Ehaldis. lvi. n- 4.

Kbal-di-ni-da-si-i-e. To the god of the place of
Khaldis. v. 15, 54.

ha-al-di-ri-(ul?)-kM. The city of the EhaUtnuhans if).

704

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

>~>f- Klial-ra-i-ni-e. To the god Khalrainis. v. 8, 41.

Eha-lu-li. vii. 2 ; x. 3.

Kha-na-li-ni. The city of Khanalis (in the neighbourhood of
Kowandiz). lvi. iii. 6.

>-34- Kha-ra-a. To the god Khar as. v. 11, 46.

Kha-ar-kha-a-ru. Tug up (ace. pi.), xli. 18.

IQia-ar-khar-ni- e-i. Excavated (adj. in -nis). xxi. 4.

The ‘excavated’ chambers in the rock of Yan have
given it its modern name of Khorkhor.

Kha- ar-khar-su-hu-bi. I dug up. xxxviii. 19 ; xxxix.
57 ; xlv. 7. Su here forms a causative conjugation
as in hha-su-bi.

Khar-kha-ar-su-bi . xxxviii. 44 ; xliii. 79 ; 1. 16.
Khar-khar-su-bi. xxxvii. 7 ; xl. 58 ; xlix. 8, 23.
Xhar~kha,r-sa-bi-i- e-s. Tigging up (part. pres.), xli. 20.
Kha-a-si-al-me. May they male dwell in triumph (?). A word of very
doubtful meaning. Apparently a. compound of al ‘ inhabit ’
and hhasu i cause to possess.’ xl. 50 ; xliii. 23.
Kha-si-al-me-e. 1. 10.

Kha-si-al-me. xxxviii. 10, 40 ; xxxix. 3, 28, 52 ; xl. 29,
77 ; xli. 4.

Eha-su-bi. I caused to possess, xliii. 41. The causative in su of
khau-li : see hharhharsu-bi above.

Kha-a-te. {Land of) the Mttites. xxxviii. 5.

^ Kha-a-te-i-na-a. Of the land of the Mttites . xxxiii. 1 1 .
“V* Kha-ti-na-i-di. Into the land of the Mttites.
xxxviii. 12.

V* Kha-ti-na-a-tsi-e. Chief {?) of the land of the Mttites .
xxxviii. 15.

Kha-ti-na-as-ta-ni. Place of the land of the Mttites.
xxxii. 7.

Kha-at-ka-na-ni. The city of Khaikanas (near Eowandiz).
lvi. iv. 3. Called Athanas v. 19.

Kha-a-hu-bi. I conquered, possessed, xxxvii. 9, 25, 27, 31 ; xxxviii.
14, 41, 42 ; xxxix. 9, 56, 63 ; xli. 20 ; xliii. 40, 47.

Kha-hu-bi. xxx. 7, 8 ; xxxiv. 12, 19; xxxvii. 7, 12, 21,
26; xxxviii. 13, 14; xxxix. 38, 58; xl. 35, 54;
xli. 5; xliii. 3, 54, 75 ; xlv. (2,) 35; xlvii. 3, 4;

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

705

Eha-u-bi. liii. 5.

Kha-hu-ni. Who has conquered (acc.). xxxiii. 8 ? 10 ;
xxx vi. 6.

Xha-a-hu-da-i-e. He robs. xxi. 10.

Kha-hu-li-i-e. After conquering . Ivi. iii. 2. See Mmbi
and hhuada.

^IT Kha-a-za-a-ni. The city of Xhazas (near Malatiyeh). 1. 28.
| Khi-la-ru-a-da-ni. Xhila-ricadas (king of Malatiyeh). xxx viii.
6j^l. % 23. See pp. 403, 588.

I Khi-la-ru-a-da-a-i. (Genitive.) 1.19. The name may
also be read Khite-ruadas.

Khn-bi. I conquered, destroyed, xxxviii. 13; xl. 54. A con-
tracted form of hhau-bt.

Hhu-ii-a-da. Destroyed (local case), xx. 3.

Khu-a-da. xx. 3 ; xxi. 8,

Ebu-da-i-e. xxxi. 22.

Ebu-dhu. Portions, xliii. 12, 16, 78; xlviii. 28.

Khu-la-hu-e. Belonging to the "king. li. iii. 10. More probably
hhutehue; see hhutiadi.

Kliu-ra-a-di-e. Soldiers . xxxviii. 53.

Khu-ra-di-i-e. xxxix. 25.

Khu-hu-ra-di-i-a. Soldiery . xxx. 22.
Khu-ra-a-di-ni-da. Camp. xlvi. 15.
Kku-ra-di-ni-da y<«. Camps, xxxii. 4.

J^5y>- Xhu-ra-di-ni-da-hu-e-da. Site of the camp, xxxvii.
5 ; xxxix. 1.

Khu-ra-di-na-hu-e !<«• Belonging to the place of
the soldiers, xxxii. 10.

Khu-ru-la-a-i, For sacrifices (?). v. 74. Probably from the same
root as hhura-dis.

Khu-ru-la~i. v. 26.

Xhu-sa-ni. The land of Khmas (E. W. of Lake Yan). xxxvii.
8 ; xlv. 2.

Khu-su. Flesh, liv. 4.

Khu-su. xi. 4.

Khu-hu-si-e. Holy. xiv. ; xv.

Khu-ti-i-a-di. Among the king's people if), xlvi. 23. This will
be the mea nin g if hhutehue should be read instead of khulahm.
But ‘ by the help of ’ is also a possible signification, though
grammatically not very defensible.

706

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OP VAN.

Khu-ti-a-di. xxxvii. 3, 23; xxxviii. 8, 38; xxxix. 2,
26, 50 ; xl. 24, 47 ; xli. 2 ; xliii. 20, 44 ; 1. 7.

►CfT Khu-za-a-na-ni. The city of JThosmas (now Palu). xxxiii.
9. Khozanas is the modem province of Khozan.
Khn-za-na-a-ni, xxxiii. 3.

Ka a-ni. xxxviii. 18.

Ka-ah-ka-ru-hii-bi. I approached, xl. 80.

Xa-ab-ka-ri-da-ni . Place of approach, v. 25, 73.
Ka-ab-ka-ab-ru-li-ni. After approaching. 1. 22.
Ka-ab-ka-a-m-lu-hu-bi. I gave approach, xli. 17. Com-
pounded with lubi.

y Ka~bi , . . The son of Ealtul in the district K¥. of Lake Tan.
xlv. 16.

Ka-da-i-ni. The land of Kadais (ST.’W. of Lake Tan), xlv. 10.
>-JlYY Ka-du-ka-ni-hu~ni. The city of Eadukanius (in Eustus).
xxxix. 38.

Kar-bi-e. See gar-bi-e.

Ki-li-ba-ni. To the god Kilibanis. v. 18, 55.

| Ku-dhur-za-ni-i-ni. Belonging to Rudhurzis. xxxvii. 18. Also
called Katarzas, which see.

>->f Kn-hn-e-ra-a. To the god K uer as. v. 8, 40.

44~) Kn-e-ra. vi.A. 4.

^ X u-ul-bi-tar-ri-ni. The city of Rulbitarris (near Malatiyeh).
1. 30.

--yY Ku-ul-me-e. The city of Kidmes (near Mush). xxxv.A.
4 Qbv.

>~4~ Kn-me-nu-na-hn-e >~4~ * To the god of the land of Kumenus.
v. 14, 52.

La-ku-ni. They have given (?). v. 26. Possibly a softened form of
lahuni.

La-kn-ni. Who have given ; a present, xxxiv. 3 ; xxxviii. 26 ; xlvi.
6; xlix. 2.

La-e-ku-ni. 1, 3.

707

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

La-ku~hu-a-da. A present, xxxviii. 54; xl. 44.
La-e-ku-hu-a-da. xl. 19 ; xlv. 28.

La-e-ku-ku -a-da-e. xliii. 85.

La-ku-a-da. xxxvii. 18; xxxviii. 6; xxxix. 22, 48;
xliii. 14, 72.

La-la-ni (?). xxxiv. 10.

Lii-hu-bi I .... . 1. 18. See kahkam-lubi.

Lu-hu-e-se (?). Gifts (?). v. 27, 77.

Lu-nu-hu-ni-ni. The city of lummis (near Armavir),
xxxiv. 18, 14, 19.

V" Lu- . . ru-pi-ra. xxxvii. 28. The first character may be K u.
V" Lu-sa-a. Of the land of Zusas (in Greorgia). xxxi. 11.

V Lu-sa-e. xlv. 85, 88.

V* Ln-sa-i-ni-e-di. Into the land of the lusians. xxxi. 6.
'jV Lu-tu f<«. Women (acc. pi.), xlix. 9, 19, 24, 26; Iv. 14.

’jV Lu-tu. xxxvii. 22, 26 ; xxxviii. 18, 20, 43; xxxix.
35 ; xl. 59 ; xli. 7 ; xliii. 40, 50, 80 ; xlix. 28 ;
1. 20 ; liii. 6.

IE.

Ma. His, its. xxxvii. 26; see also xxxix. 62; xliii. 89. The
word is probably a misreading for mu. Of. note on p. 489.
--H Ma-ka-al-tu-ni. The city of Ifakaltus (NAY. of Lake Yan).
xxxvii. 11.

Ma-na. A maneh (borrowed from Assyrian), xlv. 20, 21, 24.
Ma-na-a. The land of the Minni (west of Lake Uruniiyeh).
xxxix. 40. See pp. 389, 400.

^ Ma-na-a-ni. xl. 43, 68, 80; xliii. 18.

a 4 " Ma-na-ni. xxxix. 47 ; xl. 16, 73 ; xliii. 34 ; xlix. 1 .

V s Ma-a-na-a-i-di. (Loc.) xxxii. 2 ; xxxix. 60.

Ma-na-i-di. xl. 35; xliii. 24, 38.

V* Ma-na-da-(?)~si-ra-ni. An uncertain word. xl. 74.
Ma-a-ni. Him. xix. 19; xx. 16; xxi. 13; xxx. 34; xxxiii. 26 ;
xxxiv. 21 ; xliv. 16; 1. 26, 38. See mei and manini.

Ma-ni. xxviii. 9; xlviii. 21.

--If Ma-ni-nu-hn-i. Of the city of Manims (near Malatiyeh).
1. 29.

708

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

Ma-nu-s. Each. v. 2, 34.

Ma-a-nu. xlix. 15. Cf. Ada-manu , JBaddi-manu.

Ma-nn. xxx. 17; xxxii. 10; xlix. 14, 17; (?L 6); 1. 20.
Ma-ni-ni. (Dat. pi.) v. 24, 67 ; xix. 6. The -word
may belong to met, mani, rather than to mams ,
Ma-nu-da-e. In each place, liv. 8.

Ma-ri-ni. xxxvii. 26. See gar ini.

V" Ma-ar-mu-hu-a-ni. The land of Marmuas (among the Hittites).
xxxviii. 18.

Ma-a-si-ni-e. To the powers, xxxviii. 51 ; xxxix. 46.
Ma-si-ni-i-e. xxxiii. 1 .

Ma-si-ni-e. xxxvii. 17 ; xxxviii. 25 ; xxxix. 20; xl. 15,
42, 67 ; xliii. 11, 33, 70; xlv. 27 ; xlvi. 2 ; xlix. 1;
Iv. 1.

Ma-si-ni. xxx. 1 ; xxxi. 5 ; xxxiv. 1 ; xxxvi. 1 ; xxxviii.
5 ; 1. 1.

Ma-a-si-ni-e~i-a-ni. Officers, xxx, 23.

Ma-si-ni-ya-ni. xlv. 26.

Ma-at-khi. Girls, xxxvii. 8 ; xxxviii. 16 ; xl. 56 ; 1. 14.
Me. Of him , of it. Ivi. iii. 4, 8.

Me-i. xx. 17, 18 ; xxi. 14, 15, 16 ; xxii. 12, 13 ; xxviii.
11 ; xxx, 34, 35, 36; xxxiv. 22, 23; xliv. 18, 19;
xlviii. 23, 24 ; 1. 39, 40; li. 5.

Me-e-s. Me. xxx. 16; xlv. 19, 22; xlix. 18.

Me-s. xlv. 40.

Me-i-a-da. The place of it. xlix. 11. [Possibly two
words, ‘ o£ it, and.’]

Me-da. liv. 5.

Me-e-si-ni. Mis, its. xxxiv. 14 ; 1. 26.

Me-si-ni. xxx. 15; xlv. 18; xlix. 17 ; Iv. 14.

Me-i-e-si. v. 31, 82.

Mu. Mis, its, their, xxxvii. 5, 14, 40 ; xxxviii. 21, 46;
xxxix. 33 ; xl. 2, 37 ; xli. 8, 11 ; xliii. 27, 32, 43 ;
xlviii. 28, 30; xlix. 13, 22; li. iii. 5. See ma.
Me-da- a-i-ni. Perhaps the name of a river, xxxviii. 17.
Me-la-a-i-ni. Iv. 10, 12.

Me-li-dha-i-e. Of the city of Malatiy eh. xxxiii. 16.
Me-li-dha-a-ni. xxxviii. 16; 1. 14, 22.

Me-li- dha-al-khi-e. The inhabitants of Malatiyek

1 . 2 .

u u

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OP TAN. 709

Me-e-lu-i-a-ni. The city of Meluias (near Malatiyeb). L 31.
yy Me-na-ab-sn-ni-e-di. Into the city of Membsu(ni)s (in Btisfcus).
xxxix. 8.

y Me-i-nu-hn-a-s. Menuas (son of Ispuinis). xxi v. 3 ; xxvii. 4.
y Me-i-nu-a-s. viii. 3.

y Me-nu-lm-a-s. v. 1, 32, 70, 27, 75, 29, 79; xxi. 6;

xxvi. (2.) 1; xxix. 4; xxx. 18.

I Me-nu-a-s. v, 25; yii. 7; ix. 1, 3; x. 7; xii. 1,3;
xiv. ; xv.; xvii. 2; xyiii. 2; xix. 1; xx. 1, 9;
xxii. 1, 7 ; xxv. 2; xxvi. 2; xxviii. 1 ; xxix.B. 10;
xxx. 6, 12, 29 ; xxxii. 1 ; xxxiii. 22 ; xxxiv. 7 ;
xxxv. 2 ; xxxv. A. 1 Bev. ; Ivi. i. 2.
y Me-nu-hu-a-i. Of Menuas. xxv. 4.

I Me-nu-a-i. xi. 4; xxii. 3.

I Me-nu-hu-a. xix. 6; xxxiv. 11, 15.
y Me-nu-a. v. 24, 68 ; xix. 9 ; Ivi. ii. 6.
y Me-i-nu-hu-a-ni-i . Belonging to Hernias . xxv. 6.
y Me-i-nn-hn-a-ni. xxvii. 9.
y Me-nu-a-i-ni-e-i. xxiii. 1.
y Me-nu-a-i-ni. xix. 12.

y Me-(i)-nu-a-ni. xx. 5 ; xxii. 4 ; xxvi. 5 ; xxvi.

4 ; xxix. 8 ; xxx. 5 ; xxxi. 9 ; xxxiii. 7, 18 ; xxxiv
6 ; xxxv. 6 ; Ivi. i. 4.

y Me-nu-a-ka-i. For the race of Menuas. xxxiv.
y Me-i-nn-hn-a-khi-ni-e-s . The son of Menuas .

53; xliii. 77; xliv. 2.

y Me-nu-a-khi-ni-e-s. xxxviii.il; xliii. 37
y Me-nu-a-khi-ni-s.

28, 44

710

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

Me-su-li. After the summer . y. 30, 82 ; vii. 4.

Me-tsi-el ... y. 31, 83.

Mu. See under me.

Mu-hu-i-du-li-i-e. After .... Ivi. iii. 10. Possibly a compound
of du and mui, which we find perhaps in the reduplicated
mumu-ni ; but the reading is uncertain.

Mu-mu-ni. The rich. xly. 23.

Mu-hu-mu-ni-ni. Belonging to the rich. lyi. i. 2.
Mu-mu-hu-i-ya-bi. I enriched, xli. 15.

Mu-mu-ya-a-bi. xi. 4.

Mu-na-a. Of the island (?). xxix.B. 4.

Y Mu-ru-ba .... A Georgian prince, xxxyii. 25.
Mu-ru-mu-ri-a-khi-ni. The children of ... . xli. 19.

"V s Mu-sa-ni-e. The land of Musanis (near Malatiyeh). 1. 15.

NT.

Na-ku-ri. Gifts (?). xxx. 15 ; 1. 24.

Na-kha-a-cli. On despoiling. H. iii. 4.

Na-kha-di. xlviii. 27.

Na-khu-bi. I despoiled . xxxi. 12; xlix. 9, 23, 26;
1. 24.

>-Jf- Na-la-i-ni-e. To the god JSTalanis {the god of Walas). y. 6, 38.
Na-a-ni. Perhaps for inani 1 city.’ xli. 19. More probably
ma-a-ni ‘it.*

Na-nu-da. li. 5.

Na-a-ra-a. To fire. xxii. 13; xxxiii. 28; xxxiv. 24.

Na-ra-a. xx. 18; xxi. 16; xxviii. 12; xxx. 36; xliv.

19; xlyiii. 24.

Na-ra. 1. 40.

NTa-ra-ni. With fire (lit. belonging to fire), xxxviii. 45.
NTa-ra-a-ni. xly. 9.

A Na-ra-a-hu-e. Of the land of War as. Iyi. iy. 5. The Yannic
form of the Assyrian Nahri {%. e. Southern Armenia and
Kurdistan).

NTa-a-hu-hu-se {i.e. nayuse). Horses, xly. 26. Better, /belonging
to horses,’ an adj. in - sis from name. See Ideographs No. 34.
Ni-ka-li. After .... x. 6 ; xii. 3.

Ni-ip-si-di. An epithet of Khaldis, formed by the suffixes ~&i and
~di. y. 3, 35.

^ ]Ni-ip-si-di~e. xix. 7.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

711

5-viy Ni-pnr-ri-(m). The city ofMpur (near Rowandiz). IvL iv. 7.
Ni-pu-ri-ni. lvi. i. 8, iv, 7.

V" Ni-ri-ba-i. Of the land of Niribas . xxxviii. 13. The Nirbu
of the Assyrians ; see p. 397.

Ni-ri-bi. The dead, v. 20, 58; xxi. 9; xlvi. 18; 1. 20; lvi. i.
9, 14.

--yy Ni-si-a (?)-du (?)-ru-ni. The city of Nmadurus (?). v. 20,
58.

>Cyy Ni-si-i-ni. The city ofJSTms. 1. 19. The capital of Rhila-
ruadas king of Malatiyeh.

Nu-hu-s. Queen (Icing), xxiv. 8.

Nu. King (acc.). xxxvii. 6.

Nu-a-di. Among the people of the Icing, xli. 13.
Nu-si. Royal . xxxvii. 12, 27 ; xxxviii. 14, 42 ;
xxxix. 9, 34; xliii. 39, 59; xlix. 14, 15, 16; 1. 19;
liii. 3.

Nu-la-da-e. liv. 10. Possibly ‘courtiers 7 quarters, 7 from mis,
with the suffixes -da and 4a, the latter being to 4i as -da to
-di and -m to - ni .

Nu-la-a-da. liv. 11.

Nu-la-da. liv. 6.

Nu-lu-us-tu-hu-bi. I ravaged . xxxviii. 42. A compound of in,
Nu-na-a-bi. I attached, xlix. 1 1 ; 1. 22.

Nu-na-bi. xxx. 13; xl. 80 ; lvi. iv. 4.

Nu-na-a-li. After attaching . lvi. ii. 5.
y Nu-nu-da-e. Of JTunudas. liv. 12. Apparently a chief of the
Seluians near Armavir.

Nu(?)-su. v. 26.

For PIJ see also HU, which is written in the same way.

Pa-kha-(ni). Winged bulls (?). xxi. 7.

^ Pa-khi-ni-e. Oxen, xxxviii, 48.

fcft Pa-khi -ni !<«• xxxviii. 1 ; xl. 39 ; xlix. 9, 14 ;

xliii. 8, 29, 66 ; xlv. 14, 21 ; xlix. 11.

^ Pa-khi-ni. xxxi. 17; xxxvii. 15; xxxviii. 22;
xxxix. 16, 43 ; xl. 7 ; xlviii. 29; xlix. 21, 24, 28.

712

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OP YAN.

V" Pa-la-i-ni. The land of Palais (in Georgia). ly. 8.

Pa-a-ri-e. Out of xxx. 10 ; xxxiii. 11 ; xxxvii. 10, 37 ; xliii. 49.
Pa-a-ri. xxxix. 40.

Pa-ri-e. xxxvii. 21; xl. 57 ; xliv. 1.

Pa-ri. x. 1; xxxvii. 8, 10, 22, 28, 32; xxxviii. 17; xl.
36; xli. 6, 19 ; xliii. 25 ; xlv. 38 ; xlvii. 5 ; xlix. 5;
1. 13, 14 ; liii. 7.

Pa-ru-hu-bi. I carried away . xxxix. 59 ; xl. 59, 62 ;

xlix. 21, 23, 27.

Pa-ru-bi. xxxi. 18; xxxvii. 15, 22, 26; xxxviii. 1, 22,
31, 48; xxxix. 17; xliii. 7, 26, 29, 40, 67, 81;
xlix. 9, 10, 19, 21, 26, 27, 28.

Pa-ar-tu-se. Captive . xlix. 12. A compound of par(u ) and tu.
Pi-e-i. The name . 1. 26.

Pi-i. xxx. 15; xxxiv. 14; xlv. 18; xlix. 17.
Pi-e-i-ni-e. xxxiii. 26 ; xliv. 17.

Pi-e-i-ni. xix. 19; xx. 17 ; xxi. 14 ; xlviii. 22.

Pi-e-ni. xxxi. 30; xxxiii. 17 ; xliii. 58 ; 1. 39.

Pi-i-ni. xx. 17 ; xxii. 12 ; xxx. 34 ; xxxiv. 21 ; li. 11.
Pi-ni. xxviii. 10; xxxviii. 17.

Pi-da-e. Memorial, xxii. 10; xxix.E. 7.

Pi-da. xxii. 2, 3 ; xxix.B. 9.

Pi-i-tu-hu-da-i-e. Me carries aivay the name . xxxv.A.

4 Eev. A compound of tu.

Pi-tu-da-i-e. xxx. 30; xxxiii. 23 ; xliv. 5; 1. 35.
Pi-tu-da-e. xx. 11; xxii. 8; xxxiv. 16; xlviii. 16.
Pi-i-tu-bu-li-i-e. After taking away the memory . xxi. 11,
Pi-i-hu-li-i-e. With the dental dropped. Ivi. iii. 12.
Pi-ur-ta-a-ni. Me has remembered (?). li. 5.

Pi-la-i (?) .... (among tbe Hittites). xxxviii. 17. Perhaps
we should read Pi-te-ra i Petbor.’

Pu-lu-hu-si. Written, xxvi. 4; xxvi. (2.) 3; xxvii. 3. See p.
675.

Pu-lu-si. vi.B. 2 ; xxviii. 3 ; xxxiii. 12 ; xlvii. 2.
Pu-ru-da-ni. The place of sacrifice if), xix. 8. Compare huras.
>-JZyy Pu-te-ri-a-ni. The city of Puterias (now Palu). xxxiii. 2,
8. May be read Pularias.

Lu-te-ri-a. xxxiii. 14.

m Pu-ti-e. The city ofPutis (N.W. of Lake Yan). xxxvii. 8.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

713

Ra-bi-khu-ni (?). The city of Rabikhus (?) near Armavir,
xxxiv. 9.

| Ra-pi-is-khi-ni-s. The son of Rapis (a Georgian prince), liii. 2,

ra-za-hu-ni. A king near Rowandiz, Ivi. i. 8.

Pf Ru-ku, Victims, xix. 14.

| Rn-sa-a-8. Rums (king of Yan). lii.

| Ru-sa-a-ni. lii.

Sa-a-da-e. There, xxxix. 14, 41. See sa-tuada.

Sa-a-da. xl. 13; lv. 14.

Sa-hu-e. Belonging there, li. 5.

Sa-na. Of that country (?). xi.a. 3.

Sa-ni. lv. 12.

I Sa-dadaa-da-e-khi-ni-ni. Belonging to the son of Sada-Jiadas
(probably for Sanda-hadas ), king of the Hittites. xxxii. 5.

| Sa-da-ha-da-e-khi-ni-da-a-ni. Place belonging to the son
of Sada-hadas. xxxii. 6.

I Sa-kbn-klii. Son of Sahhus (king of Malatiyeh), 1.2.
Sal-du-hu-li. v. 29, 81. See si-du-hu-M.

>■-£111 Sa-a-ra-ra-a. Probably to be read Sa-ti-ra-ra-a, of Saiiraras ,
in the land of Bustus. xxxix. 10. See Sa-ti-ra-ra-hu-ni.
I Sa-as-ki . . . Saski . . (king of Sasilus). xlv. 15.

>--yy Sa-a-si-ln-bn-i-ni. The city of Sasilus (among the Asjkalaians,
HVW, of Lake Yan). xlv. 11.

-^y Sa-si-lu-ni, xxx, 8.

V" Sa-ti-ra-ra-hn-ni. The land of Satiraraus (in Bustus, the
Sitivarya of the Assyrians), xxxix. 36; xl. 54. See m
Sa-a-ra-ra-a and p. 400.

Sa-tu-hu-hi. I took hostages. 1. 17. Compounded with sa and tic.

Sa-tu-a-da. Hostages, homage, xxx. 14 ; 1. 24. Lite-
rally ‘ place of the people of taking away from
there.’

»~>f. Se-bi**tu-hu-e. To the god Sebitus. v. 6, 39.
y Se-kha-hu-da-e. Of Sekhaudas. li. 8, 10.

734

THE OHHEIFOEM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

Se-e~khi-e-ri-e. Alive. xxxvii. 13.

Se-khi-e-ri. xxxvii. 14 ; xxxix. 42.

Se-khi-ri-e. xl. 4, 61.

Se-khi-ri. xxxvii. 42, 47 ; xxxix. 15 ; xl. 38 ; xliii. 6,
28, 65.

Se-lu-i-ni-e. The Seluians . liy. 13.

Se-lu-i-ni-e-hu-ni. What belongs to the Seluians.
liv. 12.

Se-ir(?). xxxi. 26.

Se-ri. Characters, xix. 17 ; 1. 36.

Se-ri-i-a-zi. Of the land of Serums (N.Yf „ of Lake Tan),
xxxvii. 7.

Se-se-e-ti-i~na-a. Belonging to the land of the Sesetians (near
Melazgherd). xxx. 10.

Si-a-di. On carnjing away , despoiling, xxxvii. 11.

Si-i-e-s. Removing (pres. part.), xli. 19.

Si-i-hu-bi. I took away, xxxviii. 18 ; 1. 21.

Si-hu-bi. xxx. 22 ; xxxviii. 43 ; xxxix. 7, 64 ; xliii. 50, 80.
Si-i-hu-da-i-e. He takes away. xliv. 12.

Si-hu-da. xxi. 7.

Si-da-hu . . . xiii. 2. See note on the passage.

Si-i-di-i-(si-tu-ni). He brought back , restored, viii. 5.
Si-di-si-tu-ni. iii. 1, 2; ix. 2, 3; xiii. 2, 3.
Si-di-is-tu-hu-ni. xvii. 5.

Si-di-is-tu-ni. xvii. 3 ; xxxv. 3.

Si-di-is-tu-bi. I restored, lv. 17.

Si-di-si-tu-a-li. After restoring, x. 8.

Si-di~is-tu-a-li. xvii. 4; xviii. 4.

Si-di-is-tu-a-da. Me restores . xx. 4.

Si-di-is-tn-kn-da. lv. 15.

Si-du-bi. I established (?). xl. 72. Probably connected with the
next word.

Si-i-du-li. After the beginning of the year (?), vii. 5, 6. See
sal-du-hu-li.

-A Si-e-la-ar-di-e. To the Moon-god. v. 40. A compound of
si-lis and ar.

Si-li. After dawn. v. 26, 74.

Si-ni-ri-e. To the god Siniris . • v. 10, 44.

Si-ri-i. lv. 12.

Si(?)-ri-bi-i. xi.a. 3. See niribi and karbi.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

715

Si-si ... I occupied (?). xlv. 34.

^TT Si-si-ri-ldia-di-ri-ni. The city of Sisirikkadiris (of the Miixnl).
xliii. 39. See p. 400. As the Assyrian name was Izirtu we
should perhaps read Si-ar-kha-di-ri-ni .

Si-is-ti-ni. Furniture (?). xlix. 22. It interchanges with sisuhhani
and is probably for sis(u)-di-ni.

Si-su-kha-ni. Furniture , harness . xxxvii. 5 ; xxxviii. 40 ; xliii. 43 ;
xlvi. 14. See sur-Jcha-a-ni.

Sn-ba-a. To the god Stilus . v. 15, 54.

Su-hu-ba-ra-ni. liv. 2.

Su-i-ni-ni. Belonging to lambs, xi. 4 ; xix. 8 ; xxix.R. 8. If susis
is an adjectival formation in -si from a root su, minis would
be i belonging to a sheep,’ i.e. a lamb.

Su-khe. These, v. 27, 76; 28, 77; 29, 80.

^ Su-ra-hu-e. Of the land of Suras (part of the kingdom of Yan).
xliii. 18 ; xlviii. 6 ; li. iii. 9 ; lvi. iv. 6.

Su-ri-si-da-ni. The city of Surisidas (among the Hittites).
xxxii. 5.

Sn-ri-(si)-da-(ni)-i. The land of Surisidanis (?) (in Bustus).
xxxix. 24.

Snr-kha-a-ni. Furniture , harness, xxxix. 49. Either a synonym
of sisuhhani , or sur is a false reading for sisu. The latter is the
more probable.

1&1] Su-hu-se-e. Sheep, xlviii. 29. See suinini.

Su-se f<«. xxxvii, 15; xxxviii. 2, 22, 32, 48;
xxxix. 17; xl. 8, 39; xliii. 8, 30, 67 ; xlv. 14; xlix.
21, 25.

JET| Su-se. xlv. 22 ; xlix. 11, 28.

Su-si-ni-ni J<«. Fortified walls, lv. 13. Cp. km u wall of a
honse ’ ( paries as opposed to mcenia).

Su-jSi-ni. xxxviii. 23 ; xxxix. 45 ; xl. 13; xli. 11 ; xliii.
32 ; 1. 16.

S'.

S'ar-di-i-e. To the god Sardis. v. 22. In Lydian
Capets (in Xanthos apis) meant f the year ’ and the t Sun-
god ’ (Lydus, Be Mens. 3, 14).

>->f- -YT<T-s. The goddess Saris, xxiv. 8, Probably borrowed
from the Assyrian Istar.

716

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

S'ar-du-ri-s. Sar-duris or Sdri-duris (a royal name), liii 2

T -4- 4T4 -du-rH-s. xlviii. 14.

I -4- 4T4 -du-ri-s. xlviii. 2, 9, 25; xlix. 4, 6, 25,

29 ; 1. 6, 21, 34 ; li. 2, 3, 9, iii. 2.
y -TT<T ~d ll "' r *” e ~L (Gen.) li. iii. 6.

| >J|L >~yy<y -du-ri-e. xlix. 18.
y >->y~ >»yy<y -du-ri-i-ni. (Adj. in -ms), xlix. 3.
y ^yy<y -du-ri~ni. xlviii. 5 ; 1. 5, 32 ; li. iii, 8.

I ^4- 4f<y -dn-ri-ni-i. li. 6, 7.
y >-4« 4f<y -du^iu-ri-e-kbi-ni-e-s. Son of Bar dims. iv.
1-4-414 -du-ri-e-kbi-ni-s. v. 1, 32.

T-4-4T4 -du-ri-kbi-ni-s. v. 25, 70.

y »_>y_ -dur-kbi-ni-s. iii. 1, 2.

I >^»|~ 4y<y -du-ri-kbi-ni. (Gen.) v. 24, 68.

T -4- 4T4 -du-ri-kbi. (Ace.) xxxi. 9.
y >->y_ >~yy<y -dur-e-kbe. Ivi. ii. 6, iv. 5.

1-4-414 -du-ri-ka-i. To the race of Bar dims.

xlix. 2; 1. 3.

Si . . . v. 25, 72.

>*“4* Sl~li-i~a. To the god of the deity of S ' ilis . v. 22.

S'i-lu-a-di. Among the people of . . . xxx. 15 ; 1. 24.

S r i-ri. Corn-pits. xliiL 13.. See also xxxviii. 17. Cp. Georgian
soro, Arm. sirim, Kappadokian siri (Pliny, N.H. xiii. 73).
S'i-ir-si-ni-e. Belonging to the roc/c-tomb (adj. in si and
- ni ). xxi. 2.

S'i-ir-si-ni-nL xxi. 4.

Sl-ri-mu-tar-a. The land of S'irimutaras (KV. of Lake Yan).
xxxvii. 10.

y S n-da (?)-ni (?)-jza-a-bu~a~da. S'udani ( })~zavadas (king of Mala-
tiyeb). xxxiii. 15.

Sb-dbu-ku-bn-bi. I despoiled, xxx. 24, 28; xxxix. 6; xlv. 8.
See also xxxvii. 34.

S'n-dn-ku-bi. 1. 27.

S'u-hu-L All if), xix. 16; xxxi. 10; xxxix. 31; xliiL 2; xlviii. 15.
S'u-n-i. xxviii. 5.

(? S'u)-bu-i-ni. xxix.B. 6.

Su-lu-us-ti-i-bi. I imposed, xxx. 14 ; 1. 23. A compound of
iulu and ustabi .

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

717

S'u-ni(?)- K. 9.

S'u-si. Wall (of house), xvii. 3.

S'u-hu-si-ni. .Belonging
S'u-si-ni. v. 17.

See susini ‘ fortified ■walls.’
to the wall. Y. 54.

TS.

Y Tsi-e-ri-kki-ni-i. Of the son of Tsieris (a Georgian king), liii. 4.

Tsi-nu-ya-ar-di-e. To the god Tsinuyardis . v. 22, 62.

| Tsi-ma-da-bi-i. Of Tsimadabis (a Georgian king), liii. 4.
y Tsi-ma-da-bi-ni. liii. 5.

Tsu(?)-i-na-hu-e -Jf-. 2b the god of the city of Tsnis.
v. 19, 56.

_>3jl Ta-la(?)-ap-lm-ra-a. 2b the god Talapums. r. 18, 55.

Ta-li-ni. xlix. 13.

Tar-a-i-e. Poiverful . xx. 6.

Tar-a-i-kn-e-di. (Loc.) xxx. 2.

Tar-a-i-hn-klii. The son of the mighty, liv. 8-
\ v Tar-i-hu-ni. The land of Tarius (N.T7 . of Lake Van) . xxxvii.

8 ; xxxix. 22 ; xliii. 71. Perhaps ‘ tke powerful land.’
Tar-i-ku-i-di. (Loc.) xliii. 74.

Vj- Ta-ri-ri-a-i. Of Taririas (the mother of Hennas) . xx.ni. 2.

" Ta-ri-ri-a-kki-ni-da. Place of the son of Taririas.

xxiii. 3.

Tar-khi-ga-ma-a-ni. The city of TarMgamanis (among the
Hittites). xxxii. 5.

Tar-ra . . . The land of Tarra . ■ • xxxTii. 28.

Ky- Ta-ar-su-a. Soldiers, xxxviii.45; xlv.9. From the causa-
tive of tar ‘ strong.’ .. _ .... _ Q) -

WWi>. Ta-ar-sn-a-ni. xxxii. 8; xxxrra. 14 ; xlm. o, 27.

718

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

>-£:yy Te-ra-a-i . . The city of Terai . . (near Rowandiz), l v i.
ii. 1.

Te-e-ra~hu-bi. I set up, established, xlviii. 9.

Te-ru-hu-bi. xliii, 57.

Te-rn-bi. vi. 3 (?) ; xlv. 5, 17, 23; lvi. ii. 6.
Te-ru-hu-ni. He set up. Ii. 3.

Te-ru-ni. v. 2; 27, 76 ; 28, 77; 29, 80; li. iii. 5.
Te-ir-du-hu-ni. He has executed . xxi. 5. A compound
of ter and tu (softened to da).

Te-ir-tn[-ni]. They have set up. v. 34.

Te-ir-du-da-ni. A place of setting up. liv. 7.
Te-ri-khi-ni-e. Workmen, li. 6.

-^yy Ti-ku-ul-ra-i-ta-a-se-e. The city of TiJculraitasis (near
Malatiyeb). L 31.

Ti-i-ni. He has called, xix. 4 ; xxii. 3 ; xxiii. 3 ; xxv. 5 ; li. 7.
See ap-tini.

Ti-su-ul-du-li-ni. After dark. v. 26, 74.

Ti-i-bn-da-i-e. He undoes. xxxv.A. 8 Rev. See ihudae.
Ti-i-bu-da-e. xxxi. 29.

Ti-hu-da-i-e. xx. 13; xlviii. 18, 20.

Ti-hu-da-e. xx. 13; xxx. 32; xxxiv. 18; xliv. 8, 10.
Ti-hu-da. xxii. 9.

Ti-hu-li-e. After undoing. 1. 37.

Tu-a-i-e. Gold. xlv. 20.

T«< Tu-a-i-e. Pieces of gold . xlv. 24.

<!? 4R Tu-a-i-ni. Iv. 8.

y Tu-a-te-khi-ni. The son of Tuates (king of Malatiyeb). xxxviii.

16. Perhaps we should read Tu-a-la-khi-ni.

Tu-hu-bi. I carried away, xxxii. 3 ; xxxix. 39 ; xxxv.A. 7 Obv.
Tu-bi. xxxiv. 8; xxxix. 13; xli. 6; xliii. 4, 24, 38,
53; xlv. 18; xlix. 8, 17.

Tu-hu-da-i-e. He carries away. xix. 13 ; xxxiii. 23.
Tu-hu-da-e. xxxi. 28.

Tu-u-da-e. 1. 35.

Tu-da-e. xx. 10; xxii. 7 ; xxxi. 21; xxxiv. 16; xlviii. 17,
Tu-da-i-e. xxx. 30 ; xliv. 4.

Tu-khi. Prisoners , captives . xlix. 25.

Tu-kbi. xliii. 16, 78; xlviii. 26, 28 ; li. iii. 3.
Tu-khi-ni. xlviii. 27 ; li. iii. 4.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

719

Ta*da-hu-ni. The city of Tudaus (near Eranos, Lake Erivan).
liii. 3*

Tu-me-ni-e. Villages . 1. 10, 12.

Tu-me-ni. 1. 16.

y| Tti-ra . . . The river Turn ... (in Bustus). xxxix. 61.
Tu-ri-e. Stone (?) 1. 37.

Tn-ri. xliv. 8 ; xlviii. 19.

Tu-ri-i-ni-ni. For those belonging to the rock (?). xxxv.A.
10 Rev.

Tu-ii-ni-ni. xix. 18; xx. 14; xxi.13; xxii. 10 ; xxviii.
6 ; xxx. 33 ; xxxiii. 25 ; xxxiv. 20 ; xliv. 14 ;
xlviii. 20 ; 1. 37 ; li. 10.

Tn-su-kha-ani. Plunder if), xxxii. 2.

U, HU.

Hn«a. To the god Has. v. 6, 38. We learn from the
Assyrian inscriptions that Uas was the name of a god of the
Moschi.

>->^- Hu-a-i-na-hu-e. To ( the gate of) the god of the land of Vais .
v. 20, 58.

.... hu-a-tsi-i-di. xxxvii. 12.

■*TI Hu-ba- a- ru - gi- il- du- ni. The city of Ubarugildus. xxxvii. 27.
Hu-bur-da-al-khi. The inhabitants of the land of Uburdas (in
Georgia), xxxviii. 41.

V s Hu-bur-da-hu-e-di-ya. The people of Uburdas .
xxxviii. 40.

Hu-da-e-s. That. xxxi. 29; xliv. 9 ; xlvi. 16 ; xlviii. 19 .

Hu-da-s. xx. 13; xxii. 9; xxx. 32; xxxiv. 18; xxxv.A.
7 Rev.

Hu-da-ni. liv. 5.

Hu-da-i. xliv. 8 ; xlviii. 19 ; 1. 37.

Hu-da-e. xxi. 12 ; xxxiii. 24.

5=f Hu-du-da-e-i. Of the place of the monument, li. 7. See ^ l)u-u.
y Hn-du-ri. Of Uduris (king of Etins). xxxvii. 22. Apparently
the same as Udharus.

U-du-ri-e-ti-ni. The land of UdureUs (near Eiivan). liii. 7.

I Hu-dha-ru hu-khi. The son of Udharus (ace.), xxxi* 2. See
Hn-du-ri and JIu-i-dha-e-ru-kM-i-ni-e-i.

720

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

| Hu-dha-ru-khi-ni-e-di. Into the land of the son of
Udharus. xxxi. 5, 10.

| Hu-dhu-bu-ur-si-ni . TJdhubursis (king on the H.*W. side of Lake

Yan). xxx. 12.

| Hu-dhu-bur-si-ni. xlvi. 3.

Hu-dhu-kha-a-i. Of the city Udhukhais (3N.W. of Lake Yan).
xxx. 11.

-hu-e-da-si-ni. Ranh and file. xl. 79.

| Hu-e-da-i-ni. Vedainis (king of Irmas in Georgia), xlix. 16.

^ Hu-gi-is-ti-ni. The land of Ugistis (in Bustns). xl. 55. f

Hu-i (==Yi). And. y. 26, 73; 28, 77; 29, 80; ix. 2; xiii. 2;

xxxvii. 12; xli. 13 ; 1. 7.

>->?-* Hu-i-a. To the god of Vis . v. 23.

| Hu-i- du- 3. Vidus, li. 9.

y Hu-i-dha-e-ru-khi-i-ni-e-i. Of the son of Uidharus. xlv. 37.

See Uduris and Udharus.

y Hu-i-dha-ru-khi-e-ni-e. xliii. 52, 55.

>cYY hu- i-khi-ka-a. The city of the tribe of Vilchis (in Eustus).
xliii. 25.

--H Hu-i-si-ni. The city of Visis . y. 54.

-^y Hu-i-si-ni-ni. y. 16.

Hu-i-su-si-ni. The land of Visusis (in Georgia). xxxviii.

42.

ry Ul-di-e. Monuments, v. 27, 76; 30, 81.

Ul-di. xxiii. 2.

Ul-gu-se. Shields, y. 24, 67 ; xi. 2. See vii. 3.

Ul-gu-si-ni. Belonging to shields, lii.

Ul-gu-si-ya-ni. Shieldsmen. Ivi. i. 13.

Ul-gu-si-ya-ni-e-di-ni. Shieldbearers . lii.

£^YtE HI (?)-dhu-ni Y<«. Camels . xl. 6.

Ul-khu-di. In the campaign. 1. 22.

y Ul-tu-za-i-ni. Ultumis (king of Anistir in Georgia), xxxvii. 18,

^ Hu-lu-a-ni-e-i. Of the land of Uluanis (Erivan). xxxvi. 6.
Hu-lu-hu-da-e. They give. xxi. 17; xxxiii. 28.

Hu-lu-hu-da. xxii. 14.

Hu-lu-da-e. xx. 19; xxviii. 12; xxx. 36; xxxiv, 24;
xl. 20 ; xlviii, 24 ; 1. 40.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN.

721

Hu-lu-us-ta-i-bi. I approached with offerings, xxx. 6 ; xxxvii.
20 ; xxxviii. 12, 29 ; xliii. 51 ; xlv. 32. A compound of
hulu and ustabi.

PCu-lu-us-ta-bi. xxxiv. 7.

Hu-me(?)-ku . . . The land of Umehis (?). xxxvii. 24.

TTm (?)-e-se-e. Perhaps “ the city of tablets/' 1. 30. Near
Malatiyeh.

Um-nu-li. After the spring . v. 30, 81 ; vii. 6.

Um-mi-li-ni. xii. 3.

Hu-ni-na-a. To the god of the land of Unis . v. 10, 44.

>~>y~ Hu-ra-a. To the god Uras . v. 11, 47.

TJr-bi-i-ka-a-s. The tribe of Urbis . liv. 9.

Ur-di-du. liv. 13.

Ur (?)-kha (?)-ni. The city of Urlchas (?), xxxiv. 3.

Hu-ri . . . Ivi. (1,) 8.

►■Jiyy Hu-ri-e-i-hu-ni. The city of Urieyus (N.’W. of Lake Yan).
xxxvii. 12.

. . . ur-ma-ni. The land of . . . urmas (in the Hittite district),
xxxviii. 13.

V" Ur-me-i-ni. The land of Urmes (apparently north of the
Araxes). xli. 5.

Ur-me-e-di. (Loc.) xli. 5

"V* Ur-me-hu-e-e-di-a. The people of the land of Urmes ,
xlix. 22.

Ur-pu-li. After the shrine (.?);. xi. 3.

Ur-pu-li-ni. x. 6 ; xvi. 3.

Ur-pu-da-i-ni. xlviii. 12.

Ur-pu-a-tsi. Ministers (?). vii. 1 ; xvi. 5.

Hu-ru-da-e, Of the family . li. 8. See arkkie-urudas .

V" Ur-ya-ni. The land of Uryas (probably in Georgia), xxxvii. 25.
Us-gi-ni. Favourable (?). iii. 2. See vi.A, 3. Probably a com-
pound of us i near ' and gi (as in gies).

Hu-si . . . The city of Usi . . . (near Eowandk), Ivi. (4.) 8.
Us-ku(?)-bi-i. Ivi. (4.) 7. ,

TJs-ma-si-i-e. Gracious (f). v. 17. More probably 1 of the city. 3
Perhaps compounded with us,

Us-ma-si-e. v. 54.

722

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

Hs-ma-a-si-ni. xiii. 1 ; xviii. 1 ; xxx. 4 ; xlv. 31 .
?lvi. (1.) 5.

TJs-ma-si-ni. xix. 1 ; xx. 1 ; xxii. 1 ; xxxii. 1 ; xxxiii.
6 ; xxxiv. 5 ; xxxv. 1 ; xxxvi. 4 ; liii. 1.

TJs-ta-a-M. / approached, prayed . xxxi. 4, 8 ; xxxiii. 1, 6 ;
xxxyiii. 51 ; xxxix. 46 ; xlv. 31. A comparison with. m~
tmi shows that it is a compound of us and td or tai. The
latter may be connected with ti-ni i he called’; us must
signify 4 near.’ A comparison with nulus makes it possible
that us stands for u-si, from a root u. The difference between
mtabi and Icabharubi is that between the Assyrian icarabu
(Tip) and lam (ni*?).

Us-ta-bi. xxx. 1, 5; xxxiv. 1, 5; xxxvi. 1, 4; xxxvii,
17, 20; xxxviii. 5, 25, 28; xl. 14, 42, 67; xlii i

11, 33, 70 ; xlv. 27 ; xlvi. 1, 11 ; xlix. 1, 3 ; 1. 1, 5;
lv. 1, 3.

TJs-ta-a-di. On approaching . xxxii. 2 ; xxxvii. 9, 24 ;
xxxviii. 15 ; xliii. 52; xlix. 4.

Us-ta-di. xxix.E. 2 ; xxxvii. 6, 12, 29, 33 ; xxxviii.

12, 40, 43; xxxix. 8, 33, 36, 55, 60; xl. 34, 53;
xli. 5; xliii. 24, 38, 47, 74; xlv. 2 ; xlix. 13, 22;
1 . 12 .

TTs-tu-ni. He has dedicated . lii. A compound of us and tu; cp.
sidistu-ni.

Hu-tsi-di. Among future ones (?). xix. 11.

Hu-tsu-ni. He has destined (?). xix. 10.

Hu-hu-ra-a-khi. The city of VuraJchis (near Malatiyeh). 1. 28*
Hn-hu-si-ni. The country of Vusis (in Bustus). xl. 56.

Hu-zi-na-bi-tar-na-a. Of the city of Uzibitarnas (N.W. of
Lake Yan), xxxvii. 10.

Ya-ra-ni. Who has consecrated, xxxiii. 13 ; lvi. (1.) 5.

. . . ya-si-na-tsi-e. xlviii. 11.

Za-ba-a-kha -a-e-si-i- da. The district of the Zabahhaians (N.W.
of Lake Yan). xxxvii. 9.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OP VAN.

723

V" ZaHa-a-kha-a-e-hu-e-e-di-ya. The people of Zalalhas.
xxxvii. 9.

Za-a-dn-hu-bi, I built, made. xxxv.A. 9 Rev. ; xliii. 18. Perhaps
a compound of za and du or tu . Cf. zasgubi .

Za-a-du-bi. xx. 14 ; xl. 41 ; xli. 11.

Za-du-hu-bi. xxxi. 30; xxxviii. 24; xxxix. 45.

Za-du-bi. xx. 14 ; xxx. 32 ; xxxvii. 16 ; xxxviii. 3, 50 ;
xl. 13, 66; xliii. 10, 32, 69; xliv. 10; xlviii. 20;
Ivi. (1,) 11.

Za-a-du-hu-ni. He has built, iv. ; xiv, ; xxv. 4.

Za-clu-hu-ni. xv.

Za-du-ni. vii. 1 ; xxi. 2 ; xxiv. 5 ; xxvi. (3.) 4 ; xlix.
29; lii.

Za-a-du-bu-a-li. After being built . v. 2.

Za-a-tu-hu-a-li. v. 33.

Za-a-i-ni. Iv. 11. Probably connected with the next -word.

Za-i-se-e-i. Of the gate , pass. Ivi. (3.) 7. The ideograph
for ‘ gate 7 given on p. 421 should accordingly be pronounced
zaisis. The word, however, may be strictly zais (cf. zami),
zaisis being an adjective in -si.

Za-na-ni-ni. xvi. 4. Probably “for those that belong to the
people ( or land) of the gate.” Hence we may assume a word
zais or zas i gate/ from which come the derivatives zai-nis,
zaisis, and za-nas.

-jrff Za-ap-sa. Of the city of Zapsas (near Malatiyeh). 1. 15.

Za-as-gu-hu-bi. I hilled . xxxii. 9 ; xl. 3. The existence of

asgubi ‘I took’ seems to show that zmgubi is compounded
with za. Za will then mean i thoroughly,’ Ho an end,’ zadu
being Ho bring to an end 7 {i.e. ‘complete 7 or ‘make 7 ) and
zasgubi Hake to an end 7 {i.e. i destroy 7 ).

Za-as-gu-bi. xxxvii. 14, 41 ; xxxviii. 21, 47 ; xxxix.
15, 37, 42, 61; xli. 8; *liii. 6, 28, 65; xxxv.A.
1 Obv.

Zi-el-di. xix. 9; liv. 3.

. . . zi-ni-e-i, xi. 3. Cp. asmie-Jchmie.

Zi-ir-bida-ni. xliii. 42,

Zi-hu-ku-ni-e. To the god of Zihukus. v. 11, 47.

Zu-a-i-ni-e. The land of Zuais (near Daher and Melazgherd).
Iv. 7.

724

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

>cyy Za-a-i-na-a. The district of Zuais. xsx. 11.
Zu-hu-a-i-di. (Loc.) xIy. 3.

Zu-a-si-a-di. Among the Zuaians. xlv. 5.

^TT Zu(?)-a-|^ a | -hu-i-e. The city of Zmichuh (?) (in
Georgia), xxxiv. 9.

->f -^y {or Zu)-zu-ma-(a)-ru-e. To the god of the city of
Zumarus (or less probably to the god Zuzumarus). v. 10, 45.

IDEOGRAPHS.

[These are arranged in the same order as in the list given on pp. 421-2. ! ]

1. ^ King . xx. 6, 7; xxii. 5 ; xxvi. 6 ; xxvi. (2.) 5; xxvii.

11; xxix. 11; xxx. 12; xxxiii. 16, 19; xxxv. 7 ; xxxvi.
9 ; xxxvii. 6; xlv. 17, 38; xlviii. 6, 7 ; 1. 2, 7, 33; li. iii.
9, 10; lii. ; liii. 6 ; lvi. (1.) 3, (4.) 5.

XX“ e (: flchute ). Aoc. Sing. xlix. 11 ; li. iii. 10.

^-ni {nuni). Acc. Sing. xlix. 17.

« y<«. pi. xix. 11.

<X y<«-di. Loc. PL xxxi. 7.

<X T«< -hu-e {hhulave) . Belonging to the Icings . xlviii. 7.
KK y<« “Lu-e-di-a. People of the Icings, xlv. 15.

« T«< -da-da-e-di-ni. People of the two Icing doms. xxx. 24.
« -si {nusi). Royal. See -s=TY « -si. .

• li. 4.

y«< . xxxi. 3, 11.

2. >~J| -e (< eurie ). To the lord . lii.

>^JJ“di. Loc. xxxvii. 3,23; xxxviii. 8, 38; xxxix. 2, 26,
50 ; xl. 25, 47, 75 ; xli. 2 ; xliii. 20, 44 ; xlvi, 24 ; 1. 8.

3. Governors, xlv. 17. Probably pronounced
esiyani.

1 In one or two cases, it will be noticed, tbe pronunciation given on pp. 421,
422, has been corrected.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

725

4. {tarais). Powerful, xx. 6 ; xxii. 5 ; xxvi. 6 ;
xxvi. (2,) 5; xxvii. 11 ; xxix. 10; xxxiii. 19; xxxy. 7;
xxxvi. 9 ; 1. S3 ; li. iii. 9; lii. ; lvi. (4,) 5.

5. Svfff (basis). Man. v. 50, etc. In v. 50 it interchanges

with

6 . ^r^WT«< (f ihirani). Men, persons . xxxvii. 40 ;

xxxviii. 21, 46; xxxix. 14; ad. 37; xli. 8; lv. 13. See
No. 9.

]<« -ra-ni, xxxix. 35.

|<« -ra-ni. liii. 6.

-ra-a-ni-tsi. xxxy. A. 8 Obv. ; xly. 40.

-a-ri. xxxi. 13.
y y -a-ri-e. v. 78.

-a-ri. y. 28. 1 * *

7. |y. Son. li. 8.

8. -so I<«. xxxviii. 19, 45; xlix. 9, 20, 23. The word
ends in -sis.

> ~se. xxxi, 15; xxxvii, 13; xxxix. 6; xlv. 12;

xlix. 26.

9. People . xxxviii. 20, 45. See No. 6.

^y>- -ra-a-ni-tsi. xxxv.A. 8 Obv. ; xlv. 40.

-hn-e-di-a. xxxi. 18.

-hu-e-di-a-ni. xlix. 20.

J^y*- -hu-e-da-^i-ni. The rank and file. xl. 79.

J^y>- (?)-a-tsi. xlv. 40.

10. T«< ( tarsua , khuradia). Soldiers . xxxvii. 13.

11. J*5y>" xi.A. L

12. ><SfT«<. Peoples, languages, v. 3, 34; 19, 57; 25, 73 ;

30, 81 ; 31, 83. M. Guyard considers that the ideograph
means 4 all.’

1 It is possible that aris is the full word, from which arani is formed, -m

would staud to the suffix -n as ~na to -ni and -ka to -ki. If we compare giss-

uris , e-uris , the root would be a ‘to speak/ so that ‘man’ would be ‘the
speaker/ The legend of Ara (Aras) seems to show that the word aras actually
existed in Vannic (pp. 414-416). The solar hero of Yan might as well he called

‘ the man’ as his Phoenician representative Adonai, Adonis i the lord/ Compare
also the name of the king Arams (s) or Arave(s), perhaps Ara~hu-e-$ (p. 405).

726

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

13. \ A (ebanis). Country . Passim. See Shame, etc.
a A -ni-i-e. xxx. 7 ; xlvi. 4.

-ni-e. xxxiii. 3 ; xxxiv. 2 ; xxxvi. 7 ; xxxvii. 18 ; xxxviii.
6, 26, 52; xxxix. 47; xl. 73; xli. 6; xliii. 34, 48; xlr.
35, 36; xlix. 2 ; 1. 3.

^ -ni. xxix.B. 5; xxxiv. 8; xxxviii. 16; xxxix. 56; xl.
69 ; liv. 1.

-ni-e-di. Loe. xxxvii. 11.

-ni-di. xlv. 2; 1. 12.

^ -ni-ni. Adj. xxxii. 5.

\ A -ni-a. Countryfolh . xli. 6; xliii. 24, 38, 53 ; xlix. 8.

14. (manis). City . v. 20, 58 ; ix. 2 ; xiii. 2, 3 ; xxxviii. 4.

T<«. pl xxxv.A. 1 Obv. ; xxxvii. 7, 35; xxxviii. 19,
44; xxxix. 3, 13, 57; xl. 58; xli. 7; xliii. 4, 38, 53;
xliv. 7 ; xlix. 8 ; 1. 15, 17.

-ni-e. lii,

»-yy -ni. xlvii. 3.

^TT -e. xxxviii. 44.

--yy-se. Belonging to the city . x. 4; xii. 1. Cp. %ai ms

and mi-sis.

|«< -tsi-e. xxxviii. 57.

^TT -e-a-tsi-da-ni. xxxiv. 15.

« -si. Royal city . xxx. 8, etc. Of. xxxvii, 12.

-EfT «

15. Souse, xxiv. 5.

^m-e- -

t«< -ri-a ( dhulurid ). People of the palaces . xliii. 75.

16. ^yyyy ^y>- (asida, dhuluris). Palace . ix. 2 ; xiii. 2, 3 ;

xvii. 5 ; xxxv. 3 ; xliii. 3 ; iv. 17.

^yyyy ^y^ y<«. PL xxxvii. 7; xxxviii. 19, 44; xxxix.

24, 57; xliii. 24, 79; xlv. 6 ; xlix. 8, 18, 22; 1. 15, 16.
*=mr sr- t«< -ri-a. See above.

^TTTT T^-e-di. Loe. 1.26.

Bb- People of the palace. xi.A. 1.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

727

-si-a

xxxv. A. 3 Obv.
People belonging to the palace .

*=mr bv

e THT

xxxv. A. 6 Obv.

-si-da ( asida ). Palace . xxx. 9.
cmr a- -si-du-fra-hii-da. The site of the palaces . xxxix. 24.
a HpfA- Firm house (?). xLA. 2.

18. ££ZyY zai-nis, zai-sis ). Gate, pass. v. 2, 33 ; 16, 54 ;

20, 58 ; x. 4, 8 ; xi. 2 ; xvi. 6; lvi. (1.) 12, 13, (3.) 2.

PJIyy -i. Gen - xvi - 2 -
Zyv " e - s vi. ®*

Zyy -li. Perfective, xvii. 4 ; xviii. 3.

Zy { -na. Belonging to the land of the gate. xvi. 4; lvi.

( 1 .) 10 .

^t y t Y<«- pl v - 33 - . _ <Y

19. g(Y~ ^[ (, karbis ). Stone, xxxiv. 17. Cf. turi. Por *ff-<T

pulusi ‘ written stone ’ see pulusi.

20. (armanida). Tablet, xvi. 1. See Armanidad.

'Sli-ni-ai- Adj. liv. 4. See -e-se-e,

1. 30.

— "TTY VT. XX. 10; xxi. 11; xxii. 7; xxx. 29; xxxiu.
^*22 ; xxxv. A. 2 Rev.; xliii. 57 ; xliv. 4; xlv. 5; xlviii. 16;
1. 35 ; li. 11; lvi- (3.) 13.

21. <YY (.**•)-. GoU - xxx - 16;1 - 25 - Seexlv - 20 -

22. <yy ^Y- Silver, xxx. 16; xlv. 20 ; 1.25.

23. -TY \<« (gasi). Pieces of bronze, xlv. 21, 24.

24. ^ nianeh. xlv. 20, 21, 24.

25. ( 'Musus ). Flesh . See liv. 4.

26. *tS- JFbor?. v. 24.

-ni. Acc. x. 1, 4;xii. l.

<E( Y <<< - PL v - 67 -

JeYYY- - ni - Fo °d- li- 8 -

27. (Wjs). 7b sacrificed, v. 30, 31.

Dat. xix. 7.

728

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF YAN.

28. J£TT ( rukus ). A victim . See xix. 14.

HHJ • * * T«< na. Belonging to the land of the victims .

xix. 5.

29. JE=U (susis). Sheep, v. 22, etc. See v. 36, etc.

JHU y<«. PL y. 4, etc. ; xli. 14; xly. 25.

[BJJ -se. xxxi. 17 ; xxxix. 43 ; xli. 9.

SO. ( palchinis ). An ox. v. 4, 36, etc. ; x. 5.
f<«. PL y. 4, 36, etc. ; xly. 25.

31. , o#. y. 21. See Gurukhu.

-se. PL xlv. 25. probably should be J<«.

32. >=SjE. A lamb . y. 3, 35; Ivi. (4.) 1.

33. > — |y | ^<y y«< ( ul(f)dhuni ). Camels . xxxix.

43 ; xl. 60 ; xliii. 7.

34. i^E ^ {navus). Horse . xxxix. 42. Navusis is

< belonging to horses.’

^yy y«< . Horses, xxxi. 16; xxxvii. 15;
xxxviii. 1, 22, 47 ; xl. 5, 38, 62; xli. 9; xliii. 7, 29, 66;
xlv. 13 ; xlix. 10, 27.

jElisE mt y«< -hu-hu. xxx. 20.

35. y«< ( sekhiri ). Alive, xxxii. 9 ; xxxviii. 20, 45 ;

xli. 8.

HH -ni. x. 5 ; xii. 2.

36. ATT- Many, xliii. 79. Perhaps pronounced alsuisie .
AT* -da. Place of many. xxx. 19.

37. A- all. xlix. 26.

38. A- -e. Hostile, xl. 73.

39. j£|z-bi ( abidadubi ). I burnt, xxxvii. 7; xxxviii. 19, 44;

xxxix. 13; xli. 7 ; xliii. 24, 38, 53, 74 ; xlix. 8; 1. 17.

40. >jl?f -ni-ni. the gifts, li. 8.

41. JfZ y«< -da. Buildings . xliii. 79.

42. Twice, xxxvii. 14, 40; xxxviii. 21.

>f -e. xliii. 17.

43. Jfy<y. Sixty, xliii. 16, 78.

THE CUNEIFORM IHSCEIPTIOXS OF YAK*

729

44. vwv Four fours, xxviii. 10; xliv. 17; xlviii. 22. See

Ho. 59.

45. J. Times . xliv. 17; xlviii. 22.

46. J^TI y^< ( gstiu ). War-magazines. xlv. 21, 25.

47. (atsus). Month . xxiv. 6. See xlviii. 10.

48. I . One year, xxxvii. 16; xxxviii. 24; xxxix. 19; xl.

41, 66; xliii. 10, 69 ; xlix. 26, 29.

49. >~>f~ y<«. The gods. v. 3, 34; 15, 53; 17, 54; 19, 57;

24, 67 ; 25, 73 ; 28, 78 ; 30, 81 ; 31, 83 ; xxii. 11 ; xxxiv.
21 ; xxxviii. 10, 40 ; xxxix. 28, 52 ; xl. 29, 49, 77 ; xliii.
46; 1.10.

Hb y«< -se. xx. 16; xxx. 34; xxxiii. 26; xliv. 15;
xlviii. 21 ; 1. 38 ; li. 11.

Hf-T«< -se-di. Loc. Sing. xix. 10.

T«< -as-le. Loc. PL xxxviii. 9, 39 ; xxxix. 2, 27, 51 ;
xl. 27, 48, 76 ; xli. 3 ; xliii. 21, 45 ; xlvi. 26 ; 1. 8.
>~>y»-i.e. Of the god. xlviii. 13. The word for “god” is
either asis, in which case it would have the same sound as
the word for ‘ house/ or a word which terminates in -am.

50. hmt (. Ardinis ). The Sun-god. v. 3, 34; 4, 36; 16, 54;

xxi. 13; xli. 19.

Hf-*T -s. xx. 16; xxii. 11; xxviii. 8; xxxiii. 25; xxxiv.
20; xliv. 15 ; xlviii. 21 ; 1. 38; li. 11 ; Ivi. (3.) 13.

-ni-s. xx. 16 ; xxx. 33.

Hb -di. Loc. xxxvii. 3, 23 ; xxxviii. 9, 38 ; xxxix. 2,
26, 50; xl. 25, 48, 76; xli. 2; xliii. 21, 44.

-ni-di. xlvi. 25 ; 1. 8.

Hh*T {Ardinis). The day. v. 2 ; xix. 19 ; xxiv. 6,

"FT -ni. During the day , publicly, xx. 16; xxi. 14;

xxii. 12 ; xxx. 34 ; xxxiii. 26 ; xxxiv. 21 ; xliv. 17 ; xlviii.
10, 22; li, 11.

^ -ni-ni. 1% by day. v. 34.

51 - 4 - 444 (Teislas). The Air-god. xx. 15 ; xxi. 13.

Hb^4f -s. xxii. 11; xxviii. 8; xxx. 33; xxxiii. 35;
xxxiv, 20; xxxv.A, 11 Bev. ; xliv, 15; xlviii. 21 ; L 38;

730

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OP VAN.

4ft -a. Bat. xxvi. (2,) 1.

»t-4ft -(a )-e. v. 51.

-di. Loc. xxxvii. 3, 23 ; xxxviii. 9, 38 ;
xxxix. 2, 26, 50; xl. 26, 48, 75; xli. 2; xliii. 20, 44;
xIyL 25 ; 1. 8.

524 (ff ( Selardis ). v. 7.

53. ^ a. Citadel . Ivi. (1.) 8. Probably pronounced

arniusinida .

54. >~>^ . Assyria, xxxviii. 53, 57; xxxix. 21, 25, 31.
Probably pronounced Harsis .

* 4 ^ -ni-ni. Belonging to the Assyrians . xl. 36.

(? Har$i-ni~ni.)

55. River, xxxviii. 17 ; xxxix. 61 ; xliii. 17.

56. -hu-e-di-a (lutuvedia). Womenfolk . xxxviii. 46 ; xlv. 39.
'jV -hu-e-di-a-ni |<«. xlix. 10.

'jV -hu-e-di-i-a-ni. xxxvii. 13, 30, 39 ; xxxix. 59, 65 ; xliii.
26 ; xlv. 13.

57. y<«. Wooden objects, v. 29, 80.

?58. ►— > < -li. To the dead {?). v. 7, 40. Should perhaps be read

t'llli.

59. £ljl -ni. To the four . v. 12, 49. See ffo. 44.

60. | placed at the beginning of an inscription, lii., as in the

Assyrian bilingual tablets. Hence the word-divider of the
Persian inscriptions.

YOCABBLAEY OP THE WOEBS Iff THE ASSYELAN
TEXTS.

>-Jiyy Al-ni-hu-nu. The city of Alniun , which seems to have
preceded Yan. i. 6 ; ii. 8.

T (Ana). To, for. i. 6 ; ii. 7.

Ana-eu. L i. 7 ; ii. 8.

1 The compound ideograph a heaven” must be excised, and

tEgr “ citadel” substituted for it.

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF TAN,

731

An-ni-hu. This. i. 7 ; ii. 8.

An-nu-te. These, i. 6 ; ii, 7.

Dan-mi. Towerful. i. 1 ; ii. 2.

Dur. Fortress, i. 7 ; ii. 8.

Istu. From. I. 6 ; ii. 8.

Cu-bu-la-ni. Habitations (?). i. 6 ; ii. 7.

Ca-ea-ar. Ground, i. 6 ; ii. 7.

Can-su-te. Obedient (pi,). i. 3 ; ii. 4.

Mu-sae-nis. Subduer (shaphel part.).

La. iVbzJ. i. 3 ; ii. 4.

La-di-ru. Unfearing, i. 3 ; ii. 3. For la adiru.

Libbi. Heart , midst, i. 6 ; ii. 7.
y Lu-ti-ip-ri. Lutipris . i. !, 4, 5; ii. 1 , 5, 6 .

Ma-a. This (suffixed pron.). i. 6 ; ii. 7.

Am-kbar. I received, i. 5 ;■ ii.

Ma-da-tav. Tribute . i. 5 ; ii. 6. For mandantav , from |*0 4 to

give ? qro).

Na-i-ri. Eiverland (i.e. Biainas). i. 2 ; ii. 2.

Na-tsa-cu. I remove (1st pers. S. permansive Hal). L 7; ii. 8.
Should perhaps be matsacu e I have found. 3

D .

y -ri-dur. S'ariduris. ' i. 1, 4, 5 ; ii. I, 5, 6.

Rab-e. i. 1 ; ii. 1 .

Ar-ti-tsi-ip. I built (for artetsip 1st. pers. S. Iphteal aor.). i. 7 j
ii. 8.

732

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS OF VAN.

Sa. Of, whom. i. 1, 4; ii. 1, 5.

Sa-nin. Rival, i. 2 ; ii. 2.

Six. iZis, him. i. 2, 3 ; ii. 2, 4.

Su-nu. Them. i. 4 ; ii. 5.

Tap-ra-te. Habitations . i. 2 ; ii. 3.

Tu (^|)-ku-un-te. Opposition (pi. fern,). i. 3 ; ii. 4.

ASSYRIAN IDEOGRAPHS.

1. ?<. ? Tablet. LI.

. ? Tablet, ii. 1 .

3. || {AMT). Son. i. 1, 5 ; ii. 1 , 5, 6 . See above, No. 7.

4. «. Zing. i. 1, 2, 3, 4 ; ii. 1, 2, 4, 5. See above, No. 1.

^ !«<-ui (sarrani). Kings, i. 4; ii. 5, 6.

5. J (Cissati). Multitudes, i. 1; ii. 2.

6. ^ (Id). Mot. i. 2 ; ii. 3.

7. JSpI (CtoZ). i. 4; ii. 5.

8-Ifc -hu (ibsu). He was. i. 2 ; ii. 3.

9. ^ (Rihu). Shepherd, i. 2 ; ii. 3.

ERRATA AND CORRECTIONS.

Page 453, line 26. For there read these.

Page 463, line 20. For 1. read li.

Page 496, note 1. For Isv. read slv.

Page 632. For xlvii. read xlviii.

Page 650. M. Gnyard ingeniously suggests that we should read
a-lu-s hha-hu-da-e in line 8, and as alu-s in line 10. In
this case the original meaning of alus would be ‘ one.’

Art. XXIV . — Sanslnit Text of the Sihka-Patn of the Svami-
Narayana Sect. Edited by Professor Monier "Williams,
C.I.E., D.O.L.

[The text of the Siksha-patii of the modern Vaishnava Sect,
called Svami-Xarayana, was lithographed in Samvat 1928
(a.i>. 1872) by order of the Heads of the Sect. It has a
Gujarati Commentary by Xityananda-muni. So far as I
know, this is the only version of the text that has yet
appeared. It was given to me by the Wartal Maharaja on
the occasion of my first visit to Wartal in 1875. It is full of
mistakes, and in preparing the following edition of the text
I have taken as my guide the far more accurate manuscript
and Sanskrit commentary written by Pandit Satananda-muni,
and given to me by the Maharaja on the same occasion.]

«ra:

ti fwwt- n

tr f*smi ttw wN' wrfw i

II 8 ti

fwrfa wra* WtSprifW*! i

fspfnpft |Tn«T5Tf%ri: || ||

Vt I

H^TVr*W|TWT % ^T^T: II 8 II
?iw f^ 9 RT *fPrr vm: i

$ *§r: ^ ii m n

734

THE SIKSHA-PATRI.

ii t: ^Tf^pr: i

^WTTPnsn§wr srff*rr: inwrar: 11 § 11

<pttot w*%*i: lEftpt: i

n <o n

t Tn^farf^r *?f 5 n: ^T^nfrwif^n^ i
S^TWTTT’i; ^T fts^ ^npr ^ ^ITf^T: II C ||
(TT^IWT^ % g #t I

cl UIW^ ^ *TW*?% ff II <i I)

’Heft ^rrwr^rTEnifwt: i

ifttensrg-ft^r f*rc*POT; 11 so «
wft ^Tftrwt fwr % wnfre *rrci: i

5 ? gnN*rff*far ^4: iftwtsf^ *rn, i?it^ ii <r ii
tor TTJrr# srpenwisr ^ tt nf^ i
+igw<g g wift fi^rr wrt «t *jw ii ^ n
Wcfltnd^ ^r#*rg ’i f’src i

*r f^tf^^if^n ng a
m w #rr hto *ra firOTf*r ufem; i
*r ^ ^r f^raroft ^srfSref^w; n <m n

infa wra ^fq n w *rr i

W *f wsi: wi'^N' *rr ii h§ ii

«r ^T^srfxj i«if%ra: i

^ ^ f^rr^n n h

^rf^rrct *i **iN: ■gftj: *rr t%rt: i

^if^RPi *rn$ ii 9F «

THE SEKSHA-PATRI.

WHrri*I TrtK ^ *T I

^srargt twr mi in^wraftr n *q. h
tSiwrownr^: giw fln% i

’rrw^ng- wiwNtt: ^it*r b ^o ii
twnHfwwt mrNt ^ wr*ift i
%^rt ^ *? wn f%^T ^pht *r ^ nrf^^ a *a

ipptsnfiftsn m w ififtfnw: h ^ u
in fw^f^ imrTrfw n&fH i
w*r <rrf^T rt^nnH ^rfomcRt » r? ii
w> H fTcpjfr m i

tH^WT 51 1TW 1 *J ! tfTW^rfm: II ^8 II
spscprai: w iranr: i

UTrI^<iT3 t ?w: WRTtTTI *TT WT: II ^4 II
\®

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®Hwjw?p^r uurr *r wf%i ii *.§ «

^KHTfWjf%*fi Hf: XTRfl^lt TO I
Wrf*RT ^ -sf **nNt II R'Q II

HTH wsrmrr: wnStrtrt m w*= » «
inw<mmwr ^ gfarfir: i
sm irrfrrfa nwfw h mrrfsr a *<i «

^RTf^TH ^ HRT^ HKH 1 WWI I

umfi %w w#*i iw^^nrrwr it $o h

^ pi ppji tig% 5 } ^r i

wrfifTrl^ it 3 *r si ^ a

736

THE SIKSHA-PATEI.

wftrariw«rr ftftiw i
wrnfranN- ^ ^ #ft*i w n ii

Os '

wft wrft% *rre: wnropr «t rirqftjR; n 33 11
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w\$ ^ hwt Mwwr^f 1

trra^mretafw u<itr: 11 3$ 11

«f *rt fwrrftrfa: 1

f^ra^Tfft 5 fr m$: ^it R 3 ?%*r ^ 11 ^ 11
*lftR ttfTff^ ft ^fWRTfTft ^ 73 R: 1
7 i|^ wt tw *rftvRt *?^tf%ra: 11 ^ 11
wu Tfttn iRprfti: w#r *r *Nhrr 1
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ftar R w^f^W’Tw: 1
gfti: M ^ftrTRR fTTftra ^rr: II BO it

SRpftt *T% I

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R II 8^ II

rRTST TR ^fr# 3 j: 1

11 8? II

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1: 11 88 11

THE SIKSHA-PATRI.

^5% wr^s’er 3rn$: « gq h

w i

h* 3 fwf^fsr: anft *r wrwr m *r^rf%r1i: u g§

WTfKP?=? f%%?? I

Hfw^rr<i: ti n

srreftw wwff w. ¥ srannf^ ssftf^; !
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vmi h wrens! tpf^Pf^rr^: i
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\» ''•* Cs.

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^ *rr rt^T ht% ^ wrt www i
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mm tt^ww^t %^rf t hh i

Wmt ^rft?^T writtfwi « Mg «

% ^<te?r^??rr: ^frwifW^: i
f ^ % 11 mm ii

fhrt wi ’Krrgwr -gfw Tn^^TOT^ tt? i: i
irare wTswr^fr hj; ii m$ ii
wTfr^T^r mapit trra: gmt: ^fww: i
H^rMflcr*fhfT%: wr€ wtstseH^ ii mq #

738

THE SIKSHA-PATRI.

irwrftti <mi i

a^^ r qt : irten *tftara ^ % *rerr ii qc \\
Tfrar% ftfwr ftgw t^fw: i
TO^TTrf?niiT: *rt *rewt ft ftgun: » mq. n
irwf^T^fqef qrr^fq grftg i
ws^wraft si %o a

WPS SWl gw II ^ I!

w*nW% ?N nftft em; i

snsnsnitf <t^ ^ttqcnrg ^ ii ^ ii
?wwf^t : srre w^fp^i: i

qrr^ rnfrt Tif%raTq%: 11 §$ 11

wpItw w^prt: wps wn^rrci; i

want WRfiOT ft sr^Tf^t: i
^WrTRT^rlWPm^Tft^rmft II §4 II

*nf t^rf g%#ft wf w « g ss^ftr 1
^frwNt ft^itt ^nssrerT g ii §§ 11
^rawrftft: ^ qfc^u: i

to wraW 11 §a n

^rrfTftjfr w- gwsrrfsn w. i
^irgn^ngwi^f *nwNf m ^tostt n £*= n
g^n^qf^mftftiTrqfe^'R i
^gim^nft^rr wra: wnft ftwf^nf: 11 11

tttt 3 ??n g^l^wftre} i

wrerr ^ wpj^t *r 4Twr ii 'ao n

THE SIKSHA-PATKI.

739

fWT^T Hf ITfHfC I

TTHTHTHt tHTT«n^ |

rrfHTH. TOfW H HTHTnJWfV Hfwt: II ^ I
’HfH WftW ^ WI%T I

■HTH# Hfi HWW tf II ^ II

Hfw; I

W Wfrg H HTW HTlfr Hcfrr: I! 'Qg II
HIFTTHT H SRHlTfa mfimi W II

HHl^TT H HiT^r WriTHT^tH^H: II II
^^TWHT%f%fTfa I
^rrer% Hrf% h wsjtra htw: 11 ^ 11
Mt: wren: w hw^Hhh i
H fTwr ww: wt^jtm: H^twr: n 'o'o 11

HIHT^WjrfcT^fH fWHT HWT WH I

nfrawnt HWt wrxwHt ftwr: n w* 11

W^fNt WHT wfcsi WHT^TTfl i

wuwft^rrert h fimm Htw# 11 'oe 11
wrrerf^i pEn«£fT f^rrf%^7 hhwh: i
wnwrerr HfurrH n ^o h

WWT I

II ^ B

wiiHi mmi fir 11 n

*fi=WT ^TfW*jp®^HTTt WTfafH 1

nlhcfit wnifw w*} went: ii ^ n

THE SIKSHA-PATRI.

Iwmi *r f^rm: i

3c?t: wren *rr*rr t^n ; W *n*% n a
wnf*T ^raroi i

^ WWt H II <=M II

wtsrtt^s^t: f^rsrr: i

ff^ussr itM*t: *rf: srt?$: ii c§ »

m a 'i^ n a ra ciwj mi ^rr®r *r%?n*i i
37^ li w® il

spimfH fUTiN ^n^rr^rmr: i

tTHsKN wnn^ ^TH##5lt45? l| 'CC ||

5 nrw%: ro%: « ^q. ii

l^rg afq^ iRiw^ ^^'^ffifVi: i

*Tf%cpg w ^ft^Tf^ffrrfir: n e.o 11
wt wrf^ w wwra ^ran^nw: i
^^wt^nrw ^ f^trfin 11 es 11

^TMT^T^Ht ^rftr *TT ^T^TCTcra I

irrftf ^Tfrff wr^rf^rf *rr?t ^enffim: 11 a

w ^*R^tcn f^ifrfcpn i
wt er r i%*ffl i f i <sr wq ’t^wFi; a o.a 11

vjfonwflwr ^ ^f?r: i

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^irfa i

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.THE SIKSHA-PATKI.

741

3TTfTT fJTHT^frWT WTOtWiH H Wfw: II <1'3 II
’3ftaiTwi#g wwt i

Wf^fT^T %S?t H^STTlT^f II OF II

^nr: wt: i

^fwsrr^ wntsnnf nww ^ n ee it

hew wnf% wr^nfw ^sftewu^r mm m i
•'HWMWqHtftr fTO *rfWifWHT*r*ft: II «!0=i II
srawrrfw wrwTfw ht^hw^h: i
W HffHT Siwprfw: WST^fif rt^f : It W ||
wf %Er: ^^g^wf^w: I

HTfTM^IW^5Tfr%fr JRTOW II <^0$ ||
WTTO %*TRWVfH: ^fl'S'WrfTW^W I

^TcTT WITWtfwr cTE I

WT E H M T fwt wtwt II qoq ||

■fw^rraiT <w 1

>^tw II <=*<>$ II

H ^fterag: wt W MHWTW. wHwtrm: i
w^i w: HwrtwwiwErTT^w; « <= 10 ^ »

*t ttwiht *nrt Hnsrrawii iro: 1

Hf^PPT XWlrecff ^ftWTTTW ^ ff a 'toe. a

742 T HE SIKSHA-PATRI.

q , 5 Rs(Tfii(qt’}q Hrrwrat^ ¥^IIW li
in TraT^ft srarrera ^ wfqq; i

irfqTt^tsfwfrar g %r<sft^: 11 w a
qraqra ir^t q qpfqT i
qgrrf^jq^ h fS[*mstaro tf^i a «m a
rrtw q w vfm q>qqT q#4fq i

fq:%wirt fqsfgqmU qrlfq iw?nmc a <w$ a
qf%qt f5fam %q WHWt qtqq !
in% qfin wifuqraT qrf^ fqfuqn*: a <wg «
fRjqr^qrnrrq ^rranif?wrfo q i
q h qfaT q^nqi hwt wfa^fq q a hw a

OlfllH W fP^ti I

fqqR qq qr#*n *rfw sr^ra qq^T r <n§ a
qq: qr^TTq i

nwi qr qsr^ qq qrqfrsq qf%t: a <m a
qrrwtqr qwfr qqpinqsq? qfwq: i

a <rc« a

tqnwTqf^ qrmf qrqqt quq^Tf^ng i
qqr ^qqqqr Wtot f# q qTqqr a <m a

qnqrcr qqcn;q fq-sp! qTwnacrt a <ro a
q<! fqftE¥Tl[ef 5 } qt^t^r qT*t ql^cR I
wq qfn^HT wasjqqt qfwq q*qrnq a a

qq qrqrw q#r: gqt wtwt q qqq: i
q^tfqqiqt qtfwr tq^rrqq a <m a

THE SIKSHA-PATEI.

743

^rrtr|wT ff 11 yt% n

*T HtMf mi Ulfq HTsrff i

wHl °rt^ ^ ^rft wt *r TOfczt n^8

uf?i*pt v ^ w 3*nr?Tf^> i

f»«*IW^fW«U M H Uf^ 1! K

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^ wt $ i

i^srag^rg^it ^ f*nra: ii ^ it

*r^Tf%rerRiT i

wffwrat ^ <rrwrt wppr: n a
wrfwt *Ntwt: % # isRf fwr: %t: i
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^wt^rncTsrai^^t w sbhSt wf¥%t a <*?o «

srrFfUwroT wtft *rr*fw:

^rr^TTPET cf TO^t ^IW3i WfWW: a «*?<» II
wra fait f wi wtotstt fn^m ^ i
w=r , ^fNn Hf^ri *rf% wm. a ^ «

jrr^iwrTHTwr ww*?: i
wtfai wteni=rff a <*?$ a
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«r w^rr ^ ’Tiwg wt^jpi^a «t?8 a
fgTwre rftra ft % : nw^RfwT: i

i ?prr Iwrnsr t: »<^ms

744

THE SIKSHA-PATKI.

*rPCT itf^T WT fW? H I

^vrrof^; ®r t: #*t ^ 11 s?$ \\

sift wi: khh: i

#rar; f^JT: m$i wft %w sw « s?'® n
wr%: sifinit w€f irfwftr%^fRct: i
fxRt wmfw wx$t4 ^ ii s?^ ii

^ wmi wrar srcer: fxra^ft: i
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wnRfsw =rt^t f^r^TWifR: i

»r |W irfwwffrfif: ii s ao ii
wrsrfw w^rra iff fUsc^w t: n
■etrst^ ^ wfcn: tiTrarf^wu^r ^ n sbs i
wfNt ^ fcpfmTf^f>7^f^ i
WPR *Rr#* RW tiff ’'URRT II SB 1 *. II

wtwritt g^rrrf^rrft ^ i

^fWrt^RT^RIWlf SRfR *T II SB? II

Tr^ti’SR^t H I

**RR*ft ^ ^mw. wi^w^t n SBB »
5r: esrt ft i

^rrt b *?if ^f^rwr^TTR; ii sb mi
^rernsfr *r?irr ^fr ^nwtRi i
m sfajw art twr hurr^r ii sb$ ii

f*i »iTrr?t^ , iW'EiTf^crg B: i
wjff ^ur: itwr f^ifftif^rf ii sB'a ii

wr^ifYwHt ^ ^ art ftwsrflim: i
wM wwner w#si ftf%?rR^ ii sB c «

THE SIKSHA-PATEI.

745

3 F?N affTWH m ^TFtl TTtftr ^FW I
fTOrwrf^far: 11

^n^T^rw ^rii *Tft|Tr?F. i

fTWt ^TOftf RTO TO^TOtTOiTf^ ^ miJO H
^aoifflavHITOT ^3pTO WF tjfg 1
?rr!§n*hj ^ ®? ^nrw to frowi^ u u
Tfftwra 'Brt i

«r ^rrorfsrrf^ totit^ *r f€§r. ii <m 11
•f<qrrw ftrorr tt ^2wtTO%f ^ i
ajrwrrornw’si: uth: toto tjtot ii ii
TO^lfUft if TTOt TOT T£W ftTO% 1
Miwt *?^Tf%rt: %*j tott ^rrat l*TO « ii
* jf%fir: wt^t wtw topft *rtt: i
cftWH TOH TOT affTO ftlTPS htto: ii tmi ii
TRrftcTOT toto: *tr#srr w: i

xrnrfwHwt ^RTft ftrftsrrfa ^ n

tot: ^tt: igroro^rr «tr: wst wh% ii <tm'o ii
TTTOftiTTTOf #f Wreftmft ^TflT I
sj^rcf^: hto ^tjsn^fsrra to%: 11 q’R 11
TO^rfTOKff*!: ifen ^ftftaErTO I
^toT Ttaft ^t to^t ■sf <§#et: it <ma u
^sftroippir aiftpitsTOn^r h i
W ft TO ^ronfar: ft W II ^ 0 Ii

’gr^’TOt^n *r ^ #F i

amrMrt api^ *i froMnftwff’ft n u

746

THE SIKSHA-PATRI.

TOfT TTTOlffttsjTOl I

wnatf fMf? *r wtfro wr ^-Rtt to! it «i$r ii
ftrorTfa^r ^rftTfro 5 N: tifaftpro fft: i

^rrawroroiftTO w-' *p?rr *r * 6 fff vr q , i
7 ?^%#^ ctfpI tow ftro u 11
wra to ’t frfr-sftr wtft* i
to^ w ft ^ mt fN ^ tow it «i$q 11
fwTSTOWTOWTTOft?: tott *r irtft to i
TOrftTOi: ^ff^rojrm 11 q§§ 11

to! ^ ft ^ftr#rftqTfrfar w i

TOM rR.l»Tft ^ TT^T II =i §'0 ||

toto? w^nrnfH: ttoto§ tot% i
t^rowTfrfNr inft toto *t f f|ifr: ii q§c ii
tft ^ TOrosrrfarg grofroro: fwTO^m i
*rrfwr ftrnrrron ftrorg ^ **f|fw w ^ i
TOT* ** TOtroftRn: wt: wr#g ^rtftro i
^WTTOrrro ’f top wtto: toto *r t tffrot. is wo i
ftron^ftifVrtft I

to^ xift ’i #?j rrrf^TO^TOfrrr 11 wq ii
^ ftTO%?R m toit^ tour i

toto^ wftrg *r ^Trr^ ftww i
Tjrrort^N ^frosirofN ^ ^ h w$ »

TOTCf TOTTOfiT^tft TOXt IFTft TOUsfTO I

wronr g 3 «f& to « q^a 11

THE SIKSHA-PATRI.

747

fftwsRRrHfr $ Hfrtwt tr^ttrrr:

h: ^pn h fwft mwT hhwR?rw m fw u 9^9

TTRTt WT^T W W#5 IT H WRW W^TW I
Hfqr^KWT^f ^ w wr^Tf^^i: firsrr: 11 <r>§ it
^ W5Tf?RT ff HR i WTWmftWTfx? wr i
5f ^tf^rRfTWT *T WtWTT HfwNtH: II <|'Q'Q II
«T WRtfWIif??: WRIT »T I

H <fh?i twit TTTfW^ W Hf%T I! 9'®* II
«r ipft nwwtwg wrdtwr;: hhtw i
*r wr? 'wt: '*r*rf^ir ^wffwwtwr; u a

Hir^rsjwfrwRRrt wra^ i

^ WFH #$ ^wtwfwfe II ^o ||

HRfH^WWHTHTWt TRR wfwm H TER I

fsRfTTTjfrsTT HTWHTW fHTTfWTfq HT II 9*9 II

■snirfHfTTTaT^t mmi w hi irf^t i

cT^T ^fTfq H^WT WIHT WFW TRW WT U 9 *\ II
HWTWTft «T TO| H WTp W I

wwf *r t%wf 'WRrf whwt tstwf w t: 11 n
wHT wrww w\ ftrrlTHfTT i

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w*§: #whht wfw t: h^t ii 9*9 a

WHWrft H t%t WTWT fTTOf Wftfp 1
WP^WWWRj W t*f W H WZR II 9 *§ «

wwr w www %i ii a

748

THE SIKSHA-PATEI.

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qft#winf^ ^ SrqqTqrqiqtqq: ii <v=k ii
qqfssqifw wn I tq^qq: i
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qrolr qqfr q qiqnfq tit q qfiffqq, i
q qqqfqqqT q ^TTT% wf II 8^0 11

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xrqnfqfqq *wrst iwt Wift fqqTq^q ii ^ \\
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wqq qqqq w i

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qq qff qf qtf qr^jfMq I

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qqqqrqwTftfcq qqq%: n «)<>§ n
qfrifq: qTqfqqqwfN qqqq: I

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qpqqrm q qqqT q q qqi qfqqqqs n 8<i<i i

\S ©v

*<?q q q^g xifTqt fqqT q^TTf^nq^q 1
fq*^q qftfqq} q qrqqrqqq: q^r ii qpo «

THE SIKSHA-PATRI.

749

an f^ H^T ^ fJTSH ^ Suf f wfr|fMl% I
qw sq lfa f«rwfN ff t ^ h IS R0<| II

«T W#a| HTR ^ |

tf SfSfTT ^ H»r«T *t WV%1 WS W l f ^f II ^0* ||
^fH wr: Wt f%f%WT 3RT I

^w^rfwr^rr Ihr wr g f^rerr: » n
v WFpmrt *r*rfar w?t *t warn i
Wfa t^rt^cfT || ^.08 ||

qdlfl fa d fiW ^ MHit *B^R=R II ^oq II
^ x& fi sw ’sftfsra wr i

H HFWPfr fafwt II ^0§ II

^ % Ffww<Tsr?r: i

•gffMHT %sf Wtjt: Wre?^Tfa% II XS.O'S ||
firsrowr: xrreUwr *rfxnf^t: i

Wlf II ROX? ||

^unl ft nthf sffRfuwr: ufrwTwc i
JT^qfilfTI WfWt 3HWET 11 ^0<i il

^pnro HKf^r fwr <|-ra%r h t?fw i
wtf#T w^isror h% ^srr *r sfifffwd: n ^o n
f^wSrappar^ i

xrewraf^*i fiprrqfh? f^twfrr mi ii n

^THT 5gWTCf ???rafxHerret
Tnrtg wwr^t^RW^ *k ii w #

750

TRANSLATION OF THE SIKSHA-PATBI.

Translation of the foregoing SikshI-Patrx.
By Professor Monier Williams.

[In making the following translation I have been careful
to study the Sanskrit commentary called Artha-dlpika,
written for me in clear beautiful characters by Pandit
Satananda-muni (one of the disciples of Svami-Narayana),
by order of the Wartal Maharaja, after one of the formal
visits to the Wartal Temple, which were kindly arranged for
me by Mr. Frederick Sheppard, C.S., late Collector of Kaira,
and now Commissioner. The translation is the first ever
made by any European scholar, though it is right I should
mention that I have consulted a fairly accurate version (not
always perfect either in its renderings or its English)
written by Sheth Bhogilal Pranjlvandas, of the Bombay
Education Society’s Institution, Ahmedabad, and given in
Mr. H. C. Briggs’ work, “ The Cities of Grujarashtra.”
I have also received assistance from my friend Pandit
Shyamajl Krishna-varma, of Balliol College, Oxford.]

1. I meditate in my heart on that Krishna on whose left
side is seated Radha, on whose breast reclines Sri (Lakshml),
and who enjoyed sport (with them) in Yrindavana.

2. I, Sahajanandah SvamI (afterwards called Svami-Nara-
yana), living at Yrittalaya, write this Letter of instructions
(or Book of directions) to all my followers scattered
throughout various countries.

3. Let the two youths named Ayodhya-prasada and
Raghu-vlra, the sons of my two brothers, Rama-pratapa
and Ibcha-rama, who were the children of Dharma (or Hari-
prasada) ;

4. And let those Kaishthika Brahmacarls (that is to say,
those Brahmans who continue Brahma-carls or celibates all

TRANSLATION OF THE SIKSHA-PATRI.

751

their lives), the chief among whom is Mukundananda, and
those Grihasthas (householders), such as Mayarama-Bhatta,
and other of my followers ;

5. And let those women, whether wives or widows, who
have become my disciples, and the whole number of holy
men (Sadhus), such as Muktananda and others;

6. Let all these (persons) constantly give heed to my
prayers for their perpetual continuance in their own proper
duties — (my prayers) offered up with repetition of the name
Krishna (Narayana), and in accordance with the sacred
scriptures. (Literally — Let my benedictory words which
keep them in their own duties be always read by all these
persons accompanied by repetition of the name of Krishna,
and approved by the Sastras.)

7. Let this Letter of directions, which has important
objects (to he hereafter enumerated), and which promotes
the welfare of all living beings, be studied with perfect
concentration of mind by all these (persons).

8. Those (virtuous) persons who conform to the good
usages enjoined by tbe sacred Sastras will always enjoy
great happiness both in this world and in that which is to
come.

9. But those evil-minded persons who wilfully transgress
such (good usages) will certainly suffer great misery in
this world as well as in the next.

10. Therefore let all of you who are my disciples always
remain careful and well-contented in the observance of this
(Book of directions).

11. Let no followers of mine ever intentionally kill any
living thing whatever — not even a louse, flea, or the most
minute insect.

12. The killing of any animal such as a goat, etc,, for the
purpose of sacrificing to the (rods and Pitris, must not be
practised ; because it is declared, that abstinence from injury
to others is the highest of all duties.

13. The killing of any human being in any way, at any
place, for any object, (even) for the sake of acquiring a wife,
wealth, or political supremacy, is wholly prohibited.

752

TRANSLATION OF THE SIKSHA-PATRI.

14. Suicide at a sacred place of pilgrimage, or from passion,
either by banging, or by poison in consequence of the com-
mission of a criminal act, 1 is prohibited.

15. Flesh meat should never be eaten, not even that which
remains of a sacrifice. Spirituous liquor of any kind
should never be drunk, not even that presented to the
Gods.

16. If an unlawful act has been committed anywhere by
one's self or any other person, no member either of one's
own or any other person's body should be on that account
mutilated with a weapon of any kind through anger.

17. All theft is prohibited, even that which is committed
under pretence of contributing to religious purposes; nor
must such things as wood and flowers that have an owner
ever be abstracted without his permission.

18. Let no male or female followers of mine ever commit
adultery. Let them shun gaming and similar vices, and
abstain from all intoxicating liquors and substances such as
hemp, etc.

19. Nowhere — except in Jagannatha-purl— let a man accept
water or food which has been cooked by one from whom food
is not to be taken ( Le . from a person of low caste), even
though that food may have formed the Prasada 2 of Krishna
(that is, the remains of what has been presented as an
offering to Krishna).

20. No calumnious language must be used against any one
for the sake of promoting one's own interests. No abusive
words must ever be spoken.

21. Never use nor listen to profane language against the
Gods, sacred places, Brahmans, holy women, Sadhus and the
Yedas.

22. The remains of the offering to that Goddess to whom
flesh and liquor are offered and in whose presence the
killing of goats, etc., takes place, are not to be eaten.

1 A father sometimes lolls himself because a criminal act has been committed
by a member of his family.

2 By Prasada is meant the remains of food presented as an offering to a god.
Here the word must be either prasadT or prasadi, from prasadin.

TRANSLATION OF THE SIKSHA-PATRI.

753

23. If you happen on the road to see before you a temple
of friva or any other Grod, having first made a salutation,
respectfully enter inside to view the image.

24. Let no one abandon the duties of the class and order
to which he belongs, nor practise the religious duties of
others ; nor have anything to do with those propounded by
heretical teachers.

25. The narrative of the exploits of the Lord Krishna
should not be heard from the mouth of any person whose
words lead one to fall from his worship or from duty.

26. Never tell a truth which is likely to cause serious
injury to yourself or to any one else. Avoid associating with
ungrateful persons. Never accept a bribe from any person
whatever.

27. Never associate with thieves, wicked or vicious persons,
heretics, people who are in love, and people who are engaged
in dishonest occupations.

28. Never associate with those who, through eager desire
to obtain a wife, wealth or some sensual gratification, practise
sinful acts under pretext of devotion to religion or to sacred
knowledge.

29. Never pay attention to those hooks in which Krishna
and his incarnations are impugned by controversial argu-
ments.

30. No unstrained water or milk should be drunk, nor
should water containing minute insects be used for such
purposes as bathing, etc.

31. Never take medicine which is mixed with spirituous
liquor or flesh meat ; or which has been prescribed by
a physician whose character is unknown.

32. Never allow bodily excretions or evacuations or saliva
to fall in places prohibited by the Sastras or by public
custom.

33. Never enter or leave (a house) by a side entrance
(or private door) ; never take up your residence at a place
belonging to another person, without asking the owner’s
permission.

34. Males ought not to listen to (discourses on) religious

754

TRANSLATION OF THE SIKSHA-PATRI.

knowledge, or to tales (about the exploits of heroes) from
the mouths of women, 1 nor ought they to carry on contro-
versial discussions with females; nor with a king or his
officials.

35. Never speak disrespectfully of religious preceptors, of
superiors, of those who have gained renown in the world,
of learned men, and of those that carry arms.

36. Never do any act rashly ; nor be slow in a religious
duty. Impart to others the knowledge you may receive, and
daily associate with holy men.

37. Do not go empty-handed to pay a visit to a religious
preceptor, a god or a king. Never betray a trust or violate
confidence. Never praise yourself with your own lips.

38. The clothing of my followers should not be of such
an improper kind that, when put on, the limbs are
exposed to view.

39. The worship of Krishna must not be performed
without attending to religious duties. Adoration of Krishna
should not be abandoned through fear of the reproaches of
ignorant people.

40. On religious festivals and on ordinary days, the males
and females that go to Krishna’s temple should keep separate
and not touch each other.

41. Those twice-born persons who have received initiation
into the worship of Krishna from a duly qualified religious
teacher should always wear on their necks two rosaries made
of Tulsi wood (one for Kadha and another for Krishna), and
should make an upright mark on their foreheads.

42. This mark should be made with Gfopl-candana (i.e.
white earth from Dvarika), or with sandal which is left from
that employed in the worship of Hari (Krishna), and mixed
with saffron.

43. Within this (erect mark) there ought to be made
a round (vritta) mark with the materials (or earth) used
for the Pundra, or with saffron which has served for the

i This is in strict unison with the present Hindu practice of keeping women
itrnorant. That women in ancient times were not only educated, but sometimes
erudite and celebrated as religious teachers, is proved by the example or Maitr y ,
Gann and others.

TRANSLATION OF THE SIKSHA-PATBL

755

Prasada of Radha and Krishna (that is, with a portion left
from that employed in their worship),

44. Those pure JSudras who are worshippers of Krishna,
while practising their own peculiar duties, should, like the
twice-born, use a rosary and a vertical mark on the
forehead.

45. By those (Sudra) worshippers who are different from
the pure Sudras two rosaries made of sandal wood, etc., are
to be worn on the throat, and only a round mark is to be
made on the forehead.

46. Those twice-born of my followers, who have inherited
from their forefathers the custom of using a rosary of
Rudraksha berries (sacred to Siva), and the three horizontal
(Saiva) marks, should not discontinue that practice.

47. Narayana and Siva should be equally regarded as
manifestations of one and the same Universal Spirit, since
both have been declared in the Yedas to be forms of
Brahma. 1

48. In times of slight distress my adherents shall not
chiefly (or by preference) follow the laws which are laid dow T n
by the Sastras for times of (excessive) distress.

49. Every day let every man awake before sunrise, and
after calling on the name of Krishna, proceed to the rites of
bodily purification.

50. Having seated himself in some place apart, let him
cleanse his teeth, and then, having bathed with pure water,
put on two well- washed garments (an under and an upper).

51. Then having seated himself on a clean and single
(asamklrna) seat placed on ground purified (with cow-dung,
etc.), let a man sip water with his face either to the east or
north.

52. My male followers should then make the vertical mark
with the round spot in it on their foreheads, and wives
should only make a circular mark with red powder (of
saffron).

53. A widow is prohibited from making either a vertical

1 This precept furnishes an interesting proof of the tolerant character of
Yaishnavism, and of its harmony with the pantheism of the Vedanta.

756

TRANSLATION OF THE SIKSHA-PATRI.

or round mark on her forehead. In the next place all my
followers ought to engage in the mental worship of Krishna.

54. After engaging in mental worship, let them bow down,
before the pictures of Radha and Krishna, and repeat the
eight-syllabled prayer to Krishna (that is — the formula
meaning £ Krishna is my refuge ’) as many times as possible.
After that they may apply themselves to their secular affairs.

55. All my ordinary disciples should perform the preced-
ing rules; but those who like Ambarisha have dedicated
their whole souls (to the Deity) should be most particular in
performing the duties ending with mental worship in the
order enumerated (in the preceding six verses as well as the
following) : —

56. (Such devoted persons) should also then worship an
image made of either stone or metal, and the black stone
called Sala-grama (representing Vishnu), with the (sixteen)
offerings (of sandal, etc.), such as are procurable, and the
eight-syllabled mantra of Krishna should be repeated (manu
= mantra).

57. Next (in order to the performance of brahma-yajna)
the hymn celebrating the praises of Krishna should be
recited according to ability, and those that have not studied
Sanskrit should at least repeat his name.

58. All who have devoted themselves (in this way) to the
worship of Krishna, should next present an offering (of
cooked food) to him, and then they should eat the remains of
the offering (prasadikam). They should at all times be full
of joy.

59. Since they are called the passionless (nirguna)
worshippers of the passionless Krishna, therefore, in conse-
quence of that, all their acts are also (called) passionless
(nirguna).

60. By these devoted (worshippers) indeed no water
should be drunk, nor should any leaves, roots or fruits
anywhere be eaten which have not been presented to
Krishna.

61. All those who from old age or some grievous calamity
are unable (to perform worship) should make over the (image

TRANSLATION OF THE SIKSHA-PATBI.

or Sala- grama stone) of Krishna to the charge of some other
devotee (able to carry on the proper services), and should
themselves act to the best of their ability.

62. An image (or Sala- grama) of Krishna, given by a
religious leader (deary a), or consecrated by him, should be
worshipped, but to other images it is sufficient to make
obeisance.

63. Every day all my followers should go to the temple of
God in the evening, and there loudly repeat the names of
the lord of Radhika.

64. The story of his exploits should be related as well
as heard with the greatest reverence, and on festivals hymns
in praise of Krishna should be sung accompanied by musical
instruments.

65. In this manner all my followers should every day
perform religious duties. Moreover, they should study works
both in Sanskrit and in the popular dialects, according to
their mental abilities.

66. Whatever individual is appointed to any office, he
should be so appointed with strict regard to his qualifica-
tions, after due consideration, and never in any other way.

67. Let every one always provide his own servants with
food and clothing in the most suitable manner, and according
to his own pecuniary means.

68. In conversation every person should be addressed
conformably to his character (or qualities), and suitably to
time and place, and not in any other manner.

69. By all well-conducted persons due deference must
be shown to a religious guide, a king, an elder, an ascetic,
a learned man, and one that practises austerities, by rising
from the seat and so forth.

70. No man should sit down on the ground in the presence
of a religious preceptor, a god, or king, or in a (solemn)
assembly, in such a (disrespectful) attitude as to make one
foot rest on the thigh, or with a cloth tied round the (waist
and) knees.

71. A controversial discussion should never be carried on
with a religious teacher (deary a). He is to be honoured

758

TRANSLATION OF THE SIKSHA-PATRI.

with gifts of food, money, clothes, and with all other tilings
according to ability.

72. When any of my disciples hear of his arrival, they
should immediately show their respect by advancing to meet
him, and when he departs, they should accompany him as
far as the confines of the village.

73. If an act, attended with large recompense, be opposed
to religious duty, that act ought not to be committed ; for
religious duty (when performed) confers all desired objects.

74. An unrighteous act that may have been committed by
great persons in former times must never be held (worthy of
imitation) ; but their virtuous conduct only is to be imitated.

75. Let not the secrets of any one be ever anywhere
divulged, the neglect (vyatikrama) of proper respect (for
those deserving of reverence) should never be made, (as if all
were to be looked at) with an equal eye (of esteem).

76. All iny disciples should practise special religious ob-
servances during the four special months (beginning with
Ashadha). But those who are sickly need only practise the
same in the one month of Sravana only.

77. Beading and listening to the exploits of Vishnu,
singing his praises, solemn worship, repetition of his mantra
( fC Great Krishna is my refuge ”), recitation of the hymn of
praise (i.e. of the thousand names of Vishnu), reverential
circumambulations (from left to right with the right side
towards the object adored),

78. Prostration with the eight members (of the body) —
these are considered the best religious observances ; any one
of these ought to be performed with special devotion.

79. The fasts of all the eleventh days (of the waxing and
waning moon) should be carefully observed; also of the
birthdays of Krishna ; and of the night of Siva ( Siva-ratri )
with rejoicings during the day.

80. On a fast-day sleeping by day should most carefully
be avoided, since by such sleep the merit of fasting is lost to
men, quite as much as by sexual intercourse.

81. Whatever appointed order of religious fasts and
festivals (vrata and utsava) was enjoined by Sri Viththalesa

TRANSLATION OF THE SIKSHA-PATBI.

759

(Yiththala-natha), who was the son of Sri Yallabhacarya, the
most eminent of Yaishnavas.

82. Having conformed to that order, all religious fasts and
festivals should be observed accordingly ; and the form of
worshipping Krishna directed by him ( Viththalesa) should be
adopted.

83. A pilgrimage to the Tlrthas, or holy places, of which
Dvarika (Krishna’s city in Gujarat) is the chief, should be
performed according to rule. Love and Charity should be
shown towards the poor by all, according to ability.

84. Yishnu, Siva, Gana-pati (Ganesa), Parvatl, and the
Sun, these five deities should be honoured with worship by
my followers. 1

85. When at any place a calamity is caused by a demon
or by any similar cause, the charm called Narayana should
be recited or the mantra of Hanuman should be muttered,
but not the mantra of any inferior god less esteemed.

86. On the occurrence of eclipses of the sun and moon, all
my followers should immediately suspend their other business,
and, having purified themselves, should make repetition of
the (eight-syllabled) mantra of Krishna.

87. When the eclipse has passed off, they should bathe
with their clothes on, and those who are householders should
distribute gifts according to their ability. Other persons
(who have no worldly means) should engage in the worship
of the supreme Lord (Yishnu).

88. Those followers of mine who belong to the four classes
should observe, in conformity with the Sastras, the rules in
regard to the contraction of impurity through births and
deaths, according to the degree of kinship,

89. Brahmans should possess tranquillity of mind, self-
restraint, forbearance, contentment and similar virtues.
Kshatriyas (or the soldier caste) should be remarkable for
bravery, fortitude, and the like qualities.

1 It is evident from this verse, as from verse 47, that although Yaishnatas give
preferential worship to Yishnu, they are really Pantheists in the sense of
honouring other deities, as manifestations of the Supreme Being. It may be
observed that although five deities axe here mentioned, Ganapati and Parvati are
connected with Siva, as the Sun is with Vishnu.

760

TRANSLATION OF THE SIKSHA-PATRI.

90. Vai'syas (or the agricultural and commercial caste)
should occupy themselves in mercantile pursuits, money-
lending, and the like. Sudras (or the servile class) should be
employed in serving the twice-born, etc.

91. The twice-born should perform at the proper seasons,
and according to their means — each according to his own
domestic rules — the twelve purificatory rites 1 (, samkara ), the
(six) daily duties, 2 and the Sraddha offerings to the spirits of
departed ancestors.

92. If intentionally or unintentionally any sin, great or
small, be committed, the proper penance must be performed
according to ability.

93. The Vedas, the Vedanta-sutras of Vyasa, the Rhaga-
vata-purana and the thousand names of Vishnu in the Maha-
bharata,

94. The Bhagavad-gita and the precepts of Vidura, the
Vasudeva-mahatmya from the V aishnava-khanda of the
Skanda-Purana,

95. And the Smriti of Yajnavalkya, which is one of the
Dharma-Sastras, these eight sacred books are approved by me
as authorities. 3

96. All my twice-born disciples who. wish good to them-
selves should recite these sacred books and hear them recited.

97. In deciding questions of ancient usage (aeara), or
practice, or penance, the code of Yajnavalkya, with its com-
mentary the Mitakshara, should be taken (as the best
authority).

98. The tenth and fifth books of the Rhagavata Parana
are to be regarded as having the preeminence over all the

1 Of these only six are now generally performed, viz. : — 1, the birth-ceremony,
or touching the tongue of a new-born infant with clarified butter, etc. ; 2, the
name-giving ceremony on the tenth day ; 3, tonsure ; 4, induction into the
privileges of the twice -horn, by investiture with the sacred thread; 5, solemn
return home from the house of a preceptor after completing the prescribed course
of study ; 6, marriage. See Indian Wisdom, p. 246.

2 The six daily duties (called Nitya-karman), according to Parasara, are : —
1, bathing; 2, morning and evening prayer (sandhya) ; 3, repetition of sacred
texts ; 4, offerings to fire (homa) ; 5, worship of ancestors ; 6, worship of the
gods. The six daily acts enjoined by Manu are different. See Indian Wisdom ,
p. 244.,

3 I commend this list to the attention of those European scholars who wish to
be guided by Indian authorities in determining the real ‘‘sacred hooks ” of India.

TRANSLATION OF THE SIKSHA-PATRI.

761

other sacred books for the understanding of the glory of
Krishna.

99. The tenth and fifth hooks of the Bhagavata Parana
and the code of Yajhavalkya are respectively my Bhakti-
sastra (manual of faith), Yoga-sastra (manual of devotion),
and Dharma-sastra (manual of law).

100. As a treatise on the soul, the commentary on the

Bhagavad-Glta as well as that on the Sarlraka-Sutras of Vyasa,
made by Raman ujaoarya, commends itself to my approval.

101. Whatever precepts in these sacred books have for
their subject the excessive exaltation of Krishna and of
Justice (Vrisha), of faith and of indifference to the world —

102. Such precepts should be regarded as taking prece-
dence over all others. Their essential doctrine is that
devotion to Krishna should be joined with the performance
of duty.

103. Duty (dharma) is that good practice which is en-
joined both by the Veda (Sruti) and by the law (Smriti)
founded on the Veda. Devotion (bhakti) is intense love for
Krishna, accompanied with a due sense of his glory.

104. Indifference to worldly objects means absence of
satisfaction in any object except Krishna. True knowledge
consists in discriminating rightly between the nature of the
personal soul (jiva), of the external world (Maya), and of the
Supreme Being (Isa).

105. The personal soul dwells in the heart. It is as subtle
as an atom ; it is all thought ; it has the faculty of know-
ledge ; it is ascertained to be constantly pervading the whole
body (i.e. the three corporeal envelopes karana, sukshma,
and sthula) by its power of perception ; it is characterized
by indivisibility and the like.

106. The external world (Maya) is identical with the
energizing power of Krishna. It is composed of the three
Gunas ; it is darkness ; it is to be understood as the cause of
the soul’s having such ideas in regard to the body, and the
things relating to the body, as are conveyed by the expres-
sions I, mine, and the like.

107. He who abides in the living personal soul in the

762

TRANSLATION OR THE S IKSHA-PATRL

character of an internal monitor, as the personal soul dwells
in the heart, he is to he considered as the Self-existent
Supreme Being, the Rewarder of all actions.

108. That Being, known by various names — such as the
glorious Krishna, Param Brahma, Bhagavan, Purushottamah
— the cause of all manifestations, is to be adored by us as our
one chosen deity.

109. He, together with Radha, should be regarded as the
Supreme Lord, under the name of Radha-Krishna. With
RukminI and Rama he is known as LakshmI-K aray an a.

110. When joined with Arjuna, he is known by the name of
Nara-Narayana; when associated with Bala-bhadra (=Bala«
raraa), or any other divine personage, he is called Rama-
Krishna and so on.

111. Those devoted (female companions of the god) Radha
and his other (consorts) are in some places represented at his
side. In other places (their images do not appear, because)
they are supposed to be one with his body and he with
theirs.

112. On no account let it be supposed that difference in
forms makes any difference in the identity of the deity. For
the two-armed Krishna may exhibit himself with four arms
(or eight, or a thousand, or any number of arms).

113. Towards him alone ought all faith and worship
(bhakti) to be directed by every human being on earth in
every possible manner. Nothing else, except such (faith), is
able to procure salvation.

114. The best result of the virtues of those who possess
good qualities is faith in Krishna and association with holy
men ; without these, even persons who know (the Sastras) go
downwards (towards a lower state).

115. Meditation should be directed towards Krishna, his
incarnations and their images, but not towards living men,
nor (inferior) gods, etc., nor devotees, nor (even) those who
(merely) have knowledge of Brahma.

116. Having perceived, by abstract meditation, that the
Spirit or Self is distinct from its three bodies (viz. the gross,
subtle and causal bodies), and that it is a portion of the one

TRANSLATION OF THE SIKSHA-PATPJ.

763

Spirit of the Universe (Brahma), every man ought to
worship Krishna by means of that (self) at all times.

117. The tenth book of the Bhagavata- Parana should be
listened to reverentially, and learned men should read it
daily or (if frequent reading is impossible, at least) once
a year.

118. The repetition (of the Bhagavata), as well as of the
thousand names of Yishnu, etc., should be performed as far
as possible in a pure place (such as the precincts of a temple) ;
for (such repetition) causes the accomplishment of desired
objects.

119. On the occurrence of any disaster caused by the
elements (such as a flood or fire), or when any human calamity
or sickness takes place, a man should be wholly occupied in
striving to preserve himself and other people and in
nothing else.

120. Pteligious usages, business transactions and penances,
should be adapted to country, time, age, property, rank and
ability.

121. The (philosophical) doctrine approved by me is the
Visishtadvaita (of Ramanuja), 1 and the desired heavenly
abode is Goloka. There to worship Krishna, and be united
with him as the Supreme Soul of the Universe, is to be con-
sidered salvation (Mukti).

122. These that have been specified are the general duties,
applicable to ail my followers, whether male or female. Kow
I am. about to enumerate the special duties.

123. The two sons of my elder and younger brothers
(viz. Ayodhya-prasada and Raghu-vira) ought never to
impart instruction to any women except their nearest
relations.

124. They ought never to touch or converse with any
women in any place whatever. Cruelty should never be
shown towards any person. A deposit belonging to another
should never be taken charge of.

125. In business matters no one should stand security for

1 This verse proves that in their philosophical ideas the Svami-Narayana sect
are followers of the Ramanuja sect. Compare verse 100.

764

TRANSLATION OF THE SXKSHA-PATRL

any other person. In passing through a time of distress it
is right to ask for alms, but debts should not be contracted.

126. One should not sell corn bestowed by one’s own
disciples ; having given away old corn, new com is to be
bought. That is not called a sale.

127. On the fourth day of the light-half of the month
Bhadra, the worship of Granesa should be performed, and on
the fourteenth of the dark-half of Asvina, Hanuman should be
worshipped.

128. Those two sons (of my brothers, viz. Ayodhya-
prasada and Baghu-vlra), who have been appointed as
spiritual guides to guard the religious interests of my
followers, should initiate all desirous of obtaining salvation
(in the use of the mantra of Krishna).

129. They should cause each of their disciples to continue
steadfast in his own appointed duty. Honour should be
paid to holy men, and the sacred Sastras should be reverently
repeated.

180. Worship of Lakshml-Narayana, and other forms of
Krishna that have been set up and consecrated by me in
the great temples, should be performed with the proper
ceremonies.

131. Any one who may come to the temple of Krishna
to ask for a gift of food (cooked or uncooked) should be
received with respect, and food given to him according to
ability.

132. Having established a school for giving instruction,
some learned Brahman should be appointed over it. True
knowledge should be promoted throughout the world, for
that is an act of great merit.

133. The two wives of these (sons of my brothers), with
the permission of their respective husbands, should initiate
females only (eva) in the Mantra of Krishna.

134. They should never touch or speak to other males
than their nearest relations ; nor should they ever show their
faces to them.

135. My male followers who are householders should
never touch widows unless they are their own near relatives.

TRANSLATION OP THE SIKSHA-PATRI.

765

136. They should not remain alone in any private place
with a youthful mother, sister or daughter, except in a time
of distress. Nor should a wife be given away (to another man).

137. No attachment should on any account be formed with
a woman who in any transactions has been brought into con-
nexion with the king of the country.

138. When a guest has arrived at a house, he should be
honoured by those (who live in it) with food and other things
according to ability. Offerings to the Gods and the Pitris
(at the Devata-tarpana and Pitri-tarpana and Sraddha
ceremonies) should be made according to right usage and
according to one's means.

139. It is the duty of my disciples, as long as they live
and according to their ability, to honour with faithful atten-
tion their father, mother, spiritual preceptor, and any one
afflicted with sickness.

140. Every person should, according to his ability, carry
on some occupation suitable to his caste and religious order.
Those that live by agriculture should not allow a bull to be
gelded.

141. Provisions and money should be laid by according to
circumstances and time ; and those that keep cattle should
store up as much hay as these animals may need for their
consumption.

142. If a man can himself attend to the proper feeding of
cows and other animals with hay and water, then only he
may keep them, otherwise he must not do so.

143. No business in regard to giving or receiving land or
property should ever be transacted even with a son or friend,
without a written deed attested by witnesses.

144. When any pecuniary transactions connected with
giving away a girl in marriage have to be transacted for
one's self or another person, the money to be delivered over
should not be settled by verbal agreement, but only by
a written contract attested by witnesses.

145. A man's expenditure ought always to he in pro-
portion to his income. Otherwise it is certain that great
misery will arise. •

766

TRANSLATION OF THE SIKSHA-PATRI.

146. Every day one should take note of one’s income and
expenditure in the regular business of life, and write them
down with one’s own hand.

147. My followers should assign a tithe of the grain,
money, etc., acquired by their own occupation or exertions
to Krishna, and the poor should give a twentieth part.

148. The due performance of fasts, of which the eleventh-
day fasts are the principal, should be effected according to
the §astras and one’s ability ; for this will lead to the attain-
ment of desired objects.

149. Every year in the month Sravana one should perform,
or cause others to perform, cheerfully the worship of Siva
with the leaves of the Bilva-tree, etc.

150. Neither money, nor utensils, nor ornaments, nor
clothes should be borrowed for use (on festive occasions)
from one’s own spiritual preceptor, or from the temple of
Krishna.

151. While going to do homage to great Krishna, to
a spiritual preceptor, or to a holy man, food should not be
Accepted from others ' on the road, or at the places of
pilgrimage ; for such food takes away religious merit.

152. The full amount of promised wages should be paid to
a workman. Payment of a debt is never to be kept secret.
Let no one have any dealings with wicked men.

153. If through great distress caused by a famine, by
enemies, or by (the oppression of) a king, any danger of
destruction arises anywhere to character, wealth or life,

154. The wise among my followers should at once quit
even their own native country, and having gone to another,
let them reside there happily.

155. Wealthy householders should perform those sacrifices
in honour of Vishnu which entail no killing of animals.
Brahmans and holy men (Sadhus) should be fed on festival
days at sacred places of pilgrimage.

156. They should observe the great festivals in honour of
the Deity in the temples, and should distribute various gifts
among Brahmans who are deserving objects (of generosity).

157. Kings who are my followers should govern all their

TRANSLATION OF THE SIKSHA-PATRI.

767

subjects in accordance with the law (laid down in the
Dharma-sastras), and should protect them as if they were
their children, and should establish the observance of proper
duties throughout the whole land.

158. They should be well acquainted with the circum-
stances of their kingdom ; as, for example, with the seven
Angas (viz. the duties of the sovereign, minister, ally,
treasury, territory, fortresses and army) ; the four Upayas
(viz. conciliation, sowing dissension, bribing, and punishing) ;
the six Grunas (viz. peace, war, marching, sitting encamped,
dividing the forces, having recourse to an ally for protection) ;
and the places of resort to which spies should be sent. They
should also make themselves acquainted with the men who
are skilled in legal procedure, and with all the court
functionaries, observing by the right signs whether any
ought to be punished or not. 1

159. Wives should honour their husbands as if they were
gods, and never offend them with improper language,
though they be diseased, indigent, or imbecile. 2 3

160. No communication, even though arising naturally
(sahajika), should be held with any other man who may be
possessed of beauty, youth and good qualities.

161. A chaste woman should not allow her navel, thighs,
or breasts to be seen by males ; nor should she remain
without an upper garment (anuttanya), nor should she look
at (the antics of) buffoons, nor associate with an immodest
woman,

162. A wife while her husband is absent in a foreign
country should wear neither ornaments nor fine clothes ; she
ought not to frequent other people’s houses, and should
abstain from laughing and talking with other women.

163. Widows should serve the Grod Krishna with minds
intent on him as their only husband : they should live under
the control of their father, or other male members of the
family, and never in independence.

1 With reference to this verse compare Manu’s directions to Kings (Books

yii. and viii.), and the precepts in the Yigraha chapter of the Hitopades'a.

3 Compare Manu, v. 154.

768

TRANSLATION OF THE SIKSHA-PATRI.

164. They must never at any time touch any men except
their nearest relations, and when young they should never
without necessity engage in conversation with youthful
men.

165. If an infant male-child touch them, no blame
attaches to them, any more than from contact with a dumb
animal; nor if they are compelled from necessity to talk
with or touch an old man.

166. Instruction in any science should not be received by
them from any man except from their nearest relations.
They should frequently emaciate their bodies by vows
and fasts.

167. They should never give away to others the money
which is required for their own support. That only must be
given away which they have in excess.

168. They should eat only one meal a day, and should
sleep on the ground ; they should never look at (animals)
engaged in sexual acts.

169. They must never wear the dress of a married woman,
nor of a female ascetic, nor of a mendicant, nor any un-
becoming attire.

170. They should neither associate with nor touch
a woman who has been guilty of procuring abortion ; nor
should they either converse about, or hear stories of the
loves of the male sex.

171. Except in times of distress widows who are young
should never remain alone in secret places along with men,
even with their own relatives, if youthful.

172. They should never join in the frolics practised at the
Holi festival, nor should they put on ornaments or finely
woven clothes composed of cotton or metal threads.

173. Neither wives nor widows ought ever to bathe
without wearing clothes. No woman should ever conceal the
first appearance of her monthly periods.

174. A woman at that season should not for an interval of
three days touch any human being, clothes, etc. ; nor ought
she to do so till she has bathed on the fourth day.

175. Those of my followers who have taken the vow of

TRANSLATION OF THE SIKSHA-PATBI.

769

of Naishthika Brahmaearls (that is, of perpetual celibacy and
chastity) must not knowingly either touch or converse with,
or look at women.

176. They should never talk or listen to conversations
about women, and they should not perform their ablutions or
other religious rites at places where women pass backwards
and forwards.

177. They should never knowingly touch or look at even
the pictures or wooden images of women, unless they be the
representations of goddesses.

178. They should neither draw any likeness of a woman,
nor touch her clothes. They must never knowingly look
even at animals engaged in sexual acts.

179. They should neither touch nor look at a male dressed
up as a woman; nor should they sing the praises of the
Deity with a view to being heard by women.

180. They should pay no attention to the command of
even their spiritual preceptor if likely to lead them to a
breach of their vow of chastity. They should continue
steadfast, contented, and humble-minded.

181. When a woman insists on forcing herself near them,
they should immediately try to keep her off by expostulating
with her, and (if she still approaches) by reproaching her.

182. In cases where their own lives, or those of women,
are in jeopardy, they may be allowed contact or conversation
with women, such contact being necessary for the saving of
life.

183. They should not anoint their lips with oil. They
should not carry weapons. They should not dress themselves
in unbecoming costume. They should subdue the sense of
taste.

184. If in the house of any Brahman the meals are cooked
and served up by a woman, they should not go there to ask
for food, but should ask for it at some other house.

185. They should constantly repeat the Yedas and Sastras,
and serve their spiritual preceptor. They must shun the
society of women, and of men who are fond of women.

186. He who is by birth a Brahman should on no account

VOL. XXV. — [new series.] 52

770

TRANSLATION OF THE SIKSHA-PATRI.

drink water from a leathern vessel ; nor should he ever eat
garlic, onions, etc.

187. Nor must he eat food without having first performed
his ablutions, the Sandhya service, repetition of the Gayatrl,
the worship of Vishnu, and the. Vais vadeva ceremony. 1

188. All who are Sadhus are bound, just like those who
have made a vow of perpetual celibacy, to avoid associating
with women, or with men who are fond of women, and
should subdue their (six) internal enemies (lust, anger, avarice,
infatuation, pride, and envy).

189. They should subjugate all the senses, more especially
the sense of taste ; they should neither lay by a store of
property themselves, nor make others do so for them.

190. They must not take charge of any one’s deposit, they
should never relax their firmness, nor allow a woman to enter
their abodes at any time. 2 3

191. Except at a time of distress, they should never go
anywhere by night without a companion, nor should they
travel to any place singly.

192. They should not use a costly variegated cloth, or one
dyed with kusumbha, or dyed in any other way ; or any
expensive cloth, though freely presented to them by another.

193. They should not go to the houses of householders
unless for the purpose of asking alms, or for being present at
an assembly. They should not spend time uselessly without
devoting any of it to the worship of the Deity.

194. To the abode of a householder in which only males
are employed for serving up the cooked food, and where no
woman is to be seen —

195. To the house of such a householder only should my
Sadhus resort for participation in a meal, otherwise they
should ask for uncooked food, and prepare it themselves.

196. All my holiest sages should conduct themselves in

1 This ceremony, which partly consists in throwing portions of food into the

fire, before dinner, as an offering to all the deities, will be fully described in my
new work on 4 ‘Religious Thought and Life in India,” to be published by
Mr. Murray.

3 We may notice that there is no little repetition in this Book of instructions,

especially in enforcing the duty of keeping clear of all feminine seductions.

TRANSLATION OF THE SIRSHA-PATRL

771

the same maimer as Bharata, son of Bishabha, the idiot
Brahman (Jada-vipra), did in ancient times. 1

197. Those holy men (Sadhus) who are Brahmacarls
should diligently abstain from eating or using betel-leaves,
opium, tobacco (tamala), etc’

198. They should never accept a meal given on the
performance of the Sanskara ceremonies, beginning with
that of conception; 2 nor on performing the Sraddha cere-
mony at death, nor at that performed on the 12th day after
decease.

199. They should never sleep during the day, unless
afflicted with sickness, etc. They should never gossip about
local matters, nor intentionally listen to such gossip.

200. They should not lie down on a bedstead except when
suffering from illness or other affliction, and should be guile-
less and straightforward in their behaviour towards other
Sadhus.

201. They should patiently bear abusive language, or
even blows from evil-minded persons, and wish good to
(them in return).

202. They should not undertake the work of a go-between
or informer, or spy ; they should never show selfishness
or partiality towards their relations.

203. Thus I have specified in a summary manner the
general duties of all. Those who desire more particular
instructions must refer to the sacred books handed down by
tradition.

204. Having myself extracted the essence of all the sacred
Sastras, I have written this Directory, which leads men to
the attainment of desired objects.

205. Hence it is incumbent on my followers, having their
minds well controlled, to conduct themselves in conformity
with its precepts, and not according to their own wills.

206. Those males and females of my disciples who will

1 The story is told in Vishnii-purana, ii. 13. He feigned idiocy, that he might
not be troubled with worldly society and might so give his undivided attention to
devotional exercises.

2 See note to verse 91.

772

TRANSLATION OF THE SIKSHA-PATRL

act according to these directions shall certainly obtain the
four great objects of human desires (viz. Dhctrma, religious
merit ; Artha , wealth ; Kama , pleasure ; and Moksha , final
beatitude).

207. Those who will not act according to these (directions)
shall be considered by my male and female followers as
excluded from communion with my sect.

208. My followers should daily read this Book of direc-
tions, and those who do not know how to read should listen
to others reading it.

209. But in the absence of a reader (vaktrabhave), worship
should be paid to it every day, and it should be honoured
with the greatest reverence as my word and my represent-
ative.

210. This Directory should only be given to those persons
who are endowed with a nature of the divine type ; never
to a man possessing a nature of the demoniacal type. 1

211. This Book of directions, bringing welfare (to all who
study it), was completed on the first day of the season of
spring in the year 1882 of the era of Yikramaditya
(=a.d. 1826).

212. May Krishna, the remover of the sufferings of his
worshippers, the maintainer of devotion, accompanied with
the performance of proper duties, the bestower of the desires
of the heart, grant us blessings of all kinds !

1 The Puranas divide all men into two classes : those whose nature is divine,
and those whose nature is demoniacal.

Art. XXV. — The Successors of the Seljuks in Asia Minor .
By Stanley Lane-Poole.

In preparing the eighth volume of the Catalogue of Oriental
Coins in the British Museum, which will describe the coins of
the Turks, I found myself confronted at the outset with a
serious obstacle in the shape of twenty -five coins of various
Turkish Amirs of Asia Minor, of whose history and chrono-
logy almost nothing appeared to be known, and of whose
coinage the only examples hitherto published were five
specimens (three varieties) described by Dr. E. von Bergmami
and by Prof. J. Karabacek respectively, in the “ Berichte ” of
the Vienna Academy, and in the “Numismatische Zeitschrift.”
The twenty-five examples in the British Museum had long
remained unnoticed. Some I found in the 'Othmanly
series ; but most of them were discovered and partly identified
by my uncle, the Keeper of Coins. The inscriptions were
for the most part clear enough ; and the difficulty consisted
simply in the fact that the history of the princes who issued
them was not generally known or easily accessible. The
trouble and research that were necessary before I could
arrange and attribute the coins and draw up approximately
complete chronological lists of these dynasties and princes,
are, I think, a sufficient excuse for the following pages, in
which I shall try to smooth the way for my successors.

It Is well known that on the breaking-up of the Seljuky
kingdom of Er-Rdm, or Anatolia, ten separate dynasties
divided its territories among themselves. The Karasy dynasty
sprang up in Mysia ; the lines of Sarii-hhdn and Aydin
in Lydia ; of Menteshd in Carla ; of Tekkeh in Lyeia and
Pamphylia ; of Hamid in Pisidia and Isauria ; of Karamdn in

774 SUCCESSORS OE THE SELJUKS IN ASIA MINOR.

Lycaonia ; of Kermkjan in Phrygia ; of ’Othmdn in Phrygia
Epictetus ; and of Kizil-Alimadly in Paphlagonia.

All these dynasties were gradually absorbed by the rising
power of the ’Othmanlis, once the least among them. At
the end of the eighth century of the Hijreh, not a hundred
years after the assumption of independence by ’Othman I.,
the arms of Bayezid I. made a clean sweep of the nine rival
dynasties. After the battle, of Angora, when Bayezid was
defeated and taken prisoner by Timur, and the Tatar horde
almost annihilated for the moment the power of the ’Othmanlis
in Asia, seven of these dynasties were restored, and enjoyed
a new lease of life for some twenty-five years ; but in 829-32,
five of them were re-absorbed by Murad II., and in 877 the
’Othmanly rule was supreme over all the provinces which once
owned the sway of the Decarchy, or Zehnfursten .

Between a.h. 700, when these dynasties sprang up, and
a.h. 877, when the last of them succumbed to the ’Othmanlis,
there is space for a good many princes, and, in the due
settlement of their places and dates, there is ample room for
confusion and doubt. Yon Hammer’s details are very in-
sufficient ; but much allowance must be made for this indus-
trious historian, inasmuch as the originals he relied on are
frequently to blame for his obscurity. . The Turkish annalists
are not only mutually contradictory, but they have a habit of
speaking of any of these dynasts as Karasy Oglu , Kermiyan
Oglu , Le. son of Karasy, of Kermiyan, etc., without mentioning
the name of the descendant in question. Prof. Karabacek
has had the advantage of consulting a MS. of Munejjim Bashy
for his account of the history of the Aydin princes, 1 and
Dr. Bergmann has used the same authority, as well as the
Byzantine historians, in his remarks on the family of Saru-
khan ; 2 and to the data drawn from these papers a certain
degree of finality may be granted, though an element of
uncertainty still remains in several details.

1 Gigliato des jonischen Turkomanen. Fiirsten Omar-beg: Nnmismatische
Zeitschrift, vol. ii. pp. pp. 524-538, and vol. ix. pp. 207-214.

2 Beitrage zur muham. Miinzkunde : Sitzungsbericlite der pbil.-hist. Classe der
K. Akademie der Wissenschaften, vol. Ixxiii. p. 129 if.

: 'A A

M8S8a*®® :

PAPHLAGONIA. I LYCAONIA

CARIA.

LYDIA.

LYCIA, bto.

PHRYGIA

npicrmvs.

PISIDIA.

PHBYSIA,

MYSIA

BITIIYNIA

KAliAMAN.

kizuy ahmadly

M1NT1-WHA

SSAftt^EKAK,

tewbe.-

iili

KEimHAN.

0‘ftf MANLY

K-AliABY,

620 e, K ABAKAN.

* IJaldSYin II. cao ISrfcnghrui
W Michael VIII. ;

AlOT^AMMAL I.

686 KAY KHITSB0 III

678'MAIlMliD,

682 MlS’tTt) II. 1 70S

690 BH EMS BLHUN
TtMClt.

700 AYDf^ 700 MlvNTKHH i BEG.

1 719 TAKH»BY :

triisil

726 ORKHAffi

ALisHut um.

733 MOHAMMAB.

731 IS' ic-ai-u.

740 ’om All.

Annexed 737

746 ilyah.

A LIB SHAH.

yOSBYN U13(-

763 mi’hAi» i

I 776 IHHAK,

MAHMIMe

Purchased by Murad
783.

j ya’kub leu

'91 ILYAS,

792 ' HAY HZ I H 3,

; H {it fnwi»km i/l Timur. ]
606 mo mammal t.

800 1 1. V A s 6 H06 KitvuiVAH, HO 5 MoMAStMAL H

806 h)TH¥AN.

804 6 KHinu.

80f> V A* KtlU 0KO

AtmBYU;

809*\»uk+ 813, f 829. j 806

oM.Ui n.

824

S&4 vwkys amt A¥<

||;

824 Mru.u* li-

lt! i3ta£fetftC<'

M« A P|» All ODU'mni ,0

A fi/t to} :

h V co *

■

SUCCESSORS OP THE SELJUKS IN ASIA MINOR. 775

I have been able to supplement these authorities by the
statements of a highly- esteemed Turkish historian, Sa’d-ed-
din, whose work Mr. E. J. W. Gibb (whose translations of
Ottoman poetry have served to introduce an almost unknown
literature to English readers) has most kindly consulted
for me. I have also drawn some valuable notes from Char-
moy’s translation of the Sharaf-Nameh (St. Petersburg, four
vols., 1868-1875), and from Rasmussen’s Annales Xslamismi
(Hauniae, 1825), a useful little volume founded on good
authorities.

The results of my investigations appear in the accompany-
ing table of the Ten Dynasties, in which their rise on the
ruins of the Seljuky kingdom, and their absorption in the
’Othmanly empire, originally one of their number, is shown,
together with the break of a dozen years, created by the
temporary annexation of the majority of these dynasties by
the ’Othmanlis in 792-5.

It will be seen that the first dynasty to succumb to the
rising power of the ’Othmanlis was that of Karasy, which
was annexed in a.h. 737. Next, Hamid was purchased in
783; and in 792 Bayezid I. annexed Kermiyan, Tekkeh,
Saru-khan, Aydin and Mentesha in a single campaign, and
finished his work in 794 and 795 by the conquest of
Karam&n and Kizil-Ahmadly. These last seven were
restored by Timur in 805, only to be again reduced by
Murad II. and Mohammad II.

With regard to individual dates, it is to be regretted that
those of the earlier princes are not recorded by the historians,
and as the coins are none of them earlier than the middle
of the eighth century, they cannot supply this deficiency.
Those dates which are underlined in my table are given on
the authority of Sa’d-ed-din. Those of S&ru-Khan and
Aydin are based upon the authority of Munejjim Bashy,
etc. (apud Bergmann and Karabacek) ; the date 746 for Ilyas
is founded upon the last mention of Sard-Khan himself; but
Rasmussen gives 740 for his accession. Rasmussen’s date 791
for Ishak of the same line is rejected on the evidence of a

776 SUCCESSOBS OF THE SELJUKS IN ASIA MINOE.

coin of 776 ; 1 whilst the ’Omar who closes the dynasty is
inserted on the strength of another coin, which is, however,
unhappily dateless. Yon Hammer mentions an u TTmurbeg
(Mortassen) ” lord of S&ru-khan in 810 (vol. i. p. 348). In
Ay din, Easmnssen gives 740 for Mohammad’s accession, con-
fusing him, I fancy, with ’Omar. The latter- (“Oumour Beg”)*
according to the Sharaf Nameh, was reigning in 759. If this
is correct, Karabacek’s date of 749 for the accession of Tsa
may be a mistake. On the restoration under Timur, Juneyd
obtained Ephesus, a portion of the Ay din territory, and on
the death of ’Omar in 806 he succeeded to the whole
province, apparently, however, only for a short time; 2
subsequently he also acquired Saru-khan ; but in 814 (Sa’d-
ed-din) or 816 (Yon Hammer) he was reduced to vassalage
by Mohammad L, and ordered to issue his coins in his
suzerain’s name. That he did not do so always is shown
by a very valuable coin of 825 in the British Museum, which
I have had the happiness of identifying, on which J uneyd’s
name appears without that of the ’Othm&nly Sultan. Juneyd
was finally defeated and killed in 829, and his dominions
were annexed to the Sultan’s.

The Menteshd dates are very uncertain. The first I am able
to give is 791 for Ilyas, according to Rasmussen. His restora-
tion in 805 is established by a coin in the British Museum ;
and another coin definitely places his son Leyth as his
successor in 824. This coin is the only authority, I believe,
for the existence of Leyth. Yon Hammer makes Ily&s the
last prince of this line, and in an account of the fall of the
Menteshi dynasty, which Mr. Gibb has kindly translated for
me from Sa’d-ed-dxn, there is no mention of him.

This account relates that “ when Menteshd Oglu Ya’kub
Beg, the hereditary possessor of the kingdom and throne,

1 The question whether it was Ish§Jk or Xhidr who was reigning at the time of
Bayezid’s conquest of S&rA-khfm is discussed by Dr. Bergmann, who decides in
favour of the former. The Turkish authorities are divided on this point. Some
place Ishak’s death in 790.

s In 805 to 806 Moliammad I. retook Skrd-khhn and Aydfn, and reduced
Kermiy&n to vassalage. Apparently he left Juneyd in possession of at least part
of his dominions.

SUCCESSORS OF THE SELJUKS IN ASIA MINOR. 777

had laid aside the borrowed garment of life, two sons of his,
namely, Ilyas and Mahmud, remained. . . . But when Ilyas,
who succeeded Mahmud (cast off the garment of life), 1
his sons, Uweys and Ahmad, not content with the favours of
the Heaven-supported monarch [the ’Othmanly Sultan, at
whose court they were staying], felt a longing for the recovery
of their hereditary kingdom, and planned and prepared for
flight. On this being reported at the foot of the throne, they
were imprisoned by the Imperial order in Bedevv Ohar-tak ;
and the Sultan’s servant Balaban Pasha was named governor
of Mentesha. . . . This event occurred about the beginning
of the year 829. For two years Uweys and Ahmad endured
the pains of imprisonment ; as they were, ‘ like the bird in
the cage/ forbidden to go forth, their woes were excessive,
and their griefs extreme/’. At last the}?- managed to escape
in sacks of hay. “It was the season when Kara ’Othrnan
Bayendery, ruler of Diyar Bekr, had returned from his
summer encampments, and Ahmad sought refuge with him.
But he could not stay there, and went to Egypt, after which
he went to Persia, where his name is lost. Uweys Bey had
no strength to flee ; but, dazed and giddy in the wilderness
of bewilderment, he fell into the hands of the officers of the
castle. When this was announced at the Sultan’s court, the
decree went forth that Uweys Bey and the castellain should
be concealed from sight in the dungeon of non-existence.”

Although he is not mentioned in this account, the Leyth
of the coin of 824 could hardly have been the son of any
other Ily&s ; and the style of his coin exactly corresponds to
that of his father of the year 805. He must have ruled some
time between his father’s death in 824 and the appointment
of Baldban in 829.

The British Museum coins also enable me to fix the date of
’Ala-ed-din of Karamdn at 756 at the latest, thus nearly con-
firming Rasmussen’s figures 750 ; and a coin of Ibrahim in
829 proves that Sa’d-ed-din and the Sharaf Kameh are both
wrong in placing this prince’s accession at 830. Dr. Berg-

1 In another place Sa’d-ed-din says Ily&s died in 824.

778 SUCCESSORS OF THE SELJUKS IN ASIA MINOR.

mann gives 826 as the date of Mohammad’s death. Of the
accession of ’Aly (a brother of Mohammad of Karaman, set
up by the contemporary Memluk Sultan in 815, until Mo-
hammad was restored in 824, all according to Rasmussen),
neither Sa’d-ed-din nor any other authority that I know of
makes any mention. As to the end of the Karaman dynasty,
Yon Hammer states that Pir Ahmad succeeded Ibrahim in
1463 (868) ; but his brother Ishak ruled in Cilicia ; whence
he retreated to Uzun Hasan, the Turkuman. Pir Ahmad
and another brother, Kasim, held out till 1473 (877) ; the
Sharaf Nameh says till 873.

According to Prof. Karabaeek, Yakhshy and others of the
Ten Princes first began to strike coins in 1327 (728).

Besides coins of ’Ala-ed-din, Mohammad, and Ibrahim, of
Karaman; Ishak and ’Omar of Saru-khan (and Latin issues);
’Tsa of Aydm ; Juneyd; Ilyas and Leyth of Mentesha ;
the British Museum possesses examples of a certain Mufettih-
ed-din, a vassal of the Karamanians, apparently unknown to
history ; of Mohammad Artin ; of a Beglerbeg (probably an
early ’Othmanly governor), and of Ishak Pasha, who was
governor of Anatolia under Murad II. and Mohammad II.
(e,g. in 1432, according to Yon Hammer). It is unnecessary
to do more than refer to them here, as full descriptions are
given in the forthcoming eighth volume of my Catalogue.

These coins add some important facts to what the historians
relate. But a great deal remains to be ascertained, and
private and public collections must be searched for further
specimens, which may probably be hidden among the early
Turkish issues. Dates are required to fill up many lacunae ;
and mints are no less needed. As a guide to those who may
find mint-names on these coins I may mention that the chief
towns of the various dynasties, according to Yon Hammer,
were as follows: — Of Karam&n — Larenda, Ermenak, Akserai,
Akshehr, and Koniyeh; of Kizil Ahmadly — Kastemuny,
Janik, Samsun, and Amasiyeh ; of Kermiyan — Kut&hiyeh ;
of Hamid — Akshehr, Begshehr, Sidishehr, Isparta, Karaghaj ;
of Aydin — Ismir (Smyrna) and Ay&suluk (Ephesus) ; of
Saru-khan — Magnesia.

SUCCESSORS OP THE SELJUKS IN ASIA MINOR. 779

The following are the dynastic lists so far as I have been
able to arrange them : —

I. ’Ajl&n Beg

K A EASY.

Annexed

Hermit an.

A.H.

eire. 700
737

I. Kermiybn Beg

II. Alishir Beg.

III. ’Alim Shhk.
IY. Aty Beg.

A.D,

1300

1336

circ. 700 1300

Conquered by B&yezid

792

1390

Ya’lpib Beg

Dynasty restored by Timiir .
restored ... ... ...

805

1402

Annexed

832

1429

Hamid.

I. Falak ed-din Hamid circ.

700

1300

II. Hoseyn Beg,

Purchased ( ...

783

1381

I. Tekkek Beg

Tekiceh.

700

1300

II. ?

Conquered by Bkyezid

792

1390

III. ’Othm&n

Dynasty restored by Timur.

805

1402

Annexed ...

830

1427

I. Sbrd-kMn,,

SARtJ-KHAN.

713

1313

II. Ily&s

' ... ... V ... ... ■

746

1345

III. IsMk

... ... ... ...

776

1374

Conquered by B&yezid

792

1390

IY. Khidr SMh

Dynasty restored by Timur .

$04

1401

805

1402

Y. ’Omar

circ.

809

1406

813

1410

Juneyd succeeds ... ...

813

1410

Annexed ...

829

1426

T. Aydin Beg .

AYDfN.

700

1300

II. Mohammad

733

1332

III. ’Omar

.. ... ^ ... ... ...

740

1339

IY. ’IsfiL

.. i.;; ... '' ... ... M

749

1348

Conquered by Bbyezid ... ,

792

1390

780

SUCCESSORS OF THE SELJUKS IN ASIA MINOR.

Dynasty restored by Timur.

Y. ’MIL

... ... ...

805

806

VI. ’Omar II.

Juneyd succeeds

806

824

... 829

VII. Mustafa

Annexed

Mentesha.

I, MenteshA Beg

circ. 700

II. Ya’khb
III. Malimdd

791

IV. Ily&s

Conquered by Bayezid

792

Dynasty restored by Timur.
Ily£ts restored

V. Leyth [Uweys and Ahmad] ...

Annexed

Kizil-Amadly.

I. Shems-ed-din Timur

II. Shuja’-ed-din.

HI. ’AdilBeg.

IY. Bbyezid Koturiim.

Conquered by Bayezid 1. ..

Dynasty restored by Timur.

V. Isfendiy&r ...
YI. Ibrahim
YII. Ism{L’ilfS64
YIII. Kizil Ahmad

Annexed

Kahamax.

I. Karamhn

II. Mohammad I

III. Mahmdd

IY. Yakhshy ... ...

V. ’Am-ed-din ’Aly ... ... ...

Conquered by B&yezid

805

824

829

805

833

864

circ. 620
circ. 643
678
719
circ. 750

794

Dynasty restored by Timur .

YI. Mohammad II. ...

VII. Ibrahim

YIII. Fir Ahmad and Ish&k
Annexed

1402

1403
1403
1421
1426

1300

1389

1390

1402

1421

1426

690 1289

795 1393

1402

1430

1459

1223

1245

1279

1319

1349

1392

805 1402
829 1426
869 1464
877 1472

Sept. 1 , 1882 .

Art. XXVI . — The Oldest Book of the Chinese ( the Yh-King)
and its Authors . By Terrien de LaOouperxe, M.R.A.S.

More than two years ago, the 10th. of May, 1880, at a
special meeting of the RojrI Asiatic Society, I presented a
paper on L’llistoire de la Langue Chinoise, in which I com-
municated my discoveries on the old phonetic laws of the
orthography of the Ancient Chinese writing, — the derivation
of this writing from the pre-cuneiform characters of South-
Western Asia, — and also the nature and contents of the long-
disputed book, the Yh-King . I have delayed the printing
of that paper in order to make it more precise and complete,
but parts of its contents, as well as several results of my
researches, have been published, by my friend Prof. R. K.
Douglas and by myself. 1

Since that time these results have gained in accuracy and
certainty, 2 and in a recent letter 3 I have been able to make

1 See Prof. Douglas, The Progress of Chinese Linguistic Discovery , “The
Times,” April 20, 1880; reprinted in Triibner’s American, European, and
Oriental Literary Record, new series, vol. i. pp. 125-127, and my China
and the Chinese : their early history and future prospects, in the Journal of the
Society of Arts, July 16, 1880. Early History of the Chinese Civilization, (with

f late of old Chinese characters borrowed from the pre-cuneiform writing),
london, 1880 (Triibner).

2 Yid. an anonymous paper on Chinese and Babylonian Literatim in Quarterly
Review of July, 1882; and Prof. Douglas’s charming volume on China (London,
1882, 8vo.). Yid. also the valuable report to the Philological Society, 1882, on
The Progress of Assyriology, by Mr. T. Gr. Pinches.

3 Published in The Athenaeum, Jan. 21, 1882, as follows : <c In company with
the general body of Sinologists, I read with pleasure in your issue of the 7th
your announcement that Dr. Legge’s translation of the ‘ Yh. King,’ for the

4 Sacred Books of the East ’ series, will be out about Easter. But the paragraph
adds : 1 Curiously enough, some Chinese scholars pretend that the book is written
in the Aceadian language.’ As I was the first Sinologist to point out, two years

S 'o, that the early Chinese civilization had been borrowed by the so-called
unclred families from the south of the Caspian Sea, I fear that the rather wild
statement that the 4 Yh King ’ was written in the Akkadian language may be
confused with my own views, and I am, therefore, bound to protest against it.
As the Chinese scholars, both English and Chinese, to whom I had occasion to

782

THE YH-KI NG- AND ITS AXJTHOHS,

some important statements about the Yh-King, which bear in
no inconsiderable manner on the origin and early history
of Chinese culture.

submit my translation, attach, as I do myself, great importance to my discovery
about the * Yh King,’ and as this discovery has caused so eminent a Sinologist
as Prof. Douglas, of the British Museum, to join me in the preparation of a
translation of the ‘Yh King/ which we shall publish in English, and also in
Chinese in China, it is important to state on what ground it stands.

It deals only with the oldest part of the hook, the short lists of characters
which follow each of the sixty-four headings of the chapters, and it leaves
entirely aside the explanations and commentaries attributed to Wen Wang, Chou
Kung,* Confucius, and others, from 1200 b.c. downwards, which are commonly
embodied as an integral part of the classic. The proportion of the primitive text
to these additions is about one-sixth of the whole. The contents of this primitive
part of the hook are not homogeneous, and belong to different periods of the early
history of the Chinese. It has been made up to the number of sixty-four parts,
to correspond with the speculations of numbers on the Kwa, at which time these
old fragments and the mystical strokes have been joined together. To reach the
sacred number of sixty-four it has been found advisable by the compiler to add
texts much more recent than the older ones, of which the real meaning had been
lost through the lapse of time and changes in the language. So different in sub-
ject are the various chapters that we find, for example, in several of them, curious
ballads ou historical or legendary events. In others we have descriptions of
aboriginal tribes of China, their customs, the meanings of some of their words
homonymous to the Chinese ones, instructions to the officials about them, and
descriptions of the animals, which descriptions in the greatest number of cases are
given in relation to their meanings of the character which is the subject of the
chapter. Besides all this — and it is the most curious part of the book as well as
the most special result of my discovery — we have a good number of chapters
which are nothing else than mere lists of the meanings of the character placed at
the head of the chapter. These lists are extraordinarily like the so-called sylla-
baries preserved in the Cuneiform characters, which were copied, as we know, by
order of the Assyrian monarchs from older ones of Babylonia. The system of
having such phonetic dictionaries with others of different kinds is a peculiar
feature of the old Akkadian culture, on the mixed origin of which there is nothing
here to say excepting this, that it was not carried bodily into Babylonia, hut
sprang up in that region from the intrusion of Northern peoples amongst the
highly cultured Cushite populations, who had settled there and possessed that
writing of hieroglyphic origin which became the Akkadian and later on the
Cuneiform characters. Now there are many most serious facts which prove that
writing and the elements of sciences, arts, and government were acquired in South-
‘Western Asia by the future Chinese colonists from a centre of activity where the
Babylonian or Akkadian culture had more or less directly been spread. It seems
only natural, therefore, that the early Chinese leaders should have been induced,
not only to keep some of the lists of values of the written characters which they
had learned, but also to continue the same practice of making lists in relation to
the peoples, customs, etc., of their new country. And though extraordinary, it is
not astonishing that some of the oldest lists resemble the lists kept in the (Junei -
form characters, and that I was able to exhibit two years ago at the Eoval Asiatic
Society four of those lists which run parallel in the ‘ Yh King’ and in the Cunei-
form texts. And no doubt the impossibility of reading, as current phrases and
texts,, simple lists of meanings accounts for the absolute obscurity of these parts of
the book, and the astounding number of interpretations which, have been proposed
by native Chinese scholars. European scholars are engaged on the same path,
we have already the Latin translation by P. Begis and others, made with the
help of the Manchu version, which is quite unintelligible ; the English translation
of Canon McClatchie in the sense of a cosmogony ; and the Latin translation in
the ‘ Cursus Linguae Sinicse,’ in course of publication at Shanghai, where is to be

THE YH-KINGr AND ITS AUTHORS.

783

Pending the publication of the version of this hook I
am preparing with the valuable help of Mr. Douglas, I have
been advised, as it is a matter of much interest and im-
portance, to put together some notes on the authorship 1 and
history of the Yh-King , as well as on the scientific method
of dealing with this, the oldest book of Chinese literature.
Consequently I have classified my notes in the following
order :

1. Description of the book.

2. Ancient texts on its authorship.

3. Influence of the evolution of writing.

4. Vestiges of the old text anterior to Wen Wang.

5. Native interpretations.

6. European interpretations.

7. Comparison of the interpretations.

8. Methods of interpretation.

9. Contents and origin of the Yh-King .

found one of the best translations of the Chinese classics which have ever been
made. Besides these three, another translation in French is announced as being
about to be published in the Annales du Musee Guimet , by M. E. Philastre, who
for some years was a high official in Cochin China ; this translation will exhibit
a system of philosophy if we may judge from what the author has already
written.

Dr. Legge 7 s translation will certainly be an improvement upon the others
already published. The many years of work which this Sinologist has spent
upon it and his study of the commentaries will undoubtedly result in a great
amount of information, as in his edition of some of the other Chinese classics.

So in a short time European scholars will have five translations of the c Yh
King 7 to compare, and when our translation, the sixth, appears, they will be able
to decide which is the most faithful. 7 ’

1 Several misleading statements about the authorship and contents of this
mysterious book, and the manner of translating it, have been lately published in
an important place, The Sacred Boohs of the East, vol. xvi., the Yi-King, trans-
lated by J. Legge. The author has answered in his Preface , p. xix, rather
sharply to the above letter of mine, and though he has made a Yh-King of his
own fashion, having formulated the scheme supposed by some commentators more
concisely than they have done ( Vid. ibid. p. xiv), he dismisses the possibility of
understanding the text of the hook in a manner different from his own, for the
reason that, according to his views and in his own words, “ if you discard the
explanations and commentaries attributed to King Wan, the Duke of Kaii, and
Confucius, we take away the whole Yi. There remain only the linear figures
attributed to Fff-hsi, without any lists of characters, long or short, without a
single written character of any kind whatever. 77 The proofs of the inaccuracy
of these statements of Dr. Legge will be found throughout the following pages.
His version has been thoroughly refuted by Prof. Douglas, in the Academy of
July 12th, 1882, pp. 121-122, where is given a comparative version, according
to our views, of the 30th chapter of the Yh. Vid. also my letters in the
Athenaeum , Sept. 9 and 30, 1882.

784

THE YH-KING- AND ITS AUTHORS*

I. Description of the Book.

1. The Yh-King is the oldest of the Chinese books, and is
the “ mysterious classic” which requires “ a prolonged attention
to make it reveal its secrets” ; it has “peculiarities of style ,
making it the most difficult of all the Chinese classics to present
in an intelligible version.” 1

And the 1450 selected works on the Yh-King which are
enumerated in the catalogue 2 of the great Library of the
Emperor Kien-Lung, compiled in 1772-1790, point to any-
thing but unanimity in the interpretation of the book by the
Chinese themselves. 3 4

“ The J| Yih King ( Book of Changes/ ” says the best of
living Sinologists, Mr. A. Wylie, in his excellent Notes on
Chinese Literature / “ is regarded with almost universal
reverence, both on account of its antiquity, and also the
unfathomable wisdom which is supposed to lie under its
mysterious symbols. The authorship of these symbols
which form the nucleus of the work, is with great confidence
attributed to the ancient sage tf§§ Fuh he. These con-
sisted originally of eight trigrams, but they were subse-
quently, by combining them in pairs, augmented to the
number of sixty- four hexagrams.” 5

2. The figures or Kwa consist of six horizontal lines,
divided or undivided, 6 placed one under the other. There
is applied a special character to each hexagram, forming its
name, at the beginning of each of the sixty-four chapters

1 The italicised words are borrowed from Dr. Legge’s Preface , in which, we
read also : ** There is hardly another work in the ancient literature of China that
presents the same difficulties to translate.” See pp. xiii, xiv, xv.

2 & % m j$ & m M. M- Cf. E. C. Bridgman, Chinese Chresto -
mathy (Macao, 1841, 4to.), p. xvii.

3 The K’ang Ilf's Imperial edition of the Yh-King, which appeared in 1715,
contains quotations from the commentaries of 218 scholars, and these are (we
take the words of Dr. Legge, Introd. p. 3) hardly a tenth, of the men who have
tried to interpret this remarkable book.

4 The hook opens with the Yh-King, the first of the classics, as do all the biblio-

graphies, from the catalogue of the Han period downwards.

6 See Notes on Chinese Literature (Shanghae, 1867, 4 to.), p. 1.

6 In the ordinary phraseology of the Yh, the lower one is called J=| ; and the
upper one . The lines are : the [$J| yang, p|ij strong, jf[j= 9, entire, un-
divided, and the yn, |j* weak, = 6, broken, divided.

THE YH-KXNGr AND ITS AUTHORS.

785

composing the book. Each of these leading characters is
followed by a certain number of others, and the entire
chapter is arranged in seven lines under special headings,
the first being the heading character, the other six an ordinal
series, supposed to apply to each of the six lines of the hexa-
gram individually, because their numbers are accompanied
by the characters % or indicating, in the opinion of
the commentators, the undivided and divided lines. This set
of characters, in seven divisions, the entire text in each
chapter, is intermingled with fore-telling words — lucky , un-
lucky, correct , no error , etc. ; but these divisions do not make
as many phrases. The characters are disposed in little
sentences, often of one character only, or of two or more.
The meanings of these sentences are disconnected; they
are quite independent one of the other, and do not bear
openly on one same subject. A literal version of them is utterly
unintelligible. 1 * * * * * These peculiarities would place the Yh-King
in an unexampled position if it were a book of continuous
texts, as it has been hitherto wrongly thought to be by many
discordant commentators and interpreters, as well Chinese
as European.

8. The following commentaries are commonly printed with
the text, as follows : The first (in 2 sections), with the
heading ^ Twan, disposed in two or more lines, is placed im-
mediately after the first of the seven lines of the text. The
second (in 2 sections), with the heading Siang, is placed
after the Twan, and after each of the following six lines of
the text. Another one, the *=f Wen yen , is annexed to
the first two diagrams. All these compose the first and

1 In a day of wisdom, a known Sinologist, Dr. Legge, in Ms version of the

Tso-chuen {Chin. Class, vol. v. p. 169a), has made upon a quotation of the

Y It- King this comment: “ But it seems to me of no use trying to make ont any
principle of reason in passages like the present.’ 7 This view is the true one , hut
we are sorry that the learned missionary, to whom we are indebted for a valuable
though unequal version of several of the Chinese classics, has not stuck to it and
refrained from publishing his paraphrase of the Yh-King. Speaking (The Yi-
King , Pref. p. xv) of the literal Latin version done by PP. Itegis, De Mailla,

and Du Tartre, and also of his own first version. Dr. Legge writes: “But

their version is all but unintelligible, and mine was not less so. 77 However,

Prof. Eegis and his coadjutors had at their disposal all the help that Chinese

lore could throw upon the Yh.

vtjt rxTX'Y*i" cnonoTiae T

786

THE YH-KING AND ITS ATJTHOKS.

second Kiuen or books of the ordinary editions of the work. 1
A third Kiuen is composed of the following appendices : the
fg j§| jjJ Ei-Tze Chuen “ Memoir on the Philosophy of the
Text/’ in two sections ; |£ & M Shivok Kwa chuen “ Dis-
cussion of the Diagrams ” ; Su Kwa chuen “The

Order of the Diagrams ” ; and, finally, the || §{% flg; Tm
Kwa chuen “ Promiscuous Discourses on the Diagrams.”

The Twan, the Slang , and the Ei-tze, being each divided
into two sections, 2 all the appendices have received the name
of “ the Ten Wings ” -p §|| of the Yh-King.

Such is, roughly described, this famous book as it has
been handed down to the present time.

4. The Twan is commonly attributed to Wen Wang, 3 and
the Slang to his son, Chou Kung, in the twelfth century
b.c., and there is no reason for throwing suspicion on this re-
ceived tradition. The other “wings” are of different periods.
In two of them, the Ei-Tze and the Wen-yen, is found re-
peatedly the same formula, Q “ The master said,” as in the
Confucian books, when the words of the great Sage are quoted ;
but this cannot be taken as a proof of date, even for these
particular appendices, for, in one case at least, words and
explanations from the Wen-yen are quoted 4 in history as
early as 564 b.c., fourteen years before Confucius was born.
Additions from the Sage’s teachings have most likely been
made afterwards to these appendices, apparently by one of

1 Such as the J| fg |g % or g£ % J*, fg %.

2 In each, the first line of every chapter attributed to the entire diagram is
considered as one part, called Twan or Sian g, and the after lines as another part,
called Twan chuen or Siang chuen respectively. The text is sometimes called §|./

3 "Wen Wang j/jjT “ King Wen,” or more properly the Elegant lung,

a posthumous title conferred by his son Tan Jjf) Chou Kung, the Duke of
Chou, to H Ctiang , the Chief of the West jj^, father of |>j| Fa , posthu-
mously called Wu Wang ^ the founder (1169-1116) of the Chou dynasty.
Wen Wang (1231-1135), for a state offence, was imprisoned at Yu Li 3^ !jj ,
during two years (1144-1143), which he spent on the Yh-King. The ff |j|

of which the chronology down to 826 b.c. is different from the one
commonly received, states that he remained six years in confinement.

4 Cf. Wen Yen, 1st Kwa, §§ 1-3, and Tso chuen , Duke Siang, IXth year, § 3,
in Legge’s edition, p. 440.

THE YH-KIYG AM) ITS AUTHOES.

his disciples, Shang Kiu, who is reputed to have handed
down the Th from his Master.

5. The wings and the text do not make a homogeneous
work pervaded by the same ideas or produced by one mind.
Their discrepancies and wide differences are not of the kind
found between different pens dealing with and commenting
on a plain text or a book of a known doctrine. They are not
within the range of that mere variety of interpretation which
occurs when several commentators have been treating of a
recognized system commonly accepted. They lack that kind
of unity of thought or of dealing with ideas which is the
back-bone of commentaries, whatsoever they may be, and
however wide may be their divergences of opinion ; in fact,
it seems that they are to be considered as attempts to under-
stand the meaning of the book without knowing what it is.
And this we see by the fact, that they introduce incon-
gruous ideas, views, and systems of interpretation of their
own. Certainly they have not been written at the same
time as the text, nor at about the same period all together.
Certain discrepancies of views can only have arisen by a not
inconsiderable decay of the language during their respective
compositions. Other discrepancies may be accounted for by
a difference of dialectical spoken language, not of writing,
between their authors. Some passages, for example, are but
a mere enumeration of the different meanings of the temporary
homonymous words with the sound of the heading character
of each chapter.* This process is followed in different ways.
The author of the "Wing called Shwoh Kwa 3 U*, in his
last section, has been very near finding tbe clue to tbe
Yh. He has tried to explain the sound attached to the
head-character of eight chapters (under the eight primitive
Kwas). He gives lists of meanings for each of these sounds
in homophonous words, according to his own pronunciation,
which was no longer the same as that of the time when
the early lists were compiled, and therefore, consequently,
gives meanings which are not in the chapters.

6 . The first two wings stand apart from the others, and
exhibit more unity; at least more of that unity due to the repe-

788

THE YH-KINGr AND ITS AUTHORS.

tition of the same rows of characters, even when by an addition
of some kind there is a sufficient clue to indicate that the
text was differently understood. They have all the appear-
ance of having been made to justify the arrangement of the
text as they interpreted it, since they very often consist of a
mere repetition of the text, frequently with slight modifica-
tions and differentiating additions. Their main characteristic
is their obvious attempt to interpret the text in a symbolic
sense, and to connect it with the linear composition of the
hexagram at the head of each chapter, and with its lines indi-
vidually. This is done plainly with more or less success by
the Siang , which is divided accordingly. The Tivan in a
more general manner deals with the text as related to the
hexagram as a whole, and to its strong and weak lines.

7. So much for the general contents of the ten wings. It
is not my intention in any way to deal with them, but to
leave them entirely aside, as far as my translation of
the book goes. I was the first among Sinologists to
disconnect openly the text from the appendices. Tor a
scientific study of the contents of the text, and how it has
been made, it is of absolute necessity to separate the com-
mentaries from the text, and to treat of the latter alone.
The whole book, text and wings, contains 24,107 characters ;
the text alone, in its 450 lines (from 2 to 30 characters),
has 4134 characters only, or about one-sixth of the whole.

II. The Atjthokship of the Book.

8. Though Chinese literature is not without several indica-
tions as to some authors of the Yh-King , and echoes of old
traditions collected by independent scholars, there is not, in
the modem statements, that unity of views which would afford
a satisfactory basis for investigation. The reason of this is
obvious. The names of Fuh-hi, Wen Wang, and Confucius,
form so sacred a Trinity, that the mere fact of their having
been each more or less connected with the making of the
book as it now stands, has prevented many writers from
quoting any tradition which would have detracted from the

THE YH-KING AND ITS AUTHORS.

789

glory of either of the three as a sharer in the authorship of the
work ; hence, they were contented to say, in a general way,
that the hook was the work of the three saints, attributino-
the Kioas to Fuh-hi, the text to Wen Wang, and the
appendices to Confucius, a statement the slightest criticism
would have easily exploded and shown to be ridiculous and
against evidence,

9. We find for example only in popular or unscholarly

books, as the Jg 3* H, 1 such statements as these :

“Tai Hao Fuh hi begins to delineate the eight Ewas

“ Chou Sin 11th year ^4 ~f* — ffi (ie. 1144 b.c.) con-
fines Si Poh at Yu-Li 0 W fj-3 M H* M* Poh practises
the Yh (f=f fH J^.” And at the end of this very last
reign of the Yn dynasty, we find another entry : “ The Yh
has text to the sixty-four Ewas H 7^ + !3 ib !?•”

And at the end of the entries relating to the events of the
reign of Ching Wang 3E> we read :

“ The Yh has text to the three hundred and eighty-four
lines IIHI/UM » ”

And, finally, in King Wang, 36th year: “ ^ 3E H Hh
Eung tze makes the ten wings of the Yh JL

I? + S*”

10. But if we turn to more scholarly and ancient texts, we
find different, in some cases very precise, statements. They,
however, almost all agree in their attribution of the inven-
tion of the Ewas to the first name which appears at the
dawn of their traditions with an appearance of personality,
Fuh-hi.

Here are a few extracts about this first point :

(a) “In accordance with the Tortoise writings H £ it
Fuh-hi imitating their figures fg 75 M Jib made the
Ewas of the Yh ffc £ IK” 3

1 Zi Wang men piao, p. 5.

2 Tai Kao = ‘ great whitish/ also the £ western region’ Fuh-hi , also written
in different manners )§ fH, ^ H? ig?

3 it ^ 3 t £> in jfhi Fing yii lan, &. 78, f. 3.

790

THE YH-XIHG AKD ITS AXJTHOBS.

(b) “ Fuh-hi imitated the Tortoise writing |g |l] ft
and made the eight Kwas 75 A

(c) “ Pao-hi made the eight Kwas }g g jf* W A $1 ,
and arranged their lines JlJ fgf. Hien Yuen arose iff
If: JS SI > and the Tortoise and the Divining stalks ex-
hibited their varieties ff ft M M # $£-” 2

(d) “ Pao-hi drew the Kwas Jg g flj in order to
establish their symbolism J£Jt j£ Jf|. Hien Yuen began the
characters ff J0^ |f| , in order to set up their instruc-
tions a it it” 3 ~

It is useless to continue these quotations repeating the
same thing over and over again, inasmuch as one of the com-
mentaries of the Yh, the Hi-tze, second part, first section,
gives the same statement :

(e) “ Pao-hi first made the eight Kwas Jg 8 * • • $ p ffl

a #•” ■

11. So much for the first delineation of the eight Kwas.
As to their multiplication, the unanimity of the traditions
ceases, though the larger number of them attribute the opera-
tion to Shen-nung.

In the San Hwang pbn Ki H H ^ compiled by

Se-ma Cheng ffj.. J§§ J| during the eighth century, the
famous commentator of Se-ma Tsien\s ^ She Ke

jg, 111, and generally printed at the beginning of this
celebrated history, we find 4 the same statement about Fuh-hi,
and about Shen-nung 5 we read ;

(/) “ He blended the Yh, and returned each to its place,

Afterwards he multiplied the
eight Kwas into 64 diagrams M IM® S\ + is •”

.And in the Ti Wang She Ki, Q quoted again at h, we read :

(g) “ Shen-nung multiplied the numbers of the eight Kwas
It A S' £ it carried them to the square of eight % A
A ^ H? an <l formed the 64 Kwas ^

1 Jp. i 34, in the great Cyclopedia in 10,000 Xiuen, Kin ting Ku
Kin tfu shu tsih cheng.

2 m m u * #. 3 sr m m m §r*

4 Vid. f. 1 y. and f. 3. 5 Shen-nung, 2737-2697 b.c. ?

6 Vid. Tai King Yii Lan , E. 78, f. 5 y. Vid. n. 3, following page.

THE YH-KINGr AND ITS AUTHORS.

791

In the above quoted wing of the Yh, 1 progress of arts and
inventions are attributed to the contemplation of several
hexagrams (thirteen in number), which in nine cases at least 2 3
cannot be confused with the trigrams, and as these inventions
are, several of them, connected with Shen-nung, etc., we see
that, in the opinion of the time of the writer, most likely-
anterior to Confucius for that part, at least, the multiplica-
tion of the Kwas was un fait accompli at the earliest period.

12. In a most valuable Cyclopedia in 1000 kiuen, com-
piled in 977-983, the Tai Ping yu Lan, z we read : —

(h) “ The Chronicle of Emperors and Kings (by Hwang P’u
Mih, a celebrated scholar of the third century, a.d. 215-282)
says : % 3E iS IE Ef The Pao-hi made the eight Kwas ;
iS IS -R A # • Shen-nung multiplied them into sixty-
four Kwas; jf I f ^ g /i f El# Hwang-Ti Yao
and Shun M # §! $$ developed the hint §{ jjjf and

divided it into two Yhs ft EH J| ; down to the men
of the Hia dynasty J| A > who called one on account of
Yen-Ti 4 Lien Shan @ qfjf Q Jg []] , and the men of
the Yn dynasty who called the other on account of Hwang-Ti
Kwei- Tsang 5 If A | f f 0 If 1- Wen Wang
enlarged the sixty- four Kwas EE K Hh ® #> niade
clear the lines 9 and 6 m ii ^ and denominated

it the Yh of Chou I ± M ^ ”

13. In one of the best critical parts of the Lu she , 6
by Lo Pi U ^5, of the Sung Period, we read ;

1 fH ^ 5 part, ch. ii.

2 16, 17, 21, 34, 38, 42, 43, 69, 62.

3 HE ^ 2 * ver 5 r interesting notice of this Cyclopedia,

and its adventures since its compilation, is given by Mr. A. Wylie, Notes on Chinese
Literature, pp. 146, 147. On Hwang P’u Mih, vid. Dr. Legge’s Prolegomena
to the Chu-King , p. 26 ; and also Mayer’s Chinese Leader's Manual , n. 216.

4 Yen- Ti — Shen-nung,

6 Th o Lien- shan is said to have included eight myriads of words, and the Kwei-
Hang 4300. I shall discuss this tradition and its bearing when tracing the
history of the written text of the Yh, and shall quote a traditional list of the
headings of chapters which have been modified by Wen Wang. Vid. § 31.

6 fit ]Jl gif, Kiuen 2, 1 1. In Wylie’s Notes on Chinese Literature,

p. 24, is the following appreciation of the work : — u The historical portion is
considered of little value, and the author seems to have been led astray by an
undue attachment to Taouist legends, but there is a good deal of learning shown
in the geographical and critical parts ” (here quotedj.

792

THE YH-KING AND ITS AUTHORS.

(*) “In his time Fuh-hi {R H ;£ himself multiplied
the eight Kwas A § I I> and himself discoursed upon
them and distributed for use Tff & If ^ M J$ ; hut this
text has no place in literature } )fe % % Z, % . Arriving

at the Lien-Shan and Kwei-T&ang iS ill H I® j§|, the

upper and lower divisions of the Yh JFj£ fj, _£ *f and the
illustrations of the hexagrams were all completed glj ^

E * 18, but in that age they were not deeply studied
W ffi $fi %• Coming down to the time of Wen Wang
W 3E> while imprisoned at Yu-Li || 0 $ he

used them for divination £J, f* He added and

surreptitiously introduced the foretelling words #if |j|

and he altered the inferring numbers Jg BJc fff jjj;, in order
to regulate the divining stalks of the Great Inference jy,

that those using them could draw the infer-
ence jit PT fSf* And afterwards the arguments began
to be discoursed upon ffjj ^ If $p - I 11 consequence

it was called the Yh of Chou j|| ^ & SI JU Hr-”

This disquisition on the early history of the Y7& is most
important, and seems to have been done with great care ;
it throws light on some passages of ancient authors I shall
have to quote, which otherwise would not seem to require so
precise a translation as it is necessary to make, in order
to understand them without contradictions. It displays
an amount of critical research most praiseworthy. The
translation of the passage just given can be entirely trusted,
as it is not only the joint work of Prof. Douglas and myself,
but has also been revised by an eminent native Chinese
scholar, I shall, later, have to deal with what is said about
the text previous to the Chou dynasty, as well as with
other information given later in the same work, but with
this I have nothing to do in the present stage of my
investigations.

14. I will now turn to some older texts hearing upon part
of the work done by Wen Wang.

And here I find two allusions to it almost in the same terms
in the longest wing of the Yh, 1 from which we have already

1 Hi-tze, part ii. eh. 7 and XL

THE YH-KING ANJD ITS AUTHORS.

793

twice borrowed some information. There we read, in Dr.
Legged translation :

(jO “Was it not in the middle period of antiquity 1 that
the Yh began to flourish P Was not he who made it (or
were not they who made it) familiar with anxiety and
calamity ? ” And in another passage :

(k) “ Was it not in the last age of the Yn (dynasty), when
the virtue of Chou reached its highest point, and during the
troubles between Wen Wang and (the tyrant) Chou, that
(the study of) the Yh .began to flourish ? ”

This does not say that Wen Wang wrote the text of
the book, but only that its study began to flourish in his
time. We know by other traditions that its study was
neglected before, and all this agrees perfectly well. How-
ever, as Wen Wang had a great deal to do with this study,
we can only take the tradition about his pretended author-
ship of the text as a summary statement, avoiding com-
plicated explanations, the more so that this is in complete
agreement with the nature of the Chinese, whose veneration
for the ancestors of their statutes concentrates everything on
the star-men of their night-like historical traditions.

15. From the third commentary of the Yh, I have now to
come down to the second century b.c., and must consult the
celebrated Historical Records ife a of the Herodotus of
China, Se-ma Tsien f§J j|§. In his Chou Ron .Hi JgJ 7f£
a certain passage added to the life of Si Poh^Wen
Wang (which has all the appearance of an interpolation),
I read : 2

(/) “ When he was imprisoned at Yu-Li dS 0 ^ JL
(Wen Wang) extended g| the profitable changes g Jj^
proper to the eight Kwas £ A $f> 8 in favour of the sixty-
four Kwas

1 The period of middle antiquity, according to Chinese commentators, begins
with the rise of the Chou in the twelfth century b.c., and it finishes at the
Confucian Era. But we are not sure that this explanation has not been made up
for the occasion of this passage.

3 See Kiuen 4, f. 5 T« v >V'; >

3 It seems to me that we cannot translate here, otherwise than considering
as having its meaning » jjk ; else the phrase would he in ’contradiction with the
facts certainly known to Se-ma Tsien and his father, of the multiplicatiorL of the

794

THE YH-KING AND ITS AUTHORS.

It is here plainly indicated, as in the quotations above
{h 9 i), the very work of Wen Wang, who, distinguishing
the weak and strong lines, has extended their eight changes
so as to correspond with the text.

16. In the Former Han Records , compiled by Pan Ku,
some one hundred and fifty years after the Historical Records
of Se-ma Tsien, I read in the section on Literature : 1

(m) “ Wen Wang then multiplied the six lines (of trails-
formation) of the Yhj^3£ ^ It Jir and made

the first and second book fp Jfc T lt« Kung She formed
with the Yh’s J5 M Tivan , Siang , Hi tze, Wen gen ,

Su Kwa , the ten supplementary books M M- 9 M Ip

#£ JS + *•”

This is in perfect agreement, excepting the substitution
of the Su Kwa for the Shwoh Kiva, with what had been said
before by Se-ma Tsien, who, in his “ Life of Confucius,” 2
had written :

(ft) “ Kung tze, when old, also enjoyed the Yh ^ 0%

|jf 5 He arranged (or put in order 3 ) /§? the Twan, the
Hi, the Siang , the Shwoh Kwa , and the Wen yen H M.
1J& ih 1% W- 4 During his study, the leather thong of (his
copy of) the Yh was thrice worn out ||f H H IS •”

17. This is all that is said by Se-ma Tsien, and nothing
more, and it is this passage which has been quoted 5 as the
proof that, according to Se-ma Tsien, Confucius wrote several
appendixes to the Yh. As a matter of fact, the great
Historian says nothing of the kind, and to what extent the
pencil of Confucius has been at work in the Appendices is
entirely left in the dark by the historical quotations which
have been found about it.

Hwas "before the time of Wen "Wang. For this maimer of translating
see Julien, Syntaxe nouvelle , vol. i. p. 159, and Legge’s Chinese Glassies, passim.
If my translation of this phrase were not the right one, howls it that Pan Iiu has
not repeated the same thing, but gives a statement which is much more in accord-
ance with my translation ? However, it is rather unsatisfactory.

1 Fid. Enuen 30, f. 2.*

2 Fid. She Ki , K. 47, Kung tze She Kia , f. 24 v.

3 For the use of the same word with the same meaning in the same chapter,

see ibid, i 23 v. .

4 These, with the J|£ and ||| are all the appendixes of the FA.

6 Hr, Legge, Yi King , Introd. p. 26.

795

THE TH-KING AND ITS AUTHORS.

The absolute silence about the work of Chdu Kung, if the
Siang || comes from bis pen, would be worth considering, if
there was not elsewhere (in the Tso chuen) a recognition of
his authorship. The text is speaking of an envoy of the
Marquess of Tsin to the State of Lu. 1

(o) “ Looking at the books in charge of the great
historiographer fg *§£ M ^ ^ he saw the Siang of

the Yh and the Chun Tsiu of Lu Mb ik M M

and said : [Ef the uttermost of the Institutes of Chou are in
Lu JgJ || §H ^ iff* Now, indeed I know the virtues
of the Duke of Chou, 75 ^ M IS* and how

the Chou attained to Royalty, §& Jg £ ^ £ Jt 3E HI

This happened in 540 b.c., when Confucius was yet a child
of eleven years, and so, some sixty years before he enjoyed
the Yh King.

18. Besides the indications to be found in the historical
texts and traditions set forth in the preceding pages, there
is much valuable information as to the earlier Yh , and the
progress of the Yh of Chou from 672 to 486 b.c. in this
same Tso-chuen, supplement by Tso k’iu Ming to the CKim
Tsiu of Lu, compiled by Confucius.

The Kwas and their appended meanings and list of
characters are quoted some twenty times in the Tso-cJiuen,
Studying these with care they give the most suggestive
information as to the history and composition of the book.

19. I resume these quotations as follows : 22nd year
of Duke Chwang (672) ; The Yh of Chou brought and con-
sulted in the state of Ch’in by an officer of Chou. The
same thing happens in the 7th year of Duke Suen (602).

The milfoil consulted in Tsin, Tsi, Ts’in, Lu States in 1st
and 2nd years of Duke Min (661-660) ; three times in 15th
year of Duke Hi (645) ; 25th year of Duke Hi (635) ; 16th
year of Duke Chhng (575) ; 9th year of Duke Siang (564) ;
25th year same duke (548).

1 Tso Chuen , Duke Gtiao, 2nd year. Legge edit. p. 583, translates .-—“When
he looked at the ( various ) documents in the charge of the great historiographer, and
the Ch’un Ts’iew of Loo, he said, 4 The institutes of Chow are all in Loo. Now,
indeed, I know the virtue of the Duke of Chow, and how it was that (the House
of) Chow attained to the Royal dignity.’ ”

796

THE YH-KESTG A HD ITS AUTHOES.

The Th of Chou consulted in Tsin, Lu, Ts’in, Wei States :
12th year of Duke Siien (597) ; 9th year of Duke Siang
(564) ; 28th year of same Duke (545) ; 1st, 5th, 7th, 12th,
29th, 32nd years of Duke Chao (541, 537, 535, 530, 513,
509) ; 9th year of Duke ISTgai (486 b.c.).

The Yh of Chou does not appear in the Tsin state before
597, in Lu before 564, in Tsi before 548, etc., and before these
dates, in 672 and 602, only in the hands of officers of Chou.
The milfoil, however, was often consulted in the same states
before these dates, and some texts more or less alike to Chou’s
Yh text are quoted.

20. The result appears to be that the Yh of Chou was
more especially used in the state of Chou than elsewhere,
but was not in common use in the other states so early
as 672, though the book existed at the time. In this
year the great Historiographer of Chou uses himself the Yh
of Chou, of which he had brought a copy with him, in the
state of pjft Ch’in, and quotes the exact characters of Kwa xx.
6-4, of the present text of the book. Afterwards we do not
find the Yh of Chou quoted till 70 years after this first date,
and once again, in the state of Ch’in, by an officer of Chou, who
quotes a meaning. In the mean time, not less than six times,
the divining milfoil is consulted in the states of Tsi, Tsin and
Ts’in ; hexagrams are quoted, meanings and text are repro-
duced, exhibiting discrepancies with the present text, and in
any case never extracted from the Siang .

21. After the occurrence in 602 above quoted, the Yh of
Chow is again consulted in 597 in the state of Tsin, and, ex-
cepting two occasions in 575 in Tsin, and 548 in Tsi, when
“divining by the milfoil” is the expression used, there occur
in the records of the years 564, 545, 541, 537, 535, 512, 509,
and 486 extracts which are all exact quotations of the Yh of
Chou, being meanings and characters from the text or the/S^wy,
though not always in accord with Dr. Legge’s translation. In
564, the foretelling words of the Yh of Chou are distinctly
quoted in addition to the meaning of the Kwa quoted from the older
Yh y and in 540, when Confucius was a child of eleven years,,
the Archives of the state of Lu are congratulatedfor containing

THE YH-KING AND ITS AUTHORS.

797

the Siang of the Yh by the Duke of Chou, as we have seen
above.

All this points unmistakably to the existence of the text
of the Yh as independent and anterior to the Yh of Chou. 1
When this last is not eo nomine quoted, and when they only
say that they divine by the milfoil, they never quote any
passage from the Siang, but only characters and meanings of
the text.

22. I do not find in any ancient authority, the assertion
so simple in itself, that Wen Wang did or wrote the text of
the Yh. It has crept out as the expression of a natural
Chinese feeling, and is to be found only in rather recent
time. Even as late as the twelfth century, the Chou yh pan
ngi M| Ja ^ jf|, by the famous Chu Hi ^ H, does not
express it. 3 It is a mistake to believe in a common consensus
or general and unique tradition attributing the authorship of
the text of the Yh to this king and his son, and all those who
may follow what has been stated lately with great emphasis by
a well-known Sinologist will only repeat a serious error. And
the mistake will be the more amusing if, as has been done,
they appeal to the traditions and beliefs of foreigners ; it
is difficult to know what may be the traditions and beliefs
of foreigners about the Yh, as they cannot have any others
than those they have picked up in some Chinese books. At
any rate they may be dismissed at once by inquirers as second-
hand information, 3 as until now the matter has never been
seriously investigated.

1 One of the most striking passages from the Tso-chuen , justifying all that we
have stated, is the quotation said to be from the 18th Kwa |H, and in which
are quoted meanings borrowed from the 40th Kwa , in different order and
with serious discrepancies of characters. This occurs during the fifteenth year of
Duke Hi, and is not quoted as from the Yh of Chou. It comes obviously from
the older test, previously to its arrangement by Wen Wang.

2 He says (according to the j|^ 1§| > k* xxv. f. 2 v.) :

“ Fuh-hi made the 64 Kwas s\ + 0 Chou Kxm S

connected the words of the lines n % with the main emblems

jffo ^ ^ , the prognostics fjf, the Kwas and the series of their

mutations and explanations ||| Ht ;§* til*”

3 However, we shall be contented to quote one of the best European Sinologists
who mentions the primitive text of the Yh. < 4 According to the Chinese belief,

798

THE YH-KING AND ITS AUTHORS.

The comparison of all these authorities of different periods
makes it clear, without possible doubt, to any unprejudiced
mind, that the text of the Yh existed long before Wen Wang, 1
though not exactly as it now stands; that he studied it,
modified it, and commented upon it. 2

III. — Influence of the Evolution of Writing.

23. The remarkable evolution of speech and of writing in
China, their early association and close connexion, their
subsequent dissociation and respective disintegration, 3 are
of prime importance for any scientific investigation of the
oldest texts of Chinese literature. We have multifarious
proofs that the writing, first known in China, was already
an old one, 4 partially decayed, but also much improved since

these eight figures (the eight Kwas), together with the sixty-four combinations
to which they are extended, accompanied by certain presumptive explanations
attributed to Fuh-hi, were the basis of an ancient system of philosophy and
divination during the centuries preceding the era of Wen Wang . . See
Mayer’s Chinese Reader's Manual, vol. ii. p. 241, who quotes (p. 336) his native
authorities, none of which have been quoted above, and consequently are to
he added to them.

1 In a dictionary of the Han period, the jpp ^ by §fl] (2nd cent. a.d. ?)

we read that “ At the time of the Canon of Yao ^ Jll (2356-2255 b.c. ?
or 2145-2042 b.c. ?) they kept the Yh .

2 There are several passages in the text of the Yh which have been interpreted
as allusions to places or facts connected with the rising of the Chou, etc,, but this is
not the place to deal with them. It will be seen in my translation or scientific
analysis of the text, that they have nothing to do with the meanings which have
been forced upon them, afterwards.

3 For want of space, I have to summarize in this section a score of pages in
which I had summed up from my large work in preparation on the subject the
leading facts and proofs of this double 'evolution,

4 We have convincing proofs (vid. my Early History , pp. 21-23, and the last
section of the present paper) that it had been borrowed, by the early leaders of
the Chinese Dak families (Poh Sing) in Western Asia, from an horizontal writing
traced from left to right, the pre- cuneiform character, which previously had itself
undergone several important modifications. Following their old habit of notched
sticks and knotted cords, the Chinese disposed in perpendicular lines, and con-
sequently had to put up the characters too wide for the regularity of the columns.
This was done according to the objects represented by the characters. Vid. for
example the Ku-wan shapes of the following characters : turned up : P ,
the two lips and tip of the tongue = mouth ; Q , the two lips open and breath
— speak ; the two lips and something in the mouth = taste ; f=| , = the eye,
etc., etc. Turned up from the left: gs*, the two lips open and voice = speech ;
Jp,, two heights = colline ; |j|j' = a tortoise; M., an animal, afterwards a
horse ; etc., etc. Turned up from the right : jff = a boat ; E> the upper part

THE YH-KING AND ITS AUTHOKS.

799

its primitive hieroglyphic stage. Although many of them had
kept their early pictographic and ideographic values, the charac-
ters, selected according to their sense were used phonetically , 1
isolated and in groups, to represent the monosyllabic and
polysyllabic words, as well as the compounds 2 of the spoken

of the face = minister ; the lower part of the face, the chin ; J^, a seated
man, good; etc., etc.

1 The phonetic combinations in early Chinese have been singularly disturbed
by the putting up spoken of in the last note. In the borrowed compounds, when
unchanged in direction, the reading goes from left to right ; when put up from the
left, it reads from top to bottom ; when put up from the right, the most frequent,
it reads from bottom to top. These various directions, according to the shape, size,
and .sense of the characters, were imitated afterwards in the new compounds, as long
as and where the old principles of phonetic orthography were not forgotten. Here
axe a few examples of this orthography in the oldest Chinese characters transcribed

in modern style of writing : = Nam (mod. Nan) was written with —Nen

(mod. Jen) under * — Muh ; = Kop (mod. Kii) was written j_j = Kam

(mod. K’ an) under = J Ping ; ^ = Din (mod. Sien) was written = Dih

(mod. Chi) over — Nen (mod. Jen) ; j[jj = Sen (mod. Sien) was written |]|
= San (mod. Shan) followed on the right by = Nen ; = Keng was

written >K = Kivo followed on the right by Jf. —Nip (mod. (El) ; fj) = Jen
was written Shi followed on the right by — Ni (mod. (Eh ) ; etc., etc.

2 The orthography of the bisyllabic or polysyllabic words presents the same

phenomena of reading as the two-consonanted words, and for the same reasons.
The only disturbing fact which may prevent their recognition is that, the final of
the second syllable having been often dropped by phonetic decay, the compound
has the appearance of a biconsonanted word. The reading most frequently found
for these compounds is generally from left to right, but the other directions also
occur. The great interest in this discovery is that the old groups did express not
only the monoconsonant- or biconsonant-syllables, hut also the polysyllables and
compound words of the colloquial, many of which can still he recognized, though
more or less decayed since that time. In the comparison with the spoken words,
it is important not to forget that the characters used to express the compound
words in colloquial are not to be pressed by themselves as a help to restore the
older sound of the expression, as they have been used only afterwards to ex-
press the spoken word, and they are not etymologically connected to it. The
book-language of the dialects is more fallacious than useful for this purpose.
A few examples of various kinds are necessary to illustrate these explanations.
Ex. tw'an =to roll up, to beat, was written in Ku-wen jffif and
which both read TKM, as the three characters were Tih (mod. chi ), Kan, and
Meu or Muh. How the colloquial has kept an expression Jew an =

c to roll about on the ground,’ which is obviously the same with a slight differentia-
tion of meaning, whilst the phonetic decay in the older official dialect has con-
tracted the whole together into tw’an* Ex. —hien — < ‘ all, the whole of/ was
written in the Ku-wen = Kam under $ = Thu, or Kam-thu, for which we
find the colloquial hien-tsih (jg| :ffj) and the contracted form Jcat (*§* mod.
Mai). Ex. $|| = Lan in Ku-wen = Ban-Lmi (mod. Wen Can), and in collo-
quial JPan-lan $J§ $f§ ~ 4 variegated colours/ f|| — Tao = c to pray/ in Ku-wen
same orthography : ^ fl| ~ Tho, in colloquial j §fj -KHCao or

800

THE YH-KING AND ITS AUTHORS.

language. 1 At that time the writing of the Ku~wen was
really the phonetic expression of speech. 2 (By an analysis
of the old inscriptions and fragments, and by the help of the

“Hf 18 Kao-tao, the contracted form is Kit jjjjf mod. K’i, etc. etc. Vid. other
examples below, § 31, and the following note.

To understand, with this true history of the Chinese characters, the rough
hieroglyphic signs which (more or less exactly reproduced in every European hook
treating of the writing) are wrongly quoted as primitive, and present a striking
contrast to the really advanced state of the oldest written words, we must not
forget, besides the hieroglyphical revival of 820 b.c. (which has produced no in-
considerable influence on the pictography of the characters) , that these rough signs
are found only on made-up antiquities, or misunderstood imitations, and also in
rude inscriptions written by men unacquainted with the science of writing, which
was the privilege only of a small number of the learned. We have in the Tso-chum
many proofs of this last assertion, as the £ Book of Odes ’ could be read or sting
intelligibly only by specialists.

1 The Chinese languages are phonetically decayed in the extreme ; however, in
their present stage they are not monosyllabic, but agglutinative. The theory of
their monosyllabism, and in fact its sad influence on linguistic progress, arose from
a misunderstanding of the syllabism of the present writing supposed to he spoken,
and the wrong assimilation of the old writing to it; and also from the confusion
between the monosyllabisms of elocution and of decay, with a supposed logical mono-
syllabism ; the whole combined with the false hypothesis of a primeval mono-
syllabism.

3 Here is an interesting proof of this remarkable fact, from the Shu-king, The
great announcement , * m> § 2. The Ku-wen phrase is from the text
engraved on stone (245 a.d.) in three styles, Ku-iven , Siao-chuen, and Li-shu
(Vid. H ¥ 5 IS- f - 6). The phrase we take as an example is in

modern style: j|j| ^ J||, translated by Medhurst, 4 And now we see their
stupid commotions,’ and by Dr. Legge, 4 Accordingly we have the present senseless
movements.’ This supposed despising expression is intended to qualify a military
rising, which had been prognosticated in the West according to the preceding
phrase. But as the troubles arose in the East, there is a disagreement which the
commentators childishly solve by saying that the troubles arose indeed in the
East, but they necessarily went on to trouble the West. The Ku-wen text gives
the solution of the difficulty, which came from an inaccuracy of the transcribers.
It reads as follows : JgL, ^ = Yueh tze chun, which in spoken language

cannot be understood, hut which disintegrated as we must do for the Ku-wen,
give: f iin —yu-shen tze chun-ko , are more audible and completely
intelligible to the ear in the colloquial yu-shen tze tung-ko 1 1 1 i ^
sss moreover {is) this nsing-m-arms. The above quoted translation must he
amended according to the latter, which is the true meaning of the genuine text ;
it does not imply any contradiction, as the modem text does ; the king alludes
here obviously to the actual outbreak in the East, and not at all to the predicted
troubles in the West. As to the necessary philological apparatus of this reading,
which I shall give in my Outlines of the Evolution of Speech and Script in
China , it will be sufficient to say that : cKun was formerly tim /

than (mod. yu-shen) contracted in the compounds in met (Sin -Aim.) yueh (Sand.),
is still found under the false written etymology Jg, ( Viet-tinh) yueh-sheng ,
a name for the Canton province. I hope that ^direct proofs, as this example
from the Shu-king, will convince the Sinologists of the truth of my discovery
of the reading of the old Chinese texts, and consequently, how important it is to
gather all that remains still to he found in China of texts in ancient or Ku-
wen characters. ,

THE YH-KING AND ITS AUTHORS.

801

native works on palaeography (some most valuable), I have
compiled a dictionary of this period.) But such a writing
could not last long, as gradually and inequally the old
principles of orthography were lost, while this orthography
was not modified to follow the evolution of the spoken language,
and the segregation of dialects parallel with the territorial
expansion of Chinese culture and power. In fact, the groups
were gradually considered as mere ideograms, and the discre-
pancies which arose in the various states of the Chinese agglo-
meration rendered necessary some kind of unification.

24. This task was attempted, at a moment of temporary
revival of power of the Chou dynasty, under Siien Wang,
by his great historiographer She Chou. This great minister
undertook, about 820 b.c., to modify the writing in such a
manner that it could be understood whatever might be the
dialectical differences between the states. For this purpose
he drew up his Ta-chuen style ; rectifying the characters
photographically, restoring many hieroglyphic shapes ac-
cording to his views, and adding ideographic characters to
many existing and known groups in order to give the
necessary precision and to avoid any misunderstanding. 1 2 He
tried to speak to the eye and no longer 'to the ear. 3 In

1 I have also compiled a vocabulary of this writing, of which the principles after-
wards imitated have been so powerful a factor in the mental and political history
of Chinese culture.

2 The survival of pictography and hieroglyphism, which She -chon gave to the

writing by his modifications of the characters, can be fully illustrated by the two
following examples. The phonetic group for ‘ wild country,’ ‘ desert,’ Jg^, was
written in Ku-wen j- Tu ‘earth,’ under jffo Lam, mod. Un, ‘forest,’

ue. T initial under L final, to he read T—L, which we find still in the Corean
tel and in the decayed Sinico-Annamite da. This was all right so long as the
reading was not forgotten and the colloquial remained unaltered. But when and
where this agreement break up, the ideographical value of the combination,
deprived of its phonetic reading, in the regions where had begun the phonetic
decay which has turned gradually the primitive tel into the modern ye, was no more
suggestive enough of the intended solitude. She-chou for the purpose of suggesting
this savageness added the ideograph for isolate (not spear) into the group, and wrote it

(not Jg ) . The proof of the early bisyllabism T- L of this word is very likely to
be seen in the colloquial ye-lu (gf jg), ye decayed of te. Again, the group
. HP ‘ to bury,’ ‘to conceal,’ was not sufficiently expressive to the eyes; the
historiographer of Chou in framing anew the character substituted jjjjjl to its
central part ^ in order to suggest ‘hidden in the ground as reptiles do,’ and
did not consider the phonetic expression, which was entirely thrown over by him.

VOL. XIV. — [new series.] 54

802

THE YH-KDsTG- AND ITS AUTHORS.

the states where his very characters were not used* his
principles of ideographism at least were extensively followed,
though not accepted everywhere. 1 The decline of the Middle-
Kingdom let the matter drift again.

25. When Ts’in She Hwang Ti brought all the states
under his sway, one of his first cares was to have an uniform
writing In the empire. He had, about 227 b.c., the Sim
Chiten framed by a simplification of the Ta Chnen of Se-Choii
on the same principles, according to a previously fixed
standard of various strokes, 2 and, a few years afterwards, the
Li Sim , more square, and fitted to the use of the pencil, newly
improved. From the time of She-Chou, the system of ideo-
graphic aphones had facilitated the use of added characters as
phonetics to express new sounds and new meanings ; r> this
process of ideo-phonetic groups was largely used in the new
writings, and became the principal factor in the writing of new
words from that time downwards. In their otherwise rather
childish explanation of the old formula of the Lull Shu, the
Han scholars had recognized the importance of this process.
Finally, about 350 a.d., the celebrated caligrapher Wang Hi
Che, without modifying the principles, gave to the writing
the modem pattern the Kiai Shu, which, excepting a slight
improvement during the Sung period, is still in general use. 4

1 And so was established officially, for political reasons the wide gap which
separates the written style from the spoken language ; a difficulty of which, the
solution gives the link of the respective evolution of speech and writing in China.

2 The deformation undergone by the old characters (in the cases of no substi-
tution) when transcribed with the small canons of fixedly shaped strokes of the
Zi-shu, iSiao~chuen, and finally modern style Kiai-sku , is the great difficulty
which the palaeographer has to overcome. It complicates singularly the graphical
etymologies by apparent, hut in reality false, similarities, too often accepted as
genuine by many uncritical Chinese historians of their writing. The same com-
plication presents itself to those who study the history of the Cuneiform
characters,

3 The ideographic determinatives aphone began since that time to be more and
more extensively used ; before She-Chou the process had only been initiated ia
a few places. At first, at least in some quarters, in order to show their nun-
phonetic value, they were written smaller and rather under the character or
group which they were intended to determinate. Cf. for the determinatives
3Lf P > j , 5^, j=[, |j! , in the inscriptions of which the fac-
simile are published in the palseographical collection of Yuen Yuen, fff "jj§f jj§*

M ® .# ft If , K. iv. ff. 36-39.

4 The influence of the advanced civilization and the mixture of the Ougro-
Altaic early Chinese immigrants with the native populations of China of several
states (of which the primitive Tax or Shan was not the least important) were not

THE YH-KING AND ITS AUTHOES.

803

26. The evolution of the Chinese writing being not only a
matter of form and shape, but a matter of principles, it would
be childish to suppose that the character of the old texts could
be found in the modern characters, allowing even for the
necessary modification in the shape of the strokes. It does
not require any explanation to understand that any text to
be transcribed from the early Ku-wen into Ta-chuen , next
into Siao-chuen or Li-shu , afterwards in Kiai-shu styles,
ought to have been thoroughly clear to the scribes, even
supposing that the latter had always been earnest and un-
prejudiced writers. But what in the case of unintelligible
texts ? Exactly what has happened to the Yh-King . The
purpose of the transcribers being only the ideographical

confined to tiie area of their political power. This deep mixture which has
produced the Chinese physical type and peculiar speech, and accounts for several
phonetic features common to the Chinese and many Indo-Chinese languages, as
well as for the reciprocal loan of words, which amounts between the Chinese and Tax
vocabularies to more than 30 per cent,. had begun outside long before the extension
of the Chinese political supremacy. And as to this extension, I may remark
that the publication by Prof. Douglas in my Orientalia Autiqua , part I. of The
Calendar of the Hia dynasty, which bear astronomical evidences of its genuineness
2000 b.c., points to a settlement more southern than afterwards under the Chou
dynasty. The Chinese culture spread very early and extensively in the south, and
more on the western than on the eastern side. The phonetic writing, propagated
by the Chinese immigrants, was eagerly adopted by the active and intelligent
population of the South-West. We see them at different, periods of Chinese
history carrying books to the Chinese court. In 1109 b.c. the Annamites had
a phonetic writing, and in several instances we have tidings bearing on the exist-
ence of such writings, composed of a certain number of Chinese simple characters
used according to the phonetic principle disused amongst the Chinese, as we largely
know. These simple characters, selected by progressive elimination of the less easy
to draw and to combine, formed a special script, of which we know several offshoots,
and have been, according to my views, and as far as affinities of shape and tradition
are to be trusted, the Grundschrift with, which lias been framed that splendid monu-
ment of Brahmanic phonetic lore — the South Indian Alphabet or Lat-PalL The
North Indian Alphabet has been framed on a Semitic ground according to the
same principles, and this achievement has been most likely done at the same time
for the two alphabets, as they bear obvious marks of reciprocal influence and of
internal making up. Their artificial assimilation and parallelism is obvious. The
vocalic notation, however, seems to me to have originated from the South Alphabet
side, as here only are found independent vowel characters, which embodied in the
consonants have most likely suggestedthe external addition of marks for the vocalic
notation ; these marks were reversed to the left for adaptation to the Northern
alphabet. Mention has been lately made of a new writing found at Babylon, which by
a too hasty conclusion has been on insufficient examination considered as the ancestor
of the South Indian Alphabet. But a keen study of these two lines of writing, on
a contract clay-tablet of Babylon, dated in the 23rd year of Artaxerxes, has given
me a quite different result ; they are the signatures in cursive Aramaic of the
witnesses of the contract, excepting two who were not acquainted with writing.
The interesting feature is, besides its cursive shape, that of the appended con-
sonants, as was occasionally done in cursive Cuneiform ; I cannot find any vocalic
notation.

804

THE YH-KIHG AND ITS AUTHORS.

rendering of the meaning* the substitution of ideographical
characters to others which were less so* became a necessity
to them, in order that the meaning might speak to the
eye of the reader. But, at the same time, by an association
of the respect due to the old texts, in accordance with the
great veneration always felt by the Chinese for anything
handed down from their ancestors, they thought themselves
bound in each possible case to substitute a character homo-
phonous to the sound they could, by tradition, or otherwise,
attribute to the old and unsatisfactory one.

27. As to the Yh-King , there was happily in these tran-
scriptions from one style into another, a serious barrier,
opposed to too numerous changes, in the great veneration in
which the written words of the sages of yore were held, quite
special in the case of this mysterious classic, with consequently
a certain kind of fear of altering them. Otherwise we may
be sure that the substitution of characters, if carried to the
same extent as has been done in the case of the Shu-Kin g , 1
where it seems that the alterations reached to a full quarter
of the total number of the characters, would have been much
more considerable.

But as the addition of ideographic determinatives to old
characters or groups, could be done without, in their views,
altering the sound or the appearance, the process was much
more largely followed than any other. 2 As to the mean-

1 In comparing the remains of the Ku-wen text of the Classics engraved on
Stone (published in the ^ * £ ID with the modern text, we find that
no less than twenty-five percent, of the characters have been substituted or altered
through the transcriptions.

2 The praise and censure system, which is so conspicuously applied by the
commentators of the texts of Confucius, seems to have been really put forward by
the Great Sage himself. We know that Confucius said, speaking of the CKun
Ts'iu : 4< Its righteous decisions I ventured to make.” And also : “Yes I It is
the Ck’un Ts'iu which will make men know me ; and it is the Gh'un Ts'iu which
will make men condemn me” (Vid. Legge, Chin, Clam., vol. v. prol. 2). This
important statement has been repeated by Mencius and enlarged by him. There
is no doubt about its genuineness. Turning to the pages of the (Jtiun TsHu,
“We experienced, says Dr. Legge {ibid), an intense feeling of disappointment.
Instead of a history of events woven artistically together, we find a congeries of
the briefest possible intimations of matters in which the Court and State of Lu
were more or less concerned, extending over 242 years, without the slightest
tincture of literary ability in the composition, or the slightest indication of judicial
opinion on the part of the writer.” It is a hare ephemeris. This is a difficulty
which has still to be solved. The attempt by the commentators, of finding in almost

THE YH-KIHG AND ITS AUTHORS.

805

ings of the characters in the case of the addition of ideo-
graphical determinatives, two cases have arisen. The tran-
scribers may or may not have added the proper determina-
tive to determine the exact meaning with which the old
character was used in the particular case. In difficult in-
stances the context was of great help, as in the Shu-Kin g,
or in the wings of the Yh> where special phrases are found.
But when the sense of the context is of no help, or does not
exist, the problem could by them only be solved by an arbi-
trary or guessed interpretation, which they expressed, how-
ever, in their transcription, by the same system of adding
ideographical determinatives.

It is necessary for us to remember these facts, as they show
how unavoidably large has been the influence of the ideas
and prejudiced views of the epochs on the works of the
transcribers . 1

every paragraph some righteous decision, has laid them open to many absurdities
(Legge, ibid , p. 5). How if we consider that according to the principles of writing
at the time of the Sage, a greater importance Was given, since She Chou, to the ideo-
graphic values of the characters, and that the writer, in order to suggest a com-
plementary idea or fix its meaning, could arid an ideographic aphone, we are
not far from the explanation. And then if we examine the text, we are sure that
here is the solution. So, for instance, whilst recording the deaths of great officers,
princes, rulers of states, etc., he made use of — ‘finish,’ when he has to
record the deaths of the sovereigns of his state (Lu), or of their wives, he used the
character jj|j£ = 4 obscure ’ (to which has been substituted in Siao-chuen style
|H) to show the respect to which those dead were entitled ; it did not allow to
consider them as 4 finished/ as it was more proper to say that they became obscure
and could no more be seen. Again in the records of murders, when the murderer
is of the same rank or superior to the killed, Confucius used the ordinary character

=s 4 to kill ’ ; but when it is the murder of a ruler by a subject, or of a father
by a son, the Sage uses another character which he framed himself for the
purpose : he substituted for the determinative ^ 4 to kill/ the character
4 rule,’ 4 pattern/ to show his censure of the fact. I shall study this more
largely elsewhere. There is, about the transcriptions made from the old Ku-
wen texts into the Si-shu, Siao-chuen, and finally the modern style, a curious
remark to make. It is the great influence of this system of praise and censure on
the selection of substituted characters, the addition of ideographic determinatives,
in fact all the modifications introduced by the transcribers. _ It produces the same
effect as if they had endeavoured to transform every text into a smooth stream
of righteous principles and moral conduct. Almost in every case where we can
restore the old texts, we find in them much more energy and precision.

* 1 These various influences of ideographism, and of interpretations by the
transcribers, have also to be taken into account in any complete study of old
Chinese grammar. The European scholars who have worked upon the ideology,
phonetism, and morphology of the Chinese language in the classics, have not yet
been able, to appreciate the difference which the ideographic transcription they
have in hand has produced upon the old style they have not. They were not

806

THE YH-KINO AND ITS AUTHORS.

IV. Obvious Vestiges of the Old Text.

28. On the old text of the Yh-King very little direct
information is at hand, and I shall have to find some that
is indirect. As it is certainly embodied in the present-
text, my task in my translation will be to find it out through
a minute study of this text, checked by the history of the
language and writing in which it is written.

Of the Kwas I shall not say much, as they are not my
immediate purpose. Their original delineation is connected,
as we have seen, with the writing of the tortoise. Traditions
repeatedly found in literature mention the map of the Ho
river and the writing of the Lo river. The great appendix
of the Yh says : “ The Ho Jpf gave forth the map and the
Lo gave forth the writing, which the sages took as
pattern/’ 1 It is further said in the Li-Ki 2 that “the map
was borne by a horse Jg§ 99 and elsewhere that the writing was
on the back of a divine tortoise, 3 This statement has been
repeated by Confucius, and it requires an explanation.
Throwing off the legendary apparatus of style with which
they are traditionally reported, we find in these events two
very simple facts. The Tortoise writing given forth by the
Loh river is very likely the finding of a large tortoise shell
of which the lineaments answered to a certain disposition of
numbers. 4 As to the map produced by the Ma J§ from the
Ho river, we have to suggest that it was nothing else than
one of these numerical inscriptions, afterwards improved

aware how highly artificial is the written language, and how deep is the abyss
which separates it from the colloquial, modem and ancient, which, after all, is
the only one interesting for linguistic research. The phonetic decipherment of
the old Ku-wen texts when available will enable Sinologists to know some-
thing of the old spoken language. The readings, we have found out, make
it clear that the use of frequent polysyllables or compounds did not, in the old
time any more than in the present, let so much looseness in the grammatical value
and meaning of the words that was supposed to have existed. Besides that, the
phonetism more full of the separate words (not decayed as now) did not present in
the old spoken language so many homophones leading to confusion, as was
premised by the ancient Sinologists.

1 Vid. Hi-se , part i. sect. 79.

2 Vid. Zi-ici , ch. viii. trad. Gallery, p. 50, Turin, 1853, 4 to.

3 Vid. Zun-yiif ix. 8.

4 Among the 1690 works quoted by the Imperial compilers of the Tai-Ping-yu-

Zan in 977-983 are twelve works on the Mo-tu } two on the Zoh-shu , and one on
them both. A'

THE YH-KIHG AND ITS AXTTHOKS.

807

into an arithmetical puzzle, of cup marks as found in India
on cliffs and rocks or banks of rivers, and connected somehow
with a native tribe of which the name has been frequently
expressed phonetically by a character meaning a horse. 1

At any rate, the two objects, whatever they were, are enu-
merated in the Shu-King among the treasures kept at the
Chinese court as late as 1079 b.c., where we find mentioned,
the So tu jpf (U , the great Tortoise-shell, etc. 2

29. If the Kwas, which were a survival of the arrows of
divination known to the ancestors of Chinese culture before
their emigration eastward, 3 have been traced out from the
lineaments of the tortoise shell, we should suppose that the
plain lines and the broken lines were intended to represent
the non-crossed and the crossed lineaments ; and if from the
thrown divining rods also, from the same fact of their relative
positions of crossed or non-crossed over. But now we arrive
at speculations void and fruitless, and it is time to stop.

30. In the Shu-King we find an extensive allusion to
divination, as done by the Duke of Chou, who consulted
the oracular lines kept in the Eoyal Treasury, and we know
from the Chou Li that “ the forms of the regular prognostica-
tions were in all 120, the explanations of which amounted to
1200.” 4 Are we to take these numbers literally ? Could not
we suppose that we have here an indication of the two rows
of each hexagram, which seems to have been the main
division of the Kwei-Tsang, and in six times this number
their division according to the lines ; this hypothesis would
prove satisfactory if we had 128 and 1248, instead of 120 and
1200, given perhaps as round numbers. Or, have we here
quite a different system of oracular lines F This might be, as

1 The extraordinary similarity between the Ho map and the inscriptions found

in India by Mr. II . Kivett Carnac is too striking to be neglected. See his Hough
Notes on some Ancient Sculpturing s on Rochs in Kamdon, in Journal of the Royal
Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1877, vol. xlvi, pp. 1-15. I have already pointed out
this similarity in my paper on The Indo-Chinese Origin of the South Indian
Writing . . ,

2 Vid. Shu-King, part v. bk. 22. The great precious tortoise is also mentioned
as an heirloom, in The Great Announcement , about 1115 b.c. See Chinese Classics,
ed, Legge, hi. p. 365.

3 Ci my Early History of the Chinese Civilisation, p. 30.

4 See Legge, Chinese Classics , vol. iii. p. 356 n.

808

THE YH-KING AND ITS AUTHORS.

the Duke of Chou consulted the tortoise 1 instead of the
milfoil usually employed for the divination by the diagram. 2

31. We have seen above that the two Yhs, earlier than
Chou’s Yh, were the Lien- Shan under the Hia dynasty
(2205-1766) and the Rwei-Tsang under the Yn dynasty
(1766-1122 b.c.), both including the sixty-four Kwas. 3

The Lien- Shan does not seem to have had the text divided
between the sixty-four Kwas, but only under eight divisions
or perhaps the eight principal Kwas, as the tradition says
that its text was composed of eight myriads of words. 4 This
agrees to a certain extent with the meaning of the name
Lien- Shan =“ united mountains,” by which we can understand

called clearing up
called crossing
\ . Of these seven

1 In the Tso-Chimi we find several references to this different system, of which
it may be interesting to quote one here: in 635 b.c. The Marquis JFm made
the master of divination, Yen, consult the tortoise shell about the undertaking.
He did so and said, “The oracle is auspicious, —that of Hwang-ti’s battle in
Ean-ts’iun.” The marquis said, “ that oracle is too great for me.” The diviner
replied, “ The rules of Chou are not changed. The King of to-day is the Emperor
of Antiquity.” The marquis then said, “ Try it by the milfoil.” They consulted
the reeds and found the diagram, etc., etc. See Legge, Chinese Classics , vol. v.
p. 195.

2 In the same work, fourth part of The _ Great Flan, we read an interesting
instruction a about the divination to be practised in case of doubts :

“ Seventhly, on the examination of doubts 5pf| . Select and appoint
special officers to divine ^ Jjjfc p . And as to the orders to

divine,* 75 1* i> the v are called rain El W’

p[ Up, called cloudiness pf ||| i called disconnected p[
pj J§b called correctness Q called repentance pj |j

JL £ divine by the tortoise five h X. and as prognostics use the other
two n , to trace out the errors .

As we have most probably here a relic of the Hia dynasty, it is interesting to
find in it this ^statement of seven orders, or perhaps sets of slips for divination.
I shall examine elsewhere what connexion, if any, may have existed between
these seven orders and the meanings attributed to the eight diagrams, two of
which agree. It would seem that we have here seven series indicated or divining
slips instead of eight, which, one may suppose, was the number of classes of rows
of characters used in the consultation for prognostics in the him Shan system.

Notes. — a I find a rather different translation in 85 words in Dr. Legge’s
Chinese Classics, vol. in. p. 335, hut with the addition of so many words which
are not in the text, that I prefer to give a more literal translation.—* ^ trans-
lated * decree of divination/ Of. Medhurst’s Shoo- King, The Great Announce-
ment, p. 217.

3 In fact the period 1766-1122 includes two dynasties, the Shang from 1766 to
1401, and the Yn afterwards; hut this last name is also given to the whole
period.

4 Vid. Tai Ting Yu lan, K. 608, f. 5. ^ ^ as usual is not to be taken

literally 80,000, but as meaning eight indeterminate innum erable quantities.

809

THE YH-KING AHD ITS AUTHORS.

the lack of the distinctions and distributions afterwards
introduced.'

The Kwei-tsang = “ returned treasures/ 7 by which meaning
we understand the attributions of the meanings to the
Ewas and their parts/ is a little more known to us, though
the very text eo nomine no longer exists as an independent and
separate work. We have seen that it had a certain division
of the text in two parts, probably according to the inner and
outer diagram of each hexagram, and it seems likely
that these two parts in every chapter were again divided in
six. The text was composed of four thousand three hundred
words. 2

82. The documentary evidences on the old text of the Yh
are of several kinds. Some consist of the quotations in other
classics, others are the result of internal indications, and also
the palseographical proofs.

We have already (§ 18) spoken of an evidence of prime
importance in the score of quotations given in the
Tso-Chnen. They do not always agree with the text as we
have it, and the discrepancies are not in every case those
which can be attributed to clerical transcriptions. The dis-
crepancies exhibited by the quotations indicated where they
divine by the milfoil and before they indicate the Yh of
Chou, point certainly to an old text which has been wilfully
modified in the Yh of Chou. In elucidating my version I
hope to show all these discrepancies, and in several cases

1 It is not unlikely that something of the arrangement by Wen Wang has crept
out from the temporary homonymy at his time of these two characters, Kivei-tsang
with. and J§| . Cf. above, §2n. This will he discussed in the translation.

2 Though the text of the Kwei- Tsang §|| ^ seems to have been lost of old,
quotations from it were found in old literature. The work is not one of the 1690
works of which the titles are given at the beginning of the Great Cyclopaedia of
983 a . d ., the Tai Ting Til lan. However several quotations from it are given in
it, and I think it interesting to reproduce them. In the chapter on Nu Kwa

iZ §|, we read: gf Ef it. M 21 9 H ft ^

0 ^ BS m % JH

In the chapter on Hwang-Ti we read: Iff 0 la" !§C 3p$ JJ?

Yid. K. 78, f. 4, and K. 79 , f. 2. On Nu Kwa, vid. Mayer’s Manual, p. 162,

810

THE YH-KIHG AND ITS AUTHORS.

the causes of their modification, by Wen Wang ; but we
have no room here for such an investigation.

33. It would be also beyond the scope of these pages
to show the serious differences of style between that of the
Text, in the case of phrases, and that of the oldest wings,
the Tican and the Siang, works of Wen Wang and of Chou
Hung. They are not all of the same period, the Text exhibiting
an older stage of grammar. Many peculiarities of style in the
Text are not of those which have been introduced by the
western influence of the Chou, and consequently, as they
cannot be more modern, they point to an older period. It is
a fact of the evolution of the language, which I have traced
up and explained elsewhere, but my present version points
out the many materials which the text of the Yh offers for
that purpose.

34. Another argument, the several cases of which I am
able to point out in my version, is in connection with the
foretelling words, showing their ulterior addition to the
primitive text in accord with what we know by the tradition
as has been shown above (§ 13). It is that in the rhymed
chapters, they are outside the rhymes ! The importance of
this fact must not be neglected, as it shows that the text was
written before its partition into separate lines to correspond
to the weak and strong lines of the Kwas, and before the
intermingling of the words of fate.

35. A careful study of the Ku~wen text of the Yh would be
of the greatest importance. It would certainly discriminate
the alterations introduced by Wen Wang : I, therefore, await
anxiously the good chance which may put in my hands, or in
those of any one of more ability, the text Kti-wen handed
down by Fei-shi , a text which was not different from the
Imperial copy revised by Liu Hiang about the Christian era,
at the time of the Literary Revival under the Han dynasty,
as will be seen below (§ 48).

The numerous palseographical works compiled with great
care by the Chinese (several of which would do honour to
European scholars), and the comparison with many inscrip-
tions, afford a not inconsiderable amount of information

811

THE YH-KING AND ITS AUTHORS.

towards the recognition of the old meanings of the
characters, besides their values in the Shu-Kin g and the
Shi-Xing. But all this requires a good deal of patient
research and comparative criticism for a profitable use
of them.

36. In the absence of the continuous text of the Yh in old
Ku-wen characters, we are not altogether deprived of certain
tidings, and though they cannot, as the text would do, give
us the same amount of information, they are not to be
neglected. There are two means for finding them, first, by
the palaeography, and secondly by the traditions in litera-
ture.

Characters of the Ku-iven text of the Yh are found in
Chinese pakeographical works, 1 and some have occasionally
been quoted by the late M. Pauthier from the text of Fei-shi
which he possessed in his own library. Though these charac-
ters are not numerous, they are not without their utility for
our researches. The comparative studies I have made for my
history of the Chinese language, on the transformations of the
Chinese characters from the most ancient period downwards,
allow me to say what we learn from these characters quoted
from the old Yh-King . They concur in fully strengthening
the exactitude of the traditions quoted above on the existence
of the old text of the Yh , or the greatest part of it, long
before the time of Wen Wang, its partial modification,
completion and arrangement by that sage, and the author-
ship of the Twan and Siang by the same and by his son.

37. These characters are of three kinds. Some, which
come from the text, are of the oldest period when the
writing was the faithful reproduction of the language. This
stage had passed away at the time of Wen Wang and his

1 Such as the 'ff Ht hy Fu Lwan Tsiang, 1751, in 14 Emeu,
according to the 214 radicals ; the ||| jj by fUf * n 10

Iviuen, according to 76 finals. In these two works the old forms are quoted with
references to the inscriptions, texts, etc., where they are to he found. The latter,
though less complete than the former, is more accurate ; it is a wonderful monu-
ment of palseographical knowledge and patient research, the work of an entire
life devoted to study. Its author published it at the age of 82. It has been
reprinted several times, in 1718, 1796, 1865, and these are the different editions I
have seen : the 1796 one is the worst.

812

THE YH-KING AND ITS AUTHORS.

son. Other characters, from the Twan and Slang , and occa-
sionally from the text, are also of the old style still in use,
with or without additional ideographic determinatives, but no
longer understood on the principles of their composition and
hence blindly copied. The third category includes characters
from, the wings, which are obviously written according to
the principles laid down by She Chou about 820 b.c. We
shall not enter into the details, they would be most interesting,
about these categories, as they would require more space
than we can afford. We cannot help, however, quoting two
or three examples of the oldest written words.

38. So fig lieng , constant, continual, which in the Eu wen
text of the Th was written by a group of two characters
which transcribed in modern caligraphy would be J5- 1
Reading the two characters according to the orthographical
principles of the old Ku-wen, we expect, by their disposition
side by side, a compound word to be read from left to right,
and we find ^ Eeng JPj Kiao , which is obviously the same
as the modern expression heng kiu %, having the same
meaning. 2 In the Twan and Slang we find two forms of the
same early group, but of which the component parts were no
longer understood, as shown by the blind interpretation given
to their strokes. 3

Again, fg| I * the chin,’ which represents two characters of
the older Yh, g£ and gg ; one is the heading of the 27th
chapter, the other is in the text. 4 We shall see in our version
which spoken expression it represents.

Again substitution in modem writing to the Siao Chuen

1 Cf. Min tsi Ki, Luh shu fang, K. iv. f. 21 v. Fu Lwan Tsiang, Luh shu
Fon Lug, s.v.

2 In cases of single words written phonetically with two characters, these are
often superposed ; the under one suggesting the initial. These principles and their
ulterior modifications, their demonstration and the method which I have used to
find them, are explained and summarized in my paper on the Evolution of
Language and Writing in China. Vid. also the notes to $ 23 of the present
paper. ■ ■

y Min Tsi Ki, Luh shu thing , 3L i. f. 29.

4 This is one of the characters which show that the writing borrowed by the
Bale people, Foh Sing , has not always been written in perpendicular lines. As
all those which had more width than height, it has been turned up from, the right,
and originally represented the lower part of the face, mouth, and chin, still dis-
cernible through the modern strokes.

813

THE YH-KIYGr A YD ITS AUTHOKS.

|g which had. been substituted for the Ku-wen ip. 1 Read
according to the old principles, the latter gives mod. Kih tsieh ,
and in the oldest dialects Il'ich tiet (Sinieo- Annamite) , or Kwik
\ kit (Canton), which are no longer used, but for which we find
the modern equivalent $pp |£ Kiaishet , Pekinese Chieh-shuo, to
explain, to unloose.

If space could be given to this question, many proofs
could be forthcoming to show that Wen Wang has entirely
misunderstood the materials he had in hand. For example,
he has misunderstood an old group form of j(§ £ a girl ’ (44th
Kwa) for copulatio ; but, as this subject would have
been unfit for discussion, he has been unable to follow this
course in his arrangement of the text, so that the whole
chapter, which describes the occupations of a girl, presents
now in the modern interpretation an amount of nonsense,
seldom found to so ludicrous an extent.

39. Tradition has been kept of the modifications (transcribed
in modern character), introduced by Wen Wang to twenty-
five of the sixty-four headings of the chapters. 2 He has put
at the Kwa 5. f§ instead of ; 9. ^ instead of |§: ;

15. fH instead of ; 18, j| instead of J§f ; 23. §1} instead
of §|; 25. instead of -f§: C ; 26. A ^ instead of

||| ; 29. jjfc instead of Jp ; 31 . Jpj| instead of |j^ ; 33,

M instead of & ; 37. % A instead of f-f? A i 40.
instead of H ; 41. instead of J| ; 46. instead of fj$ ;
51. J| instead of H ; 52. Jl instead of ; 59. instead

of i-

Besides these seventeen, there are five single headings,
ft, 1L and* three double ^ §|, ft

Jg§ of which Wen Wang’s substitutes have not been
traditionally kept, but which can be detected without great
difficulty, by a close study of the book.

As these headings are the objects of the chapters, it is easy
to conceive how important it is to know them with precision,

814

THE YH-KING AND ITS AUTHORS.

for the understanding of the rows of characters by which

they are followed. . , , , ,

40 Remains of the early commentators 1 show unmistakably

a period intermediary between the characters as they have
been transcribed into the actual style of writing and the
oldest one, fully justifying what we have said of the gradual
modification of the characters, according to the views of
the interpreters at the successive transcriptions from the old
Ku-icen text into the Siao Chuen style, and from this into the
modern Kiai Shu.

In the ordinary edition we find that thirty-one headings
are the object of special remarks ; thirteen are indicated as
sham representatives and eighteen are to be taken with a

^lu! in this passage and transcription from the Siao- Chuen
to the modern style, that in the absence of tli eKu-wen text,
we shall be able in numerous cases to check the mterpre ta-
tion supported by the modern characters. Substitution of
characters, as JJg for gg, and M for ft, ,or » for ft ^ not
unimportant, but such as % ‘respectful’ for fft pelvis
modifies entirely the possible meaning. And is not the same
thing to be said of substituted to

«, m, 03. etc., etc. 2 . .

41 Wefind in the dictionary of the “ Onpnid characters

of the thirteen kings,” Skill san King Pon + ? %%

sect, of Th King , some changes of characters, as these : W
instead of ffe ; instead of fft \ # instead of % J IS
instead of g ; B instead of Jl ; ft in , stead of

Or characters as these : ^ > W 9 SB* Jafc > 8a >
m, which are but the sham representatives of the older

ones.

According to the notes of the ordinary editions of the Th,
we find no less than 77 in the text and 102 in the Iwan,

1 Of. the JU Jjff , annotated by |j| |f| of the Tsin period. Vid. fjj

the yh-king and its authors.

Sii)

Sian- and Wen Yen embodied with the text, of characters
wh“ch stand for others, and over 300 which are translated
with unusual meanings. Many of the latter show only how
forced were the interpretations supposed by the editors It
is instructive to point out these facts as a warning for those
who should be inclined to accept any version, which has no
been prepared by the necessary palseographical and h ^ is l
teaS on the text ; a scientific preparation of which the
Chinese interpreters in their attempts, and t e ^

well, though less excusable, do not seem to have had the

slightest idea.

(To be continued in the next volume. )

817

INDEX.

A, the prefix, in Semitic, 112.

Abacus, the use of, perhaps introduced
into India from Baetria, 353.

suggested origin of this name,

354.

Abjad, the Arabic, arbitrary in its
assignment of numerical powers to
letters, 352.

JEthiopic, papers, etc., referring to,
with notice of M. D’Abbadie’s ad-
mirable Diet, de la langue Amar-
iiifia, Ixxxix.

Africa, S. of the Equator, for linguistic
purposes forms a third and distinct
region, 164.

N. of Equator, divisible lin-
guistically into two chief Regions,
ibid.

the most northern region of,

comprises the Semitic and Hamitic
groups, 164-6

* — — second or central region of,
has two distinct groups of languages,
those of the Nuba-Fulah and the
Negro, 166.

Southern linguistic group, three

dominant languages— the Kafir or
Xosa, Zulu, and Chuana, 169.

• S. of the Equator, two distinct

groups of languages, the Bantu and
the Hottentot- Bush man, ibid.

Southern, three distinct sub-

branches of the two chief languages
of, ibid.

notice of works, etc., in con-
nexion with the languages of, cxxxii-
v.

u AksharapalH,” the (letter- table), of
the Jainas, known to represent
syllables, 344.

’Alh-ed-din of Karamhn, date of, fixed
by coins in British Museum, 777.

American Oriental Society, notice of
papers in, li.

Angola, the language in, called Bunda,
172.

■VOL. XIV.— [new series.]

Aorist-Present (Assyrian), notes on,
110 - 111 .

Aorist-Past (Assyrian), nature of this
tense in the Semitic languages, 105-
108.

Arab writers assert their numerals to
he of Indian origin, 335.

Arabic, new works, reviews, essays,
etc., relating to, lxxxv-ix.

Archaeology, general report of the pro-
gress in, li-lxiii.

Argistis, the Yannic King, claims to
have overcome ‘ i the soldiers of the
country of Assyria,” 406.

historical inscriptions of, on the

cliff of the Castle of Van, attributed
by an Armenian legend to Semiramis,
570-631.

Armenian language, papers on, exxv.

Arnold , X., O.I.JS., M.R.A.8., “How
the Mahabharata begins,” Art.
XVII., 246-363.

Aryadharma, the Aryan system, the
only name for the Hindu religion,
289.

Asiatic Society, Royal, list of new
members elected, i-ii.

Assyrian and Cuneiform, books, papers,
etc., referring to, cix-cxvii,

Assyrian Permansive (so called), re-
marks on, 109.

Aymonier, M., paper by, on the Cian
or Chan language of Cambodia, civ-
cv.

Bab-en-Xasr, the inscriptions on, the
sole remains of Shia’i heresy in
Egypt, 240.

Bactrian numerals, probably from a
^Krm-Phcenieian Palmyrene, 356.

Baloehi, Mr. Longworth Dames’ sketch
of the northern portion of this lan-
guage, Ixxii-iii.

Bantu, eastern district of, little has
been done except by Livingstone,
Burton, Speke, and Stanley, 170,

818

INDEX.

Bayley, Sir E. Clive , K.C.S.L, “ On
the Genealogy of Modem Numerals,”
Art. XXII., 335-376.

Beal, S., Brof. of Chinese , London
University, '“Note on pi. xxviii.
fig. 1 of Mr. Fergusson’s * Tree and
Serpent Worship/ ed. 2,” Art. Y., 39.

Benfey, Prof., notice of, xvii-xxii.

Bengal, Asiatic Society of, notice of
papers in, xl.

Bengali language, papers, etc., in
connexion with, lxxi-ii.

Berlin , G., M.B.A.S., “ Suggestions
on the Formation of the Semitic

Tenses, a Comparative and Critical
Study,” Art. IX., 105.

Bharhut, value of the recent excava-
tions at, 223.

Biaina, the native name of the Yannic
kingdom preserved in the modem
Yfca, 394.

Bihle Society, British and Foreign,
report on the circulation of Bibles or
parts of Bibles during 1881, cxxxv-
xl.

• — excellent

translations by, into Mongolian, 63.

Biblical Archaeology, valuable papers
read at the meetings of Society of,
cxiv.

Bibliotheca Xndica, list of the chief
works published under this title in
1880-2, lxxvi-vii.

Bombay Branch of Boyai Asiatic
Society, notice of papers in, xli-ii.

Brahmanism, the root- dogma, the belief
in one infinite impersonal spirit, 291.

Bramsen, W., notice of, xv-xvii.

Brusciottus, grammar by, translated
and published by Mr. Arthur
Guinness, 172.

Buddhism, power of, as the advocate of
caste distinctions, 295.

Buddhism as denying a Supreme Being,
etc., is no religion at all, 295.

Buddhist ascetics of Ceylon, space of
the cells of, 323.

Biihler, Dr., believes all the Indian
numerals are syllables, 342.

— lectures by, in course of

publication, 367.

— — believes the Southern

Indian alphabet and numerals came
from Arabia or the Persian Gulf, 345 ,

Buriats (Mongol tribe), chiefly to be
found around Lake Baikal, 49.

Cairo, tbe three monumental gates of,
closely connected with the origin and
early history of the city itself, 229.

Cairo, the walls round, co mm enced
by Saladin a.d. 1170, 244.

C'aitanya, probable date of this Yaish-
nava teacher, 304-5.

* makes marriage a religious

duty, 305.

Calcutta Be view, various valuable
papers in, lxxvii., etc.

Caves in Afghanistan, pictures and
plans of, 320-1.

general cha-
racter, ibid.

generally larger

than the cells of the ordinary Yiharas,
322.

— oblong recesses

with a circular roof, ibid.

Caves and Yiharas existed together,
the latter being generally distinct
from the Topes, 321.

Central Asia, respective descriptions of,
by Sze-ma-T’sien and by Strabo, 76

Ceylon Branch of the Boyal Asiatic
Society, notice of papers in, xlii-iv,

China, large number of valuable docu-
ments published with reference to,
xciii-xeix.

China, North, Branch of the Boyai
Asiatic Society, notice of papers in,
xlvi.

China Beview, general value of the
papers published in, Ixxxix-xeiii.

Chinese language, rules for the trans-
literation of, adopted by Mr. Kings -
mill, 76-7.

Chaitya, the first, a rude sepulchral
mound in the jungle, 234.

Chortens of Tibet, connexion of, with
the Topes of the Peshawar valley,

29.

Citium, inscription from, translated by
the Due de Luynes, 362.

Coran, the, character of, as described
by A1 Kiudy, 11.

Cunningham, Maj or- Gen. , description
of two sculptured stones at Bias, 28.

considers the

: Bactrian alphabet the source, of some
of the Indian numerals, 648.

Cmt, IL jST., Hon. See. M.A.S., “Notice
of the Scholars • who have Contributed
to the Extension of our Knowledge
of the Languages of Africa,” Art.
XII., 160-175.’

Davids’ translation shows that Yaggi
and Vaggians are identical, 39.

Delaporte, M., successful result of his
journey to the ruins of Angkor, civ,

Dowson, Professor, notice of, xiv-xv.

INDEX.

819

Dras, tlie position of, on tlie road from
Cashmere to Leh, 28.

sculptured tope at, relation of,

to the Tibetan topes, 33.

possible connexion of, with the

Pagodas of China, 35.

. — — umbrellas in, correspond, numeri-
cally, with those in the Chinese
Pagodas, 36.

Eagle, double -headed, as represented
on the coins of Xmad-ed-din Zanki
of San jar, and on the inner wall of
the citadel at Cairo, 244-5.

Edkins, Dr., notice by, in his “ Chinese
Buddhism,” of the dates of Chinese
Pagodas, 37.

Egyptology, works and papers relating
to, and general progress during 1881-
2, cxvii-cxxii.

Epigraphy, general progress of, during
1SS1-2, cxxviii-cxxxii.

Formosa, Mr. J. Dodd preparing a
work on the dialects of, cvi.

Foucaux, M., identifies the Litsabyis
with the Yaggians of Vesali, 40.

Franks, Mr., V.P.S.A., F.R.S., view
of, that the imprints of feet on early
Buddhist temples typify the presence
of Buddha, 225.

Freeland , II. W., u Gleanings from
the Arabic,’ ’ Art. XV., 227-8.

Fuchs, M. Edmond, sent by the French
Government to explore the mining
districts of Cambogia, civ.

Further India and Malayo- Polynesia,
papers in the u Annales de V Extreme
Orient,” and elsewhere, relating to,
xix-civ.

Genghizkhan, the hordes of, the name of,
new to Europe, and neither Persian,
Arabic, or European, 128.

vast extent of the Empire

of himself and of his son, Batu, 142.

Georgian and Yanniclangnages, striking
resemblances between, 410.

German Oriental Society, notice of
papers in, li.

Gngorief, Prof., notice of, xxi-xxii.

Gujarati, valuable works in, published
by Mr. Behramji Malabari, Ixxiii,

Guidi, Prof. L, Letter to Sir W. Muir,
dated Feb. 24, 1882, 317-18.

Guyard, M., his success in deciphering
the Vannic Inscriptions, 387.

■ discovers that the con-

cluding sentence of the Yannic In-
scriptions is imprecatory, 520.

Hada (Hidda), numerous Topes at,
328-9.

Hadsa, strictly a word of three syllables
to be pronounced Ha-ou-sa , 176.
Hausa-speaking nations, the, inhabit
the regions between the Niger and
Lake Tsad, 177.

. found as slaves

or sailors in the Mediterranean and
at Constantinople, 178.

Hausa language, though extensively
spoken, not the original language,
178.

„ divided into

seven provinces, ibid.

adopted by many not of that

nation, 179.

contributions of Drs. Barth

and Baikie to the knowledge of, 180.

now much written in English

characters, ibid.

still in doubt if it is to he

classed with the Hamitie or Semitie
groups, 181.

nouns in, divided into proper

and common, primitive and deriva-
tive, 184.

eneral character of, 184-217
as only two genders, 187-8.

has a plural but no dual, 188-9.

has not developed cases by

terminations or otherwise, 189-190.

six classes of pronouns in,

190-4.

character of the “adjective”

in, 194.

numeral system in, 198-203.

• nature and details of the verb

in, 204-213. .

prepositions in, resemble those

in the Semitic languages, 213.
Hebrew words, list of, found in the
Hafisa languages, 181-184.

Hieratic, a sort of short-hand for
Hieroglyphics, 357.

Hincks, Rev. Dr., read two papers
before the Royal Asiatie Society
“ On the Inscriptions of Van,” 378.

. what he succeeded

in making out, 379-80.

Hindi, paper on, by Mr. Grierson, lxx-
lxxi.

Hiouen Thsang, account by, of the great
Tope at Peshawar, 31-2.

A - — a large Stupa erected
just before a.d. 664, to preserve the
books and statues he brought back,
36.

— description of the monu-

ment to, ibid.

820 INDEX.

Hottentot-Bushman, comprises two lan-
guages quite distinct, 173.

— adverbs and con-

junctions in, 214-217.

India, caves of, as far as their forms are
concerned, derived from the wooden
architecture of the period, 323.
Indian Antiquary, notice of papers in,
lxiii-lxvi.

Indian Institute at Oxford, progress
and success of, lxxvii-viii.

Indian numerals, three hypotheses as
to their origin, 337-8.

D r . Biihler’s views

about, 339-346.

* of an eclectic cha-

racter, 346.

■ — — in principle iden-

tical with the Hieratic Egyptian, 357.

origin of the nota-

tion in, 336-376.

Isbuinis, inscriptions of, 454-476.

philological analysis of,

476-494.

* importance for the theology

of Armenia, 494*5.

Jaeschke, M., publication in English
of his Tibetan dictionary, lxxiii.
Japan, Transactions of the Asiatic
Society of, notice of papers in,
xlvi-vii.

* papers, essays, and reviews

referring to, xevii-xeix.

Jauhar’s defences of Cairo, tested by
two successive invasions of the Car-
mathians, 230,

— vast extent of the palace

inclosed by him, 231.

Javanese, old, important contribution
to the knowledge of, by C. J. Winter,

/•'/cvi./ ,

Jelalabad, topes at, paper by W.
Simpson, 30.

J trig. Prof. P., “ On the Present State
of Mongolian Kesearehes, in a Letter
to BobertN.Cust, Hon. Sec.B.A.S.,
Art. VI., 42-65.

Journal Asiatique, notice of papers in,
xlvii-li.

Eahirah, Al, origin and purpose of its
foundation, 233

the name of always un-
popular, as implying subjection to
violence and arbitrary power, 234

* three ancient gates of,

erected by Badr-al- Jamal! in a.d.
1087, 236,

Kahirah, Al, the magnificence of the
Bah Zuwaylah at, 237.

Kalmuk (Khalimak), only now used by
Wolga-Kalrauks, 47.

"but the true key to the

ordinary Mongolian, 52.

Kay, H. ‘ Al-Kahirah

and its Gates/’ Art. XVI., 229-245.
Khaldis, Teisbas and Ardinis, the
Urardhian or Armenian Trinity, 412.
Khalifehs, strict seclusion of, secured
by the construction of Al Kahirah,
232.

Khate, The, of the Vannic Texts, are
the Hittites, 397.

on the Vannic Inscriptions, the

same as Assyrian Khattai, just as
Mana is the Assyrian Mannai, 5S8.
Khorsabad, bas-relief of, representing
the temple of Klialdia, 416.

Khyber Pass, numerous caves on the
sides of, 319

Kindy, Al, title of his work, as given
by Albiruni, a.d. 1000, 1.

work attributed to, sub-
stantially the same as that printed
by the Turkish Mission Aid Society,
3.

value of the letter on Mu-
hammadanism, attributed to, ibid.

the philosopher, note by Be

Sacy on, 5.

wrote a treatise to disprove

the doctrine of the Trinity, 7.

the most famous of this

name, certainly, a Muhammadan, 5.

the Apology of, certainly

written during the reign of Al Ma-
nran, 7.

character of Al .Mumun’s-.

rale rightly described by, 8.

historical . notices . in, . always

correct, 8.

aptness and propriety of the

political allusions in, 10.

judgment by of the Jews and

Bedouins first converted to Muham-
madanism, 11, '

— the disputants in his 4 e Apo-

logy ” evidently real personages, 15,
King, mitt, T. W,, u The Intercourse
of the Chinese with Eastern Turkestan
and the Adjacent Countries in the
Second Century is.e.,” Art. VIII.,
74.

Kutub-ud-din Muharek Shah, disgrace-
ful character of, 27.

Klaproth, J., supposed to have been
the originator of the form “Tatar,”

135.

INDEX-

821

Koelle , S. W., “ On Tartar and Turk,”
Art. XL, 125-159.

Era, the peninsula of, papers with,
reference to cutting a canal through,
ciii-iv.

Krapf, Dr. L., notice of, xxiv-xxvii.

Ktesias declared truly that he had
derived his statements from Persian
originals, 415.

Kind language, papers on, 4 cxxiv-v.

La Couperie , T. cle, M.L.A.S., cc On a
Lolo MS. written on Satin,” Art. X.,
119.

* “ The oldest

hook of the Chinese, the Yh- King, and
its authors,” Art. XXVI., 781-815.

Lalita Vistara, the, gives the alphabet
Buddha learnt at school, 107.

Layard, Kt. Hon. Sir A. H., value of
the copies of the Van inscriptions
made by him, 385.

Lillie, A., “Buddhist Saint Worship,”
Art. XIV., 218.

Linguist, the, value to, of the un-
written forms of speech, especially
in the case of Africa, 160.

Linguistic knowledge of Africa, con-
tributors to, of four principal classes,
161-2.

Localities, list of the names of, men-
tioned in Mr. Kingsmill’s paper,
103-104.

Longperier, M. de, notice of, xxii-
xxiv.

Madhvas, the second of the great
Vaishnava sects, 304.

Madras Journal of Literature and
Science, notice of papers in, xl-xli.

Magyar language of Ugro-Finn origin,
both of which are Ural-Altaic, 55-6.

Maithili, notice of this language by
GL A. Grierson, Esq., lxxi.

Makrizi, Al, account by, of Jauhar’s
works, clear and consistent, 230.

Malay languages, works by Mr. E.
Maxwell, M.B.A.S., and others, on,
cv-xvii.

Mamun, Al, famous edict of, denying
the eternity of the Moslem Scriptures,
10 .

— remarkable speech of, 12-13.

Mana, the, of the Vannic Inscriptions,
the Manual of the Assyrians, the
Minni of the Q.T., and the Minyans
of Nicolaos of Damascus, 556-7.

Manni, the, really lived along the
S.W. shore of Lake Urumiyeh,
389.

Maurya and Andhra alphabets derived
from a common source, 340.

Menuas, Inscriptions of, 497-570.

— at Kelishin, 663-673.

Miscellaneous Indian or Oriental, books,

papers, essays, etc., referring to, cvii-
cix.

Missionary Societies have, alone, sup-
plied the real motive powers for the
investigation of the languages of
Africa, 172.

Mohammadanism, singularly fitted, as
the religion of the Nomadic or Tartar
warriors, 156-7.

Mongol, change of this name to “Mo-
gul,” 141-2.

— history, chief authorities on,

43-46.

languages have only post-
positions for the inflexion of the
noun, 50.

three principal

divisions, as of the people themselves,
50.

serious difficulties

in the study of, from the ambiguity
of several letters, .51.

— - characters of, de-

rived from the Syriac through the
Uigurs, 51.

great distinction

between that of books and that of
ordinary conversation, 53.

— the elements of

a syllaharium rather than of an alpha-
bet, 51.

list of grammars,

dictionaries, and texts in, 56-63.

Mongolia, the present extent of in N.
and E. Asia, 46-7.

Mongols, when once united by Te-
mudschin, a terror to the world, 42.

at present, divisible into —

1, East Mongols; 2, West Mongols
(Kalmuks) ; and 3, Buriats, 47.

literature of, chiefly transla-
tions from Tibetan and Chinese, 54.

Mongols, West, approximate numbers
of, 48.

Mordtmann, Dr., erroneous reading of
the Vannic Inscriptions, 382-3.

Muir, J., C.I.E., D.C.L., notice of,
ix-xiv.

Muir, Sir W., K.G.S.I., M.F.A.S.,
“The Apology of Al Kindy, an
Essay on its Age and Authorship,”
Art. 'I., 1.

“ Further. Note on the

Apology of Al Kindy,” Art. XX.,
317-318.

822

INDEX.

N, the prefix, in Semitic, 112-3.

Nain Sing'll, notice of, xxvii-xxviii.
Nana GMit, inscriptions from, among
the earliest in India, 336.

Nasals, number of forms for, suggests
Brahmanical origin,. 341 .

Negro group of languages, rough
division of, into three leading sets,
166-169.

Noer, the Count of, notice of, iii-viii.
Nuba-Fulah African languages, two
distinct groups of, the Nubian and
the Fulah, 166.

Numerals, the earliest known, on tombs
of the kings of the IV. Dynasty,
B.c. 2900-3000, 368.

Numerals necessarily recorded by pho-
netic forms, 368.

— Indian, recent forms of. on

the coins of the Icings of Kabul,
370-1.

Numeration, ancient form of, still used
in the native schools of India,
369.

Numismatics, papers, etc., relating to,

: cxxvi-exxviii.

Othmhnlis gradually absorbed the
smaller post-Seljukian dynasties of
Asia Minor, 774.

Oriental Congress, the Fifth, at Berlin,
exli-iii.

Pagoda, the Chinese, found its way to
China from Tibet, 37.

< — names of, etc., came to China

with the models from India, 38.
Paltcographical Society, works published
by, during 1881-2, cxl.

Pali, Sinhalese, and Burmese, various
valuable contributions to the know-
ledge of, Ixxiv-vi.

Pampa, the poet, genealogy of, 49.

works of, valuable as showing

how long the Kannada (Canarese)
has been a literary language, 19.
probable period when he flourish-
ed, 22.

Parthia, the natural centre of commu-
nication between the extreme East
and the West, 65.

Perry, Sir Erskine, notice of, viii-ix.
Phoenician trade with India along its
Western Coast.

Phecl-Khana Cave, peculiarities of,
325.

Polynesia, papers relating to the lan-
guages of, uvi-cvii. .:-.C

Poole, S. L., valuable table by, of the
ten Post-Seljukian dynasties, 775.

Toole, Stanley Lane , M.R.A.S ., <£ The
Successors of the Seljuks in Asia
Minor,”’ Art. XXV., 773-780.

Pozdnjejew, a very important work
by, in .Russ, on Mongolian popular
literature, 65.

Ramabai, Lady Pandit, Ode addressed
to the Fifth Oriental Congress, with
translation by Prof. Monier Williams,
66-73.

Ramanuja, special views of, 300.

Remusat, A., shows in Journ. Asiat.
ii. 246 that in Fukian the people say
“Tartar” and not “Tata,” 137.

Rhind Papyrus, numerals found on, as
early as b.c. 1200, 357.

Mce, 'Lewis, M.R.A.S., “The Poet
Pampa,” Art. II., 19.

Ritter, the Geographer, states that a
village near Aleppo, called “ Ibn
Taltal,” means “ Ibn Tatar,” 136.

— - — opinion of, that the Bedouins,
if they had the power, would convert
the world into one vast wilderness,
15o-6«

Rodgers, G. M.R.A.S . , “ On a Coin
of Shams ud Duniya, wa Din Mahmud
Shah,” Art. III., 24.

Room, or Romans, invariably adopted
as their title by the Turkish-speaking'
Creeks of the Ottoman Empire, 146.

Rowandiz^ perhaps the site of the
Babylonian legend of the descent of
the Ark, 393.

Rus f as, inscriptions of, 653-657.

Russian soldiers do not wear stockings,
hut pieces of cloth wound round legs
and ankles, 334.

Saivism grew out of Brahmanism, 293 ;
but was too severe and cold as a, system •
to have extensive influence, 295,

Sakvas, the tribe to which Buddha
belonged, probably Turanians, 41.

Sanskrit, reviews, ; essays, and books

■ belonging to, lxvi-ixx*. .

' Sardtms . I., inscriptions, of, 450-454* .

Sariduris IT,, inscriptions of, 632-653.

; Saris, the Vannic goddess, perhaps, as;
C. ; Smith thought, the same as the
Assyrian Istar, 530.

Saumire, M., “ Arab Metrology. IV.
Ed-dahaby,” Art. XVIII., 264-288.

Sayee , A. It. , “The Cuneiform Inscrip-
tions of Van deciphered and trans-
lated,” Art. XX., 377-732.

Sehon , Rev . J. 2<\, u Grammatical
Sketch of the Hfiusa Language,”
Art. XIII., 176.

INDEX.

823

Schulz, M., excellent copies by, of
forty- two Cuneiform inscriptions at
Yan, 377.

Seljuky kingdom of Er-rum, at the
close of the, ten separate dynasties
divided its territories among them-
selves, 77 5.

Serairamis, shown by M. Lenormant to
be the Assyrian Istar and the Greek
Aphrodite, 415.

Semitic literature, general progress of,
Ixxviii-lxxxv.

Semitic tongues, generally only two
primitive tenses in, 105.

Shams ud Duniya wa Din Mahmud
Sh&h, coin of, found with others, not
later than Mahmud Tuglak, 24.

— — probably,

to he assigned to Asad ud din, son
of the grand-uncle of Ivutub ed din,
26.

Shalmaneser II. sets up an image of
himself at “ the sources of the Ti-
gris,” 391.

the first Assyrian king

to come in contact with the Urardkn
or people of Y an , 390.

Shi-ki, or “ Book of History,” transla-
tions from, by Mr. Kingsmill, 77-
102 .

Sikhs, notice of the religion of the, by
Dr. Trumpp, lxxii.

Siksha-Pati'i, Sanskrit text and transla-
tion of, 733-772.

Simpson , 7F., “ Sculptured Tope on
old stone at Dras, Ladak,” Art. IY.,
28.

~ — — suggestion by, that the

Tibetan Chorten is really derived
from the Indus Yalley, 30.

resemblance of the Trans-

Indus Topes shown by, 31.

in bis restoration of the

Ahin Posh Tope at Jelalabad, had
authority for all its parts, 32.

i ‘The Buddhist Caves

of Afghanistan,” Art. XXI., 319-
331.

“ The Identification of

the Sculptured Tope at Sanchi,”
Art. XXI.*, 332-334.

m et with only one cave

resembling the Bock-cut Viharas of
Western India, 324.

notice by, of the pecu-
liar leggings of the Afghans and
other Trans -Indus tribes, 333.

Siva, to his worshippers, all in all— the
one, personal God, and the one
impersonal Spirit, 294.

Societies of London, collections of
African books in, 174-5,

St.-Martin, M., persuades the French
Government to send M. Schulz to
Yan, 377.

■ gives, in 1824, in Journ.

Asiatique, an account of the Anti-
quities of Yan, 377.

Stallybrass, E., and Swan, W. (mis-
sionaries in Siberia, etc.), translate
the Old and New Testament into
Mongolian, 64-5.

Steinscbneider, Dr., letter to Dr. Both,
suggesting who A1 Iiindy possibly
was, 17.

Straits Branch of the Eoyal Asiatic
Society, notice of papers in, xliv-v.
Srirangam, magnificent Pagoda at,
302-3.

Snndanese, valuable chrestomathy of,
by C. J. Grashuis, cvi.
Svami-Narayana, the reformer of the
Yaishnava Faith, pp. 309-311.

Temples of the sect

of and religious views of, 312.

Syriac, various papers on, lxxxix.

T, the prefix, in the Semitic languages,
114-117.

Tar, the root, various instances of its
use aud meaning, 130-2.

Tarku, inscription of, 675-676.

Tartar, on the name of, 126-147.

progress of the change of this

name to “Tatar,” 126-7.

really the correct form of the

name, Tatar having no meaning, 128.

probably from a significant

root, Tar , as meaning “drawing,
moving, migrating,” 129.

gradually acquired the sense of

“fast messenger or postman,” 133.

does not owe its origin to a

jocular play on the word Tartarus or
Hell, 135.

used by M. Polo, Eubruquis

and Sehildberger, 137.

is found as early as a.d. 1237

in a narrative of the Dominican,
monk Julian, ibid.

■ — not owned by any great govern-
ment subsequent to Genghizkhan,
139.

possible influence of the Arabic

language in changing this name to
“Tatar,” 140.

— preserved by the Armenians,

Greeks, and Europeans, etc., while
the Persians, Arabs, and Turks use
the corrupt form “ Tatar,” 144.

824

INDEX.

Tartar and Turk, taken generally,
mean* ‘Nomad, Turcoman, Bedouin,”
etc., 153. '

Tartar languages, intensity shown by
the reduplication of the original root
in, 132.

Tata, the universal form for <c Tartar ”
adopted in the Celestial Empire,
143.

Tatar, not a genuine Tartar word,
129.

Temple, the Buddhist, an apparatus of
saint- worship, saint- worship being
its only ritual, 226.

Temples not mentioned in the Maha-
bharata, 219.

Thomas, E., F.B.S., paper by, On
the Indian Balhara and the Arabian
intercourse with India in the ninth
and following centuries, xxxiv-v.

Tirtha, meaning of the word, 220-221.

Tope, value of the sculptured, as show-
ing the form of the Umbrellas in
those of the Trans-Indus, 33.

Topes found W. of Indus have square
bases, 29.

sculpture of, in Museum at Lahore,

30.

Topes of India, special characters of,
that they have round bases, 29.

Topes beyond the Khyber had stairs
leading to the top of the square base,
30.

Tur, Tiir, Tir, # probable meaning of
this root, 148-9.

Turk, the word, strictly speaking, a
verbal noun, formed regularly, ac-
cording to the laws of the Tartar-
Turkish languages, 148.

pronunciation and origin of the

proper name, 149-152.

Turks, the present, are ashamed of their
true origin and call themselves li Os-
manlis,” 153.

Turkish language, progress of the study
of, cxxv-cxxvi.

Turkish Mission Aid Society, title and
contents of work published by, 1.

Urardhu or Ararat, the name by which
the Kingdom of Van is represented
in the Assyrian Inscriptions, 390.

Urardhian Gods, alphabetical list of,
412-3.

Urdhu, name of the Armenian high-
lands 16th or 17th cent, b.c., 392.

Urzana, king of Mutsatsir, seal of,
673-675.

Ural-Altaic or Finno-Tataric families
of languages, five-fold division of, 42.

Yada-galai and Ten-galai, views of,
300-2.

Yaggi or Sam-Vaggi, probably Scy-
thians, 39.

Vaishnava religion, a characteristic of,
the belief in the plurality of incar-
nations, 297.

— sect, the Bible of, the

Bhagavata Purana, and the Bhaga-
vad-Gita, 297.

distinguished from the Saivas

by the fact that their frontal marks
are perpendicular, 299.

— — connexion of with Vedism,

Brahmanism and Saivism, 290.

grew out of Saivism, 294,

the reason of its progress in

India, 296.

— the only Indian system which

exhibits the elements of a genuine
religion, ibid.

one special characteristic

of, the tenderness to animal life, 299.
Vallabha, the fourth great Vaishnava
sect founded by, 306-309.

Epicurean views of his

disciples, 307-9.

Van '.as late as b.c. 640 still in the
hands of its native monarchs, 409.

citadel rock of, probability that

there were Hittite hieroglyphic in-
scriptions there, before those of Sar-
duris I., 523.

built by Argistis, the son of

Menuas, 570..

the. ■ kingdom . of, reached its

highest power under Argistis I., 570.
Yannic adverbs, prepositions, etc.,

444-5.

characters, history of, 420-1,

determinatives, list of, 422.

ideographs, list of, 421-2. . . .

— inscriptions, geography of,

388-402.

history of, 402-411,

modelled after the

Assyrian inscription of Kurkh, 403.

— theology of, 412-

417,

chief difficulties of,

arise from our faulty copies, 418.

.general account of

the mode of ' decipherment, 447 -450.

uncertain : date,

657-663.

vocabulary from,

681.

kingdom, tbe old, had ceased

to be before Alexander’s conquests,
409.

INDEX.

825

Tannic kings penetrated to the N. as
far as Lake Erivan, 399.

— — reigned between Shal-

maneser II. and Tiglath-Pileser II.,
402.

noun has singular and plural ;

at least, seven cases ; but no gender,
427.

- declension of, 433.

- syllabary, modified form of the

ninth century Assyrian ,417.

syllabary and grammar, 417-

447.

syntax, 445-7.

towns, the most complete list

of them in the Inscription of Tig-
lath-Pileser II., 401.

— - verb, notice of, 442-4.

■ — warriors, dress of, like the

Hittites, 411.

Vishnu, natural sympathy with, as a
G-od with human feelings, 295.

with the incarnations of,

Krishna, and Kama, the popular
religion of India, 296.

all sects admit that devotion to,

supersedes all distinctions of caste,
299.

Williams. Prof. Monier, C.I.E . , V.C.L
“ Sanskrit Ode addressed to the Fifth
International Congressof Orientalists
assembled at Berlin, by the Lady
Pandit Kama-Bai of Silchar, with
translation,” Art. VII., 66.

“The Vaish-

nava Keligion, with Special Kef erence
to the Siksha-Patri of the Modern Sect
called Svami-Narayana,” Art. XIX.,
289-316.

<< The Sanskrit

Text of the Siksha-Patri of the
S vami-N ar ayana Sect, ’ ’ Art. XXIV . ,
733-72.

Wolff, 0., views of, on the origin of
the name u Tartar,” 133-4.

Wn-li, the Emperor, state of the classical
west when he came to power, 74-75.

— the most enter-
prising of the emperor^ of the Han
dynasty, 74.

Xerxes, the inscription of, at Van,
677-8.

Zend, Pahlavi, and Persian, books,
papers, etc., relating to, cxxii cxxiv.

STEPHEN AUSTIN AND SONS, PRINTERS, HERTFORD.

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

PROCEEDINGS

THE FIFTY-NINTH

ANNfIVEESAEY MEETING OF THE SOCIETY,

Held on the 15 th of May, 1882,

Sir T. EDWAED COLEBEOOKE, Bart., M.P.,

PRESIDENT, IN THE CHAIR.

Members . — The Council of the Eoyal Asiatic Society have
to report to the Members of the Society that, since the last
Anniversary Meeting, held in the Society's House on Monday,
May 30, 1881, there has been the following change in, and
addition to, the Members of the Society.

They have to announce with regret the loss by Death , of
their Resident Members —

Sir Erskine Perry, K.C.B.

J. Muir, Esq., C.I.E., D.C.L., LL.D.

Professor Dowson.

Professor Ameuney.

S. E. Holland, Esq. „

"W, Bramsen, Esq.

Mrs, Chambers.

Alexander Faulkner, Esq.

of their Non-Resident Members,

The Count de Noer.

B. T. Edwards, Esq.

of their Honorary Members,

Professor Wassili Grigorieft
Professor Benfey. * Vp;

VOL. XIV, — [NEW SERIES.] •

ANNUAL BEE GET OE THE [May,

and of their Honorary Foreign Member,

Professor Bernhard Dorn.

On the other hand, they have much pleasure in announcing
that they have elected as Resident Members,

The Rev. H. Bentinck Hawkins.

Gr. Bertin, Esq.

W. Trevor Roper, Esq.

The Rev. Isaac Taylor, M.A.

Hyde Clarke, Esq.

St. Clair Baddeley, Esq.

Joseph Seel, Esq.

C. J. Tarring, Esq.

Birnyiu Nanjio, Esq.

Alexander Grant, Esq.

Thomas Seel, Esq.

B. Y. Head, Esq.

Joseph Haynes, Esq.

T. G. Pinches, Esq.

Arthur Lillie, Esq.

H. C. Kay, Esq.

E. E. Arbuthnot, Esq.

Arthur II . MacDonnell, Esq.

J. W. Macarthy, Esq.

The Duke of Buckingham (late Governor of Madras),

The Marquess of Hartington, M.P. (Secretary of State for India),
The Earl of Crawford and Balcarres.

W. S. Blunt, Esq.

The Lady Anne Isabella Blunt.

Thomas Wise, M.D.

and as Non-Resident Members,

The Rev. W. Turnbull Pilter.

General Palma di Cesnola.

J. S. Tremlett, Esq.

W. Theobald, Esq.-

Sir Harry Parkes, K.C.B., H.B.M. Min. Plen. Japan,

M. Joseph Halevy.

Christopher Gardner, Esq., H.B.M. Consul, China.

Alexander Finn, Esq., H.B.M. Yice-Consul, Teheran.

E. Tyrrell Leith, Esq,, Barrister-at-Law, Bombay.

Rev. C. King, Ahmednagar.

W. Hoey, Esq.

J. Farques, Esq,, Teheran.

Major Thompson, Bombay Staff Corps,

Rev. J. Drew Bate, Ahmednagar.

Mackenzie Wallace, Esq.

The Right Hon. Sir Austen H. Layard, G.C.B., LL.B.

Gilmour McCorkell, Esq.

K. T. Best, 3BSiwgJ=;v;'U-' : :.. v ^

1882 .]

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

Ill

The Rev. R. Bruce.

Hormuzd Rassam, Esq.

Lieut. -Colonel Prideaux.

Colonel Cadell, Y.C.

Charles Pownall, Esq.

George Hughes, Esq.

W. Dupuis, Esq., H.B.M. Consul, Teneriffe.

C. J. Connell, Esq., Bengal C.S.

Colonel W. Gwyune Hughes, Arrakan.

Capt. Edmund Talbot.

P. Mukerji, Esq.

R. P. Sinha, Esq.

The Society has, also, elected as Honorary Members,

Professor Trumpp.

Professor Dillmann.

The Society has, therefore, elected twenty-five Resident
Members, against a loss of eight Resident Members, and
thirty Non-Resident Members, against a loss of two Non-
Resident Members ; in other words, the gain to the Society,
since the last Anniversary Meeting, has been seventeen Resi-
dents, and twenty-eight Non-Residents, in all, forty-five.

Of the personal history of some of those whom we have
lost, a few words will now be said.

Prince Frederic Christian Charles Augustus Count Noer
was the son of Frederic, brother of Christian, Duke of
Schleswig-Holstein- Sonderburg-Augustenburg, by Henrietta,
daughter of Conrad Count of Danneskjold Samsoe, and sister
of Louise Duchess of Augustenburg. He was, therefore, first
cousin, on both father’s and mother’s side, to Prince Christian,
husband of the Princess Helena. The title of “Count Noer,”
by which Prince Frederic was known latterly, was conferred
on him by the King of Prussia in 1870.

The family of Sonderburg-Augustenburg, to which the
Prince belonged, is the senior of three Ducal Families, de-
scended from John, Duke of Holstein, brother of Frederic
II., who was King of Denmark from a.d. 1534 to a.d. 1538,
and, on failure of direct descendants from that Sovereign,
the Crown would, under ordinary circumstances, have passed

ANNUAL EEPOET OF THE

[May,

to its representative. But the part taken by the late Duke
1 | ^ of Augustenburg, and by bis brother, in the Schleswig-

',! , 1 Holstein rising of 1848, led to the exclusion of the family

from succession.

; By the London Treaty of 1852, it was provided that, on

the extinction of the male line of the Boyal House, Prince
Christian of Schleswig - Holstein - Sonderburg - Gllicksburg
should succeed, and the arrangement took effect on the death
of Frederic VII. in 1863.

Prince Frederic was bom at Schleswig on November
16, 1830. The first eighteen years were passed, unevent-
fully, on his father’s domain at Noer, a village pleasantly
situated on the bay of Eckenf iirde, twenty miles west of
Kiel. His father was a nobleman of sporting rather than
|1 of literary tastes, who lived cm grand seigneur , entertained

l lavishly, patronized the turf, and burdened his estate with

debt, while the education of his son and heir was more or
less neglected, a circumstance bitterly regretted by the
Prince in after-life. Meanwhile, among the German popula-
tions of Schleswig-Holstein an agitation was in progress,
for separating the Duchies from the rule of Denmark and
joining them, as a new State, to Germany, the outcome
partly of the “ German Unity” sentiment, and partly of
dissatisfaction with the rule of foreigners. In an evil
moment for his own interests, the Duke of Augustenburg
espoused the cause of the secessionists, rejected the over-
tures of the Danish Government for a peaceful solution
of the difficulty, and, in April, 1848, declared for war.
The Duke was joined by his brother, the Prince of Noer;
and the latter’s young son — the subject of this memoir
— cast in his lot with his father and served in the ranks
of the Holsteiners. The secessionists were repeatedly
worsted by the Danish troops, but the interference of
Prussia and of other German States caused the contest to
be protracted. Ultimately, Prussia withdrew her troops,

1882 .]

BOYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

and the insurgents, left to their own resources, were
finally defeated at Idstad on July 26, 1850. The Duke
of Augustenburg renounced all claim to succession to
the throne of Denmark ; Hoer was confiscated, but,
ultimately, restored to the family through the intercession
of Queen Victoria; and Prince Frederic and his father
sentenced to perpetual banishment from Danish territory.
Before, however, the insurrection had quite collapsed, Prince
Frederic, satisfied of the hopelessness of the Duke’s cause,
and strongly disapproving of Prussian interference, quitted
his home in Schleswig-Holstein, which he was not destined
to revisit for fifteen years. Proceeding first to England, he
journeyed thence by Gape Horn to Australia and India,
visiting Madras and Calcutta, and returning to Europe by
Ceylon, Cairo, Smyrna and Constantinople. His visit to
the last place was an event in his life of some importance,
for it was here that he first formed an acquaintance with
Mr. Urquhart, the Secretary of Legation, whose views on
Eastern questions greatly influenced the Prince, and
quickened in him that warm sympathy with Asiatics, which
was a distinguishing feature of his character. From Con-
stantinople he joined his family, who were passing their
exile at Grafenburg in Austria, and, after a few months
rest, proceeded to the University of Cambridge and, in
January, 1852, took up his residence as a Fellow Commoner
of Trinity College. Here he devoted himself to the study,
not of mathematics, which he disliked, nor of classics in the
Academic sense, but literature, philosophy, and languages
especially Arabic and Sanskrit, in which he had already
made fair progress, rarely mixing in society, but highly
respected and honoured by the few friends who knew him.
Among these may be mentioned Sir Arthur Gordon, O.M.G.,
now Governor of Hew Zealand, Montague Butler, D.D., Head-
master of Harrow, E. White Benson^ D.D., Bishop of Truro,
and Cyril Graham, C.M.G., late Lieut.-Governor of Grenada)

vi ANNUAL REPOET OE THE [May,

who, despite the lapse of thirty years, still vividly recall
the genial courtesy, the high principle, and cultivated in-
tellect of their old associate. But much as he valued the
friendships he had formed at Cambridge, life, as an under-
graduate at that University, was not congenial to him,
and, in March, 1853, he proceeded to Heidelberg, and ulti-
mately Paris. Here he lived five years, until his mother’s
death in 1858, a distinguished member of the best literary
society of the Second Empire, — paying yearly visits to
England, where he received much kindness from the late
Prince Consort, and made the acquaintance of the leading
statesmen and savants of the day. It was during this
period that he published under the pseudonym of Ono-
mander a book entitled “ Altes und Neues aus den Landen
des Os tens/’ in two vols., giving an account of his travels in
South India. The year 1859 he spent in Italy, and, in 1860,
he made London his headquarters for three years, pursuing
his Sanskrit studies with his friend and teacher, Prof.
Goldstiicker. In 1864, after the second marriage of his
father to an American lady, now the wife of Count Wal-
dersee, the recently appointed Adlatus to Count Moltke, he
made a second journey to India by St. Helena and the Cape,
The year 1865 was spent by the Prince in travelling through
the Madras Presidency, when the tidings reached him of his
father’s death, and he returned to take possession of the estate
at Noer, which he had not visited since 1849. Having
placed the domain, which then had little charm for him, in
the hands of a faithful steward, he made a third journey to
India, wandering on this occasion through the North as well
as the South, disputing with Pandits at Benares, with Jain
Priests from the Deccan, with Sikh Granthis of the Golden
Temple at Amritsar, by the Pool of Immortality, playfully
twitting the half -learned Brahmans of Lahore and Sirinagar,
and discussing abstruse questions of Muhammedan Law with
the Maulavis of Agra, Behli and Peshawar. From the last-

1882 .]

LOYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

YII

named town lie began to retrace his steps, proceeding leisurely
to Calcutta and, on tbe 30tb of March, 1869, bade adieu to
India, returning borne by Egypt, Tripoli, Damascus, and
Smyrna. In 1870 be married the daughter of M. Eisenblatt,
of La Guayra in Venezuela, and, from that time forward,
settled quietly in his home at Noer, carrying on an active lite-
rary correspondence, dispensing an unpretentious but charm-
ing hospitality to many friends, and devoting his leisure to the
preparation of the work by which he will be best remembered,
the Life of Akbar. Up to the last four months of his life,
one thing was wanting to complete his happiness. The
sentence of exile from Denmark, the home of his mother’s
family and the adopted home of his father’s sister, the
Dowager Queen of Denmark, was still in force. But in
the March of last year, through the intercession, as the
Prince believed, of Queen Victoria, the sentence was re-
voked, and, in October last, he had the great pleasure
of passing some days among old friends in Copenhagen.
“ You may fancy my feelings,” he wrote, in a letter of
the 4th of November, “in again visiting the land of my
fathers after an absence of over thirty years. These
things can be only felt not described.” He returned to
Noer, full of plans of travel and literary work to be under-
taken after the completion of his Akbar. But these were
destined to be unfulfilled. In the middle of December he
caught a severe cold, which ultimately affected the lungs and
heart, and after nine days of acute suffering borne with the
utmost fortitude and patience he died on the 25th of December
1881, leaving a widow and two daughters.

Of his work on Akbar, two parts, composing the first
volume, were published during his life ; the MS. of the re-
mainder, which was almost. ready for the printer, has been
entrusted to Prof. Hoffmann, of Kiel. Of his excellent
Oriental library, the greater portion is, under the provisions
of his will, to be presented to the University of Cambridge,

Tin

•AraUAL REPOET OE THE

.[May,

and the remainder to the National Library of Paris. The
Prince had further the intention of bestowing some of his
literary treasures on this Society, but legal difficulties may
prevent the execution of this wish. Of the merits of Prince
Frederic’s works this is not the place to speak. Suffice it to
say that Kaiser Akbar is the result of an elaborate examina-
tion of existing authorities, Persian, German, English, and
Portuguese, collated and compared with scholarlike and
conscientious care, and has already received high praise in
Germany. But, apart from his writings, the Prince deserves
a place in our records as an enthusiastic Orientalist, and
a warm friend of India. His death, in his fifty-second year,
is a loss to this Society not readily to be forgotten, and, in
the memory of many friends, Christian, Hindu and Muham-
medan — “ quidquid ex illo amavimus, quidquid mirati sumus,
xnanet mansurumque est/ 5

Sir Erskine Perry, for many years recently a member of
the Indian Council, was the son of the late Mr. James Perry,
of the Morning Chronicle. He was bom in 1806, and was
educated, first at the Charter House, and then at Trinity
College, Cambridge, where he graduated B.A. in 1828.
Having become a Member of the Inner Temple, he worked
hard for two years and a half in the chambers of the late
Mr. Justice Patteson, but, taking a dislike to the profession
of the Law, he, at that time, declined to be called to the Bar.
Proceeding, in the next year, to Munich, he entered the
University there, remaining there about two years. On his
return to England in 1831 , he took an active part in the
Reform agitation of the period, and, having purchased a
share in the Examiner, became Honorary Secretary of the
National Political Union of London.

After the passing of the Reform Act, Mr. Perry formed
“ The Parliamentary Candidate Society/ 5 which was .instituted
to support Reform by promoting the return of fit and proper
Members of Parliament. Having unsuccessfully contested

1882 .] ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. xx

the seat for the newly enfranchised Borough of Chatham,
he, in 1834, married Louisa, daughter of Mr. McElhiney,
and was called to the Bar in the following year. He, then,
became a Law Reporter, and published seven vols. of Reports
known as “Neville and Perry/' and “Perry and Davison."
In 1841 he lost the greater part of his fortune by the failure
of a Bank, and was, hence, induced to apply for a Judgeship
in the Supreme Court of Bombay, where he ultimately at-
tained the post of Chief Justice, returning, finally, to England
in 1852. Before he left India, he had been for ten years
President of the Indian Board of Education, a service which
was deemed so satisfactory that the native community sub-
scribed £5000 as a testimonial to him on his leaving India.
This sum was, at his request, devoted to the establishment
of a Perry Professorship of Law.

Some of Sir Erskine Perry's leisure hours were occupied
in literary pursuits, of which his translation of Savigny’s
“ Recht des Besitzes," his letter to Lord Campbell on “ Law
Reform," and his “Oriental Cases" are examples. Un-
successfully contesting Liverpool in 1853, he was returned
for Devonport in the Liberal interest in 1854, a seat he
retained till 1859, when he became a member of the Council
of India, an office he retained till within the last three
months. His first wife having died in 1841, he married in
1855, Elizabeth Margaret, daughter of Sir J. N. B. Johnstone,
M.P., and the sister of the first Lord Derwent.

Dr. John Muir , O.I.E., D.C.L., LL.D., who will long be
remembered as one of the prominent Sanskrit scholars of the
day, died, at his residence in Edinburgh, on March 7th in the
73rd year of his age. Dr. Muir was bom at Glasgow, and
received his early education there, attending, subsequently,
the College at Haileybury. In 1829, he passed through the
College of Fort William, Calcutta, with distinction, and
was, shortly afterwards, appointed Assistant Secretary to
the Board of Revenue at Allahabad. Thence, he obtained,

ANNUAL EEPOET OF THE

[May,

the appointment of Commissioner for the investigation of
the claims for the holding of land rent-free in Meerut. As
singularly proficient in his knowledge of the Sanskrit
Language, Dr. Muir was, naturally, appointed the first
Principal of the Sanskrit College at Benares, when Mr.
Thomason, then Lieut. -Governor of the NT. W. Provinces,
succeeded in amalgamating under one Anglo-Indian College
the English and Sanskrit branches of study. This post,
however, he held for one year only, yet sufficiently long
to get the College into good working order. After this,
he returned to the Judicial branch of the Service, and was,
for some years, the Civil and Sessions Judge at Futtehpore.
In 1854, he retired from the service and, subsequently,
resided chiefly in Edinburgh. In the Scottish Metropolis,
Dr. Muir gave much time and exhibited great zeal in the
improvement of the Universities of his northern and Native
land, during the same period, founding the Chair of Sanskrit
and Comparative Philology in the University of Edinburgh,
of which Prof. Aufrecht was the first and Prof. Eggeling
is the present Professor. He was, also, mainly instrumental
in establishing the Shaw Fellowship for Moral Philosophy,
in memory of his relation, Sir James Shaw, while he, also,
instituted the Muir Lectures on Comparative Religion, which
have been, up to this time, delivered by Professor Fair-
bairn of Bradford. Dr. Muir was also a member of the
last Scotch Universities Commission.

It is, however, as a Sanskrit scholar, that he will, no doubt,
be best remembered. While yet employed on active service
in India, between 1829 and 1853, he found time to publish,
at Calcutta in 1850, “ A short life of the Apostle Paul, with
a Summary of Christian Doctrine/'’ in Sanskrit verse, an
admirable following up of Dr. W. H. Milks “ Christa-Sangita
or History of Christ”: while, in 1852 and 1854, he published
the first and second parts of the “ Mata-ParikshA or Ex-
amination of Religions” (also, in Sanskrit verse), the first

1882 .]

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

portion containing an examination of the Hindu Shastras,
while the second forms an exposition of the Evidences of
Christianity for Hindus. A part of this work was printed
at Calcutta in 1840.

Other and somewhat shorter works by Dr. John M uir are
“The Fountain of the Water of Intelligence, a Description
of England,” in Sanskrit. Calcutta, 1839.

“A Sketch of the History of India, in Sanskrit Yerse.
Calcutta, 1840.

“ Brief Lectures on Mental Philosophy, etc., delivered in
Sanskrit to the Students of Sanskrit at Benares.” Allahabad,
1843.

While engaged in these studies, Dr. Muir was one of the
first to perceive and to point out the necessity of a knowledge
of the Yedas for the right understanding of the development
of Eeligion in India, in proof of which belief it is worthy of
record that, while in India, he offered a prize for the first
Edition of the Text of Sayanacharya.

On his return to England, he became an active supporter
and contributor to Sanskrit scholarship, beginning by the
offer of prizes for Essays on Indian Philosophy and Eeligion,
with the view of helping the conversion of Hindus to Chris-
tianity. His own special studies were chiefly concentrated
on the Yedas — on which great subject he published four
parts between 1858 and 1863, with a second edition in five
vols, between 1868 and 1870— the two bearing the general
title of " Original Sanskrit Texts on the origin and history
of the People of India, their Eeligion and Institutions” —
a work alike excellent and useful, consisting, as it does, of a
collection, classification, and translation of the most impor-
tant passages from the published texts of the ancient Litera-
ture of India. It is, indeed, greatly due to him that Scholars,
Missionaries, and the public, generally, have gained a far
more correct idea of Ancient India than could be found
in any works, published before the great Edition of the

XII ANNUAL REPORT OF THE [May,

Vedas, on which Prof. Max Muller spent twenty-seven
years.

The value of this labour can hardly be over-rated, especially
when it is considered how wide a field of research it really
covers. Thus the first volume discusses the legendary accounts
of the origin of Caste ; the second, the primitive home of the
Hindus ; the third, the opinions of Hindu writers on the V edas ;
the fourth, the contrast between the V edic and the later Hindu
Theology ; while the fifth, published in 1870, deals with the
Cosmological and Mythological conceptions of the Indians
of the Vedic age.

To the Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society he contributed
two papers, the first in voL xiv. pt. 2, 1845, on the genuine
character of the Hor& Sastra, as regards the use of Greek
terms ; and the second, a translation of Dr. Rudolph Roth’s
papers “Zur litteratur und geschichte des Weda” (printed at
Stuttgard in 1846), the latter being a paper of more especial
interest in that it shows the commencement of works by
such scholars as Drs. Rieu and Trithen, which have, subse-
quently, borne exceedingly good fruit.

To the Journal of this Society Dr. Muir has contributed
many valuable papers, of which the following is a complete
list : —

1. Verses from the Parva -Darsana - Sangraha - Vishnu -
Purana and Ramayana, to illustrate the freedom of thought
in ancient India, vol. xix. o.s.

2. Legends from the Satapatha Brahmana, vol. xx. o.s.

3. On Mann, the Progenitor of the Aryan Indians, as
represented in the Hymns of the Rig- Veda, vol. xx. o.s.

4. Does the Vaiseshika Philosophy acknowledge a Divinity
or not ? vol. xx, o.s.

5. Contributions to the knowledge of a Vedic Theology
and Mythology, vol. i. n.s.

6. Yama and the Doctrine of a Future Life, according
to the Rig-, Yajur-, and Atharva- Vedas, vol i. n.s.

1882 .]

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

7. Progress of the Yedic Religion towards abstract con-
ceptions of the Deity, vol. i. n.s.

8. Contributions to a knowledge of the Vedic Theogony
and Mythology, vol. ii. n.s.

9. Miscellaneous Hymns from the Rig and Atharva Yeda,

Tol. ii. N.S.

10. On the Relations of the Priests to the classes of
Society in the Yedic Age, vol. ii. n.s.

11. On the Interpretation of the Yeda, vol. ii. n.s.

But, besides these more learned works, Dr. Muir con-
tributed to that admirable periodical, the Indian Antiquary,
a long series of papers, founded mainly on his own profound
knowledge of the Sacred Language of India, the Sanskrit,
most of these papers, or, as he preferred to call them, “ Metrical
Translations,” having for their chief object to show how
high was the moral sense of the compilers of the Maha-
bharata. Inter alia , he gives a metrical version of Parjanya,
the Rain God, as represented in the hymns of the Rig
Yeda, vol. ii. 1873, with many others in subsequent volumes,
which he has finally brought together into one volume,
published in Trxibner’s “ Oriental Series ” under the title
of “ Metrical Translations from Sanskrit writers; w r itk an
introduction, prose versions,* and parallel passages from
classical authors,” London, 1879. Since that time, till
within a few months of his lamented death, Dr. Muir
has continued to add to the pages of the <s Indian Anti-
quary” from the papers bearing on the same general
subject. In these later works (he would perhaps have
hardly called them by this name) Dr. Muir’s chief object
seems to have been to supply illustrations, in however
humble a way, for the student of the comparative Science
of Religion. In conclusion, it should be ever remembered
that Dr. Muir was far other than a mere scholar or man
of learning, and that he did not confine his studies or
interest to India or Indian literature. He was ever ready

XIV

ANNUAL EEPOBT 0 E THE

[May,

to help on or to support young students by grants of
books or of money, and showed Ms warm sympathy with
many a philanthropic enterprise by liberally contributing
to its funds. His name will be long remembered with
gratitude by a far larger circle of men whom he had en-
deared to him by his genial simplicity of manner and
character, and by his generous helpfulness, than by the
scholars who resort for instruction to the rich stores of
Sanskrit scholarship collected in his works.

In the person of Professor Dowson the Society has lost a
valuable member, and Oriental studies a sound scholar ; what
he knew, he knew thoroughly, and his knowledge was always
at the service of his friends, his speciality being, probably,
Indian Palaeography.

Mr. Dowson, who died on August 23, 1881, was born at
Uxbridge in 1820. At the age of sixteen be came to London,
as an assistant, in this Society, to his uncle, Mr. Edwin
Norris, the then Secretary, who, noticing his aptitude in
acquiring languages, induced him to take up the study of
those of the East. In 1855, he was appointed Professor of
Hindustani in University College, London, and, in the same
year, he became Professor at the Staff College, Sandhurst,
then just commencing its valuable duties — an office he held
till 1877. Prof. Dowson was an indefatigable writer — some
of the results of his various labours being, the translation
of the Tkhwan-us-Safa, in 1869, the Arabic Philosophical
Cyclopaedia of the “ Brotherhood of Purity ; ” a Grammar of
Urdu or Hindustani, 1872 ; and the chief editing of “ The
History of India, as told by its own Historians/’ a work
commenced by the late Sir H. M. Elliot, who, at

his early death, left behind him a mass of documentary
matter, which he had collected and hoped himself to publish.
This work, which now extends to eight volumes, shows a vast
amount of labour and research, and is, indeed, the only reliable
one for the history of India during the Muhammedan period.

1882 .] ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY, xv

In 1879 Prof. Dowson compiled for Triibner’s “ Oriental
Series ” a “ Classical Dictionary of Hindu Mythology and
Religion, Geography and Literature,” a work intended,
on Oriental subjects, to cover similar ground to that Dr.
Smith* s Classical Dictionaries have covered for Greek and
Roman Literature — his last work being a very important
article on Indian Inscriptions for the ninth edition of the
Encyclopaedia Britannica, which he only lived just long
enough to complete. Prof. Dowson contributed, also, many
able and weighty reviews on Indian subjects to the Saturday
Review , and to other periodical papers. He was a self-taught
scholar and a self-made man — and will be long missed by his
fellow labourers in the same branches of study.

Mr. W. Bramsen, whom we deplore as cut off, at a very
early age, from active work, had, during his brief life,
already shown how much was to be expected from him, had
it been prolonged — foremost, as he was, unquestionably,
among the small number of genuine Japanese Scholars.

Mr. Bramsen was born at Copenhagen, where he took his
University degree in the ordinary course. After this, being
desirous of going abroad, he offered his services to the Great
Northern Telegraph Company, and in this capacity went to
the East in the Danish Man-of-War, the Nordenskiold, about
the year 1870, and was for some time stationed at Shanghai ;
having, however, acquired a taste for Japan and its people,
he gave up his previous business, and came to Yokohama in
1873, where, for several months, he devoted himself to the
thorough mastery of the Japanese language, of which, not
long subsequently, he might justly have claimed to be one
of the best and highest expositors. In pursuance of his
special taste, he obtained an appointment in the Japanese
Telegraph service, where he had to rely entirely on his own
knowledge of the local dialects. In the spring of 1875,
when the Mitsu Bishi Co. started their Shanghai Mail Line,
and were anxious to increase their foreign staff, Mr. Bramsen

xvr

ANNUAL EEPOET OF THE [May,

secured an appointment in their Head Office, and, rapidly
rising in this profession, became, in the spring of 1879, the
acting Chief Director. In August, 1880, Mr. Bransen re-
turned to Europe, to carry out a long-cherished wish to
study Law in the English Metropolis, with the hope of
returning in a few years to Japan, and of there making due
use of his legal attainments. But, unfortunately, his hopes
were doomed to a sudden failure; for after a few months
only of legal study, he died on Dec. 8, 1881, in the thirty-
first year of his life.

Mr. Bramsen’s intimate acquaintance with the Japanese
written and spoken language, with his extensive general
linguistic knowledge, enabled him to write with authority on
the vexed question of transliteration — his papers, on this
subject, which have appeared from time to time, in the
Yokohama papers, being well worthy of attention, as the
writing of a man who was thoroughly painstaking in all his
work.

Besides other minor work — such as his “ Comparative
Tables of Japanese Weights and Measures,” etc.,— his
Japanese Chronological Tables, published in 1880, are a
standing monument of his knowledge, unwearied industry
and love of labour ; the origin of this work being probably
due to his passionate attachment to Numismatic Science.
When Mr. Bramsen left Japan, he possessed one of the finest
collections of Japanese Coins, of which, at the time of his
death, he was engaged in preparing a descriptive and his-
torical catalogue. The first portion of this catalogue, fully
illustrated, has been already published in Japan, in the
“ Mittheilungen der Deutscher Gesellsehaft fur Natur- und
Volkerkunde Ost- Asians,” Aug, 1880, and reprinted, under
the title “ Coins of Japan, Part I. The Copper, Lead, and
Iron Coins issued by the Central Government.” There is,
also, a French edition of the same work. Mr. Bramsen also
read a paper before the Numismatic Society of London,

1882.] EOYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. xvxr

entitled “The Iron Coinage of Japan/ 5 which will he shortly
published in their Chronicle.

In Dr. Theodor Benfey, an Honorary Member of the
Society, Oriental learning has lost one of its ablest ex-
positors, and, taken all round, one of the best Sanskrit
scholars, who ever lived. Indeed, it may be doubted, with
all deference to other distinguished men, who have worked
in the same class of studies, if there be any man, who has
more advanced the study of the language and literature of
India, than Dr. Benfey. It has been given to some, notably
to Prof. Max Muller, to edit for us vast collections of MSS.
directly connected with this subject — and all praise is due
to him and to others, who have had the opportunity of
working in this field : but, it has been Prof. Benfey 5 s
especial merit that he covered the whole area, and, this,
before Prof. Max Muller commenced the labours for which
he is justly celebrated.

Prof. Benfey was born in 1809, being of Jewish descent.
He was educated at the Gymnasium of Gottingen, and, after
studying, subsequently, in the Universities of Gottingen and
Munich, was appointed Professor at the former place in
1884, where he continued working and lecturing up to his
death. His first important work was his “ Griechisch.es
Wurtzel Lexicon/ 5 published in two volumes in 1839-42 —
a book of the highest value at the time it was published,
as showing how much could be done by careful research
into Comparative Philology. Of course, since then so much
has been done, that this early effort has, in some sense,
fallen into desuetude, but it ought not to be forgotten that
Benfey, in this publication, distinctly led the way to other
and, no doubt, more complete results. His book was that
of a pioneer, in, at that period, a nearly new and untrodden
path ; and the criticisms it naturally evoked were, perhaps,
as valuable for the progress of research, as the book to
which — or against which — they were directed. The study

YOL. XIV.— [NEW 8EBIES.] ' B

XVIII ANNUAL BEPOET OE THE [May,

of Comparative Greek Philology has now advanced so far,
that Benfey’s book has little more than historical interest ;
but those, who will take the trouble of examining its pages,
will be surprised to see, of how many accepted theories and
etymologies only too often attributed to other writers Prof.
Benfey was the real author. It is, perhaps, not easy to
say who first suggested, that viginti , eiKoa-t , and nn$at% are
really the same word, or to state who first dealt with such
words scientifically. But, among the earlier scholars, it is
certain, that Benfey made any number of suggestions, which
have been since accredited to other and less eminent scholars.
But few men, perhaps, have cared so little for fame of this
kind.

To this early period in Prof. Benfey’ s career belongs
his elaborate article on India, in JSrsch tend Gruber's
J&ncyelopadie, which, like the Wurtzel~ Lexicon , is now, to
some extent, antiquated, though it contains many things
worthy of remembrance. Later in life, Benfey was mainly
instrumental in bringing about that revival of Sanskrit Philo-
logy, which began with the study of the Vedas. Thus, in
1848 , he published his text, translation, and glossary of the
Sama-Veda, and, at the same early period, a complete transla-
tion of the first book of the Big- Veda. He seems, then, to
have paused for a while, probably because he saw that no
real progress could be made in Vedic studies, before the text
of the Big- Veda, and, above all, before Say ana’s complete
commentary on the Big- Veda, had been made known to
students. In the mean time, he devoted himself to the
publication of several Sanskrit Grammars, in which he
showed a mastery of Panini, quite unusual at that period.
He, also, published a Sanskrit Chrestomathy, Dictionary and
other useful works.

A little lafcer he astonished the world by a discovery
in a totally new line of research, viz. his Pantchatantra, in
which he established, on a sound basis, not only the Indian

1882 .] LOYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. xix

origin of many European fables, but, wbat was, perhaps, of
higher interest, the Buddhist origin of those of India. This
work, alone, would have placed its author in the foremost
rank of European scholars. With Benfey, however, it only
represented one out of many victories in a life-long intellec-
tual campaign. We cannot dwell on all his works : but we
may call attention to his contributions to the knowledge of
Zend, and to his scholar-like labours on the Cuneiform
Inscriptions. Another truly monumental work, we must
mention, his “ History of the Science of Language and
Oriental Philology in Germany ” (1869) — showing, as this
does, what can be achieved by the industry and genius of
one man, if only he has a purpose in life and possesses the
unselfish devotion of a scholar. The concluding days of
Dr. Benfey’ s life were again devoted to Yedic studies,
which he resumed with the ardour of youth and the ex-
perience of a veteran general.

The results of his work were published from year to year in
the Transactions of the Royal Society of Gottingen and else-
where, and as an idea of the minuteness of his studies, it may
be mentioned that his treatises on the prolongation of vowels
in the Rig- Veda occupy more than 400 pages 4to. Though
this might seem an excess in accuracy, it shows what might
have been expected from his long-promised Vedic Grammar;
the future publication of which will, we fear, be scarcely
possible unless the materials he has been so long collecting
have been worked up by himself.

In conclusion, it is right to add that, during his whole
life, Prof. Benfey bore the highest character among Oriental
scholars : he seemed to care for nothing but work, true honest
work. Through his long literary life, though controversies
necessarily would sometimes arise, no one ever breathed a
word against Benfey Y independence, justice and straight-
forwardness. He never belonged to any sect ; Science being
to him a sacred thing, wherein no personal interests were

XX ANNIJAXi EEPOET OF THE [May,

permitted to intrude ; thus, in his few and rare controversies,
he invariably treated his opponents with respect.

The following list is believed to be a tolerably complete
collection of the works actually published by Prof. Benfey,
though there may easily be some others latent.

1. XTeber die Monatsnamen einiger alten Yolker, insbe-
sondere der Perser, Cappadoeier, Juden und Syrer. 8vo.
Berl. 1836.

2. Terenz Komodien im Yersmass der Urschrift ubersetzt.
9 parts. 16mo. Stuttgart, 1837.

3. Ueber das verhaltniss der -3Egyptischen Sprache zum
Semitischen Sprachstamm. 8vo. Leipzig, 1844.

4. Die Persischen Keilinschriften mit TJebersetzung und
Glossar. 8vo. Leipzig, 1847.

5. Die Ilymnen des Sama-Yeda. Herausgegeben und mit
Glossar versehen. 4to. Leipzig, 1848.

6. Handbuch der Sanskrit- sprache. I. Abth. Yolstan-
diges grammatik der Sanskrit-sprache. 8vo. Leipz. 1852.
II. Abth. Chrestomathie aus Sanskrit- W erken. 2 Bande.
Leipzig, 1854.

7. Kurze Sanskrit-Grammatik zum Gebrauch fiir anfanger.
8vo. Leipzig, 1852.

8. A Practical Grammar of the Sanskrit Language for the
use of early students. 8vo. Berl. 1863.

9. Pantschatantra — Fiinf bucher Indischer Fabeln,
Marchen und Erzahlungen. Aus dem Sanskrit iibersetzt.
2 Bande. 8vo. Leipzig, 1859.

10. A Practical Grammar of the Sanskrit Language. 2nd
Ed. 8vo. Lond. 1866.

11. A Sanskrit-English Dictionary with reference to
the best Editions of Sanskrit authors. 8vo. London,
1866.

12. TTeber einige Plural-bildungen des Indo-Germanischen
Yerbum. 4 to. Gottingen, 1867.

13. Geschichte der Sprachwissenschaft und Oriental-

1882 .]

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

xxi

ischen Philologie in Deutschland seit den Anfang des xvi.
Jahrhunderts, 8vo. Miinchen, 1869.

14. Ueber die Entstebung nnd die Formen des Indo-
Germanischen Optativ. 4to. Gottingen, 1871.

Besides these fourteen separate articles or essays by him
in bis “ Yedica nnd Yerwandten,” the following papers will
be found in the Abhandlungen der Eoniglicb Gesellscbaft
der Wissenschaften zu Gottingen :

1. Alt-Persisch Mazda = Zendiscb Mazda viscb = Sansk.
Medhas. Abb. Band, xxiii. 1878.

2. Einige Derivata des Indo-Germanischen Yerbums ambh
=Sanskr. Nabh — Ibid.

3. Die quantitats-verschiedenheiten in der Sambita nnd
Padatexten. 4. Abbandlung in 3. Abtheilungen. Abb. Band,
xxy. 1879.

4. With the same title as above : in 5. Abbandlung in 2.
Abtheilungen. Abb. Band. xxvi. 1880.

5. TJeber einige Worter mit dem Bind-yocal L Abb.
Band. xxiy. 1879.

6. Bebandlung des auslaiiternden a in nd “ wie ” und nd
“nicht” in Rig Yeda. Abb. Band. xxv.

7. Die quantitats-yerscbiedenbeiten, etc., etc. 6. Abb. 1.
Abth. Abb. Band xxvii. 1881.

8. Under same title as No. 6. Abb. Band, xxvii.

Prof. Vassily Vassilievich Grigorief, an Honorary Member
of this Society, was a scholar well known and highly appre-
ciated in Western Europe. Grigorief, born at St. Petersburg
in 1816, while yet a student in the University of that city,
translated from the Persian, a “ History of the Mongols/"
In 1836, be obtained a post in the Asiatic Department of
the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and, soon after, entered the
service of the University as a Teacher of Persian. In 1864,
be was appointed to the Head of the Censorship, a post be
held till 1874, and, in the same year, be visited England as the
Russian Delegate to the Second Congress of Orientalists, In

XXIX

AHHTJAL REPORT OE THE

[May,

1875, lie was elected Dean of the Faculty of Oriental Lan-
guages in the University — his knowledge of these tongues
having been greatly increased during his residence, in an
official capacity, at Orenberg, between 1851 and 1863. Two
years later he acted as President of the Third Congress, which
met at St. Petersburg, and his courtesy to the strangers, who
visited the capital of Russia, on that occasion, will not easily
be forgotten by those, who had the pleasure of experiencing
it. M. Grigorief wrote chiefly in Russ, which is so far
unfortunate, as this language is so little known beyond the
frontiers of the Empire itself — but, among his works, may
be mentioned “ The Tsars of the Cimmerian Bosphorus,” St.
Petersb. 1851 ; “ Some Events in Bokhara, Khokhand and
Kashgar,” Casan, 1861 ; an Academical disquisition on
“ The Charters given to the Russian Clergy by the Khans
of the Golden Horde,” Moscow, 1842 ; “The Site of Sarai”
St. Petersb. 1845. He was, also, a large contributor to the
pages of periodical literature — and to the “Transactions”
of learned Societies. At one time, too, he was Editor of
the “Journal of the Ministry of the Interior” and of the
“ Official Messenger.”

Of scholars and others, not Members of the Society,
but who Have some claim to be noticed here, for their
labours in Oriental investigations, M. Adrien Prevost de
Longp^rier claims the first place. M. de Longperier,
who died on January 14, was born in Paris on September
21st, 1816, and was educated in the City of Meaux
(where he lived), entirely by his father,* a man of re-
markable ability. Early in life, he showed an especial
love for Archaeology, and, while yet quite a youth, had
made and described for himself a very considerable collec-
tion of coins. In 1836, he was admitted as supernumerary
into the “Cabinet des Medailles ” of the “ Bibliotheque,”
where he remained, till he attained the still higher
position of “ Conservateur Adjoint des Antiques” in the

1882.] ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. xxnr

Louvre. He was, at the same time, specially deputed to look
after all things Oriental. In 1848, he was named Keeper of
the Sculptures, etc., a post he held, till, in 1868, he was com-
pelled, through ill health, to give up an occupation, which
was in every way congenial to his tastes, and one, too, in
which he had done very good service to the French Govern-
ment and people. It may he added that, early in life, he
became a member of the “ Academie des Inscriptions et du
Belles Lettres,” of the “ Societe Asiatique,” of the “ Societe
Rationale des Antiquaires de France” (to which he was
admitted when only twenty years of age), and of numerous
other Societies.

M. de Longperier’s researches extended, as is well known,
into almost every branch of Archaeology, Numismatics having
been from first to last, perhaps, the one subject dearest to
his own heart : thus, at intervals, he published catalogues of
the well-known Greek, Roman, and mediaeval collections of
J. Dassy, Manoncourt, and Rousseau, containing, in many
cases, original and not previously suggested identifica-
tions. Hence, probably, he was led to his later study of
Oriental Numismatics, in which he was naturally much
aided by his previous knowledge of Arabic and of other
Eastern languages.

His early service in the c< Cabinet des Medailles ” had
familiarized him with almost all classes of figured monu-
ments; hence, when he went to the Louvre, he took up
warmly the study of the then recently discovered
Assyrian monuments, of which he gave a brief but able
notice in 1848, Turning, at the same time, his attention
to the decipherment of the Cuneiform inscriptions en-
graven on these monuments, he is believed to have been the
first to discern the name of a king, a discovery of much
importance in the subsequent study of Assyrian Epigraphy.
M. de Longperier, also, edited two other sections of Anti-
quarian Science, which happened under his general care,

xxiy ANNUAL REPORT QE THE [May,

namely, “ Notice des Monuments Mexicanes et Peruviens
exposes dans les galleries des Antiquites Americaines ”
(1850), and “ Notice des bronzes antiques exposes dans
les galleries du Mus^e Imperial du Louvre ” (1868).

It need hardly be added that M. de Longperier was a
ready writer in a large number of Archaeological publi-
cations, more especially in the <<r Revue Numismatique,”
and in the “ Revue Archeologique,” of which he was, for
many years, one of the chief Directors, and in the
“ Memoires de la Societe des Antiquaires de France,”
the “ Atheneum Francais,” and the “ Annales de l’lnsti-
tut Arche ol. de Rome ; ” he made, also, several important
communications to the “ Oomptes rendus ” of the Academie
des Inscriptions et du Belles Lettres, some of which, during
the last year, were dictated by him from the bed of sickness
he was not destined to leave. His principal separate publi-
cations were, “ Sur la Numismatique des Rois Sassanides,”
1840 and 1854, and “Le Musee Napoleon III. choix de
Monuments Antiques,” 1864-74. In 1877, M. de Long-
perier was appointed by the Government to superintend
the “ Exposition retrospective ” of the “ Palais du Troca-
dero ” at the u Exposition ” of that year, an office he fulfilled
with equal success and ability. In fact, for the deciphering
of a manuscript text, an inscription, or a medal, few men,
from his long acquaintance with classical as well as Oriental
literature, could have been found to surpass him. He lived,
and he died, a consummate Antiquary.

Dr. Ludwig Krapf, \ a well-known missionary, died recently,
at an advanced age, at Kornthal in Wur t ember g\ On his
table was found, after his sudden death, a proof sheet of his
Suahili Dictionary, which he had corrected before he retired
to what proved to be his last rest. He was not a member of
this Society, but his name will be honoured as the first man
who gave a real impetus to African discovery. He was in the
field before Livingstone left Kureeman on his first journey

1882 .] ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. xxv

of discovery ; and he worked to the last days of his life in
the cause of Africa. Driven from Abyssinia, he settled in
Mombasa, and there published the first rumours of a great
Equatorial inland sea, which at length led to the despatch
of Captains Burton and Speke, and to the discovery of the
famous Lake Tanganyika, and ultimately of those of the
Victoria Hyanza, etc. Dr. Krapf fired the first great train of
exploring, which culminated in the walk of Cameron across
Africa and in the descent of the Congo by Stanley. He
was, also, the first to announce to the learned world that
all the tribes of Africa, south of the Equator, with the
exception of the Hottentot-Beschuan, spoke languages as
certainly descendants of a common mother, as are the lan-
guages of the Indo-European family. The following list
gives a fair idea of his linguistic labours

Thus in Amharic (the language of Abyssinia), he com-
pletely revised for the British and Foreign Bible Society,
the version of the whole Bible made in 1810-45, by Abu
Rumi, a learned Abyssinian monk. This important task,
which occupied several years, was finished in 1879, when the
second half of the Hew Testament was printed at St. Chris -
chona, and published along with the ancient Ethiopic
Version. Dr. Krapf wrote to the Bible Society The
Lord be praised for having permitted me to live to see this
great work carried out by your Society ! ” He also published
in Amharic Dr. Chalmers's Scripture References, a Scripture
school-book, and a little book entitled “ Man's Heart either
God's Temple or Satan's abode/'

Of the language of the great Galla nation, who stretch
from Abyssinia southward to near Mombasa, he prepared a
Vocabulary and an Outline Grammar, which were published
in London, in 1840 ; together with a translation of the whole .
Hew Testament, and of the Book of Genesis, Psalms, and
other parts of the Old (part printed).

For the language of the fierce Somali tribes inhabiting the

XXVI

ANNUAL REPOET OF THE

.[May,

northern corner of East Africa, he began a Vocabulary in
conjunction with Mr. Isenberg, but was not able to com-
plete it ; but, for the “ Enguduk Iloicob,” the language of
the Masai nation, who occupy a wide territory between the
Wanika country around Mombasa and the Victoria Nyanza,
he edited the Vocabulary compiled by Mr. Erhardt.

In the “ Engutuk Eloikob,” the language of the Wahwafi ,
a tribe connected with the Masai, but more to the south (see
Mr. Last’s account, Intelligencer , Nov. 1879), he compiled
a Vocabulary, with specimen translations of portions of
Genesis and St. J ohn, dialogues, materials for grammar, etc.,
which was published at Tubingen, in 1854, and for the
languages or dialects of the Teita and Usambara , countries
west and south of Mombasa, he compiled a Vocabulary,
which has not been printed, though copies have been sent
to the C.M.S. Missionaries in East Africa.

For the Kinika , the language of the Wanika, the people
among whom he and Rebmann so long laboured, he prepared
the “ Beginning of a Spelling-book,” with a translation of
the Heidelberg Catechism, which was published at Bombay,
so long ago as 1848. He also translated parts of the New
Testament (including the famous one of the Gospel of
St. Luke, [also printed at Bombay, in 1848,] to which is
mainly due the Christian movement in the Giriama country).
He translated, also, Barth’s Bible Stories, and began
a Dictionary of the same language or dialect, which, we
regret to say, is still unpublished.

For Kikambdy the language of Ukambani, a country north-
west of Mombasa, which he had himself visited, he translated
the Gospels of St, Matthew and St, Mark (the latter pub-
lished at Tubingen, in 1850), and also a Vocabulary, ap-
pended to his “Six East African Languages,” and, for
Kiniassa , , a language spoken far to the south on the shores
of Lake Nyassa, he edited the Vocabulary and Dictionary
compiled by Rebmann.

1882 .]

BOYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

XXVII

In the Suahili language he translated a part of Genesis
(printed in 1847), the Order of Morning and Evening
Prayer (Tubingen, 1854), and the whole Hew Testament:
only parts of this have been printed, though each portion
in MS. has been sent to the O.M.S. East Africa Mission.
He also prepared an outline Grammar (Tubingen, 1850),
and a complete Dictionary, the last sheets of which were
passing through the press when he died.

In addition to these works, Dr. Krapf compiled a
Vocabulary of Six East African Languages, viz. KisuahiU ,
Kinikct, Kikamba , Kipokomo , Kihiau , 1 Tig alia, which was
published at Tubingen, in 1850, a work of which he may
well have been proud.

Nain Singh , or as he was officially called Pundit Ho. 9,
a most meritorious Indian servant, and one of the most
remarkable of recent travellers, died a few months since at
the age of fifty-five years. He was by race a Hill man
of Kschattyra caste, and, being naturally very fond of
adventure, offered his services, more than 30 years ago, as
native assistant to the intrepid but unfortunate Schlagint-
weit ; but, after serving under him for some time, the
murder of his master in Xashgar left him without the
opportunity of continuing the pursuits to which he had
devoted himself, and he returned to his native village to
pursue the monotonous and less active vocation of a school-
master.

From this retirement he was called in the year 1863 to
become one of the staff of trained native explorers under the
orders of the late Colonel Montgomerie of the Trigonometrical
Survey, and it was in this occupation that he earned his
chief reputation.

The experience Hain Singh acquired under M. Schlagint-
weit fitted him, in a peculiar sense, for employment in the
most interesting department of Indian Geographical research,
—the exploration of the Trans-Himalayan Eegions ; and

xxvm AMUAL REPORT OF THE [May,

the success that attended his journeys heyond the great
Northern boundary of India far exceeded the expectations
of the able officer who had trained him. specially for this
work.

In 1866, Nam Singh determined the true position of Lhasa :
in 1867 he visited the celebrated gold mines of Thok Talung,
and seven years later, he was able to accomplish his most
celebrated tour, that through the whole range of Tibet, from
West to East. On this occasion, he visited the capital of
the Dalai Lama, took numerous observations, and threw
much fresh light on the long-disputed question whether the
Saxnpu River, in its lower course, is, or is not, identical with
the Brahmaputra. For this great effort, one alike of courage
and of genius, the Royal Geographical Society justly awarded
to him their gold medal, while the Indian Government
granted to him a small estate, where he died towards the
end of last January. Nain Singh was not a scholar ; but the
great work he accomplished fully deserves a record in the
pages of a Society, the sole end of which is Asiatic research.
He was the greatest, if not the first, of Indian Geographical
explorers : and India may well be proud of his memory. Of
such stuff were the famous Chinese travellers of the fifth and
seventh centuries — who then crossed the Himalayas. Let us
hope his example will not be lost on his countrymen, and
that they will be ready to recognize him, as Western students
already gladly do — as “ Primus in India.”

During the past year, the Council have had before them
many applications for their support on various subjects.
Piter aim , they were asked to take an active part in the
formation of a Pali Text Society, but, with reference to
this, they were of opinion, that they could not directly
interfere, though the subject was one, naturally, in which
many Members of the Society might he expected to take an
interest.

1882.] LOYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. xxrx

At a later period, they were urged to impress on the
Government of India, the advisability of employing Mr.
Bell, of Ceylon, to make further researches in the Maidive
Islands, an excellent report of his previous work there,
having been laid before them by their Members, Sir William
Gregory, K.C.M.G., and Mr. Gray. To this request, the
Council assented, and directed their Secretary to write the
necessary letters to the Secretary of State for India and to
the Governor of Ceylon.

The Council have, also, had before them letters from M.
de Goeje and Colonel Nassau Lees, stating that M. Spitta
Bey had undertaken to complete the publication of the Taj -el
Aroos. The Council felt, however, that, in this matter, they
could not do more than they had done, some years since, in
the case of the publication of Tabari. They were willing to
subscribe for a copy of the Taj -el Aroos, but could not
undertake to do more than this. It appeared, further, that,
some years ago, five volumes of this work had been printed,
and the Council, naturally, expressed the opinion that these
should be in their hands, so that their copy might be com-
plete, before they undertook to support any further under-
taking in this matter.

The Council have, also, had before them a memorial drawn
up by Sir Walter Elliot, K.C.S X, and signed by the Professors
of Sanskrit at Oxford, Cambridge, Edinburgh, and others,
requesting the Indian Government to allow Mr. J. F. Fleet to
be, for a time, detailed from his ordinary duties, for the
purpose of editing the vast collection of Indian Inscriptions
which have now been copied and are available for this purpose.
The Council, generally, acquiesced in the prayer of this
memorial and desired their Secretary to write to the Under-
secretary of State for India, in support of it.

The Council have also had before them the question of
the more careful preservation of their MSS. and of other
valuable works in their General Library, and have come to

XXX

ANNUAL REPORT OF THE

[May,

the following conclusions: 1. That their object in retaining
possession of MSS. and other rare and valuable works is, that
they may be able to lend to scholars, either personally known
to them, or bringing sufficient recommendations, such of these
works as they may desire to study at home ; the Council alone
having the power of granting any such request. 2. That,
supposing the Council be satisfied in this matter, such loan be
duly entered on the Minutes, with the name of the borrower
and the time during which he may retain the given book.

3. That the Secretary be required to report to the Council
the request for such a loan, which may be granted on the
signature of any two Members thereof — hut for a period not
exceeding three months, — the borrower, at the same time,
acknowledging in writing his receipt of the MS. or book
and giving his usual place of residence. 4. That, pre-
viously to the Anniversary of each year (by Statute fixed
to be held on the third Monday in each year, if not Whit
Monday), all loans are to be called in, but that a borrower
pleading for an extension of the time, may, at the discre-
tion of the Council, be permitted to keep the same for a
further limited period. 5. That all MSS., or books, required
to be sent out of the country, be forwarded as registered
parcels, or through the Minister or Ambassador of the
country to which they are to be sent.

The Council beg further to report that they have been
able to continue the Quarterly publication of their J ournal,
and that there is good reason to hope that this plan, at first
necessarily tentative, will be continued.

The Auditors submit the following account of the Receipts
and Expenditure of the Society, which will, they hope, be *
considered satisfactory.

1882 .]

KOYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

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xxxn

ANNUAL REPORT OF THE

[Hay,

Proceedings of Asiatic Societies . — Royal Asiatic Society —
Papers . — The following papers have been read at different
meetings of the Society since the last Anniversary Meeting
of May 30, 1881

1. On the duty Mohammedans, in British India, owe, on
the principles of their own Law, to the Government of the
Country. By N. B. E. Baillie, Esq., M.R.A.S. Read June
20, 1881.

2. Extracts from a Report by Mr. II. C. P. Bell “ On the
Maidive Islands.” By Albert Gray, Esq., M.R.A.S. Read
June 20, 1881.

3. On the Sinico-Indian Origin of Indo-Pali writing. By
Terrien de La Couperie, Esq. Read June 20, 1881.

4. On the Andaman Islands and the Andamanese. By M.
V. Portman, Esq., M.R.A.S. Read July 2, 1881.

5. The Apology of Al-Kindi — an Essay on its age and
authorship. By Sir W. Muir, E.O.S.I. Read JSTov. 7, 1881.

6. A reply to some exceptions taken by Lord Stanley of
Alderley, to the writer’s previous paper “ On the duty the
Mohammedans of British India owe to the Government of
the Country.” By N. B. E. Baillie, Esq., M.R.A.S. Read
Nov. 7, 1881.

7. “ On the origin of the Phoenician Alphabet.” By G.
Bertin, Esq. Read Dec. 19, 1881.

8. “ On a Sculptured Tope represented on an old stone at
Dras, near Ladak.” By W. Simpson, Esq., F.R.G.S. Read
Dec. 19, 1881.

9. “On a Lolo MS. written on silk, procured by Mr.
Colborne Baber, now Secretary of Legation in China.”
By Terrien de La Couperie, Esq., M.R.A.S. Read Dec.
19, 1881.

10. “On the probable meaning of the subjects in PL
xxviii. fig. 1 of Mr. Fergusson’s Tree and Serpent Worship,
Second Edition.” By the Rev. Professor Beal. Read
Dec. 19, 1881.

1882 .]

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

XXXIJX

11. “ On tlie Indian Balhara and the Arabian Intercourse
with India in the Ninth and following Centuries.” By E.
Thomas, Esq., F.R.S., Treas. RA.S. Read Jan. 28, 1882.

12. “On recent Researches in Phrygia.” By W*. M.
Ramsay, Esq. Read Jan. 23, 1882.

13. “ On the Hausa Language of Central Africa.” By
the Rev. Mr. Schon. Read Feb. 20, 1882.

14. “ On African Scholars.” By R. N. Oust, Esq., Hon. Sec.
R.A.S. Read Feb. 20, 1882.

15. “ On the date and personality of Priyadasi,” supple-
mentary to a former paper on the same subject. By R. G.
Latham, Esq., M.D. Read March 20, 1882.

16. “On Buddhist Saint- worship.” By Arthur Lillie,
Esq. Read March 20, 1882.

17. “On the Yaishnava Religion.” By Prof. Monier
Williams, M.A., C.I.E., D.C.L. Read April 24, 1882.

Of these papers, as Nos. 1, 4, 5, 6, 8, 10, 13, 14, and 16
have been already printed in the Society’s Journal, it is not
necessary to say anything more about them here. Those
only, therefore, will be noticed which are not at present
in type, viz. Nos. 2, 3, 7, 11, 12, 15, and 17,

On June 20, Mr. Albert Gray read a series of extracts
from a Report furnished by Mr. H. C. P. Bell “On the
Maidive Islands.” Mr. Bell, he stated, had been able to
make a short visit to these islands, having previously
obtained a considerable knowledge of the language of their
inhabitants. No complete history of them has, as yet,
been discovered, and what is at present known is derived
from the notices of the Portuguese and from the early
Dutch and English records at Colombo. Their language
is certainly Aryan, and closely connected with Sinhalese,
in its elder form of Elu. It is to be hoped that Mr. Bell
may be enabled to return to these interesting islands,
to complete his researches, but this time under official
sanction.

VOL. XIV.— [new sebtss.]

xxxiv ACTUAL REPORT OF THE [May,

M. Terrien de La Oouperie, M.R.A.S., in his paper “On
the Sinico-Indian Origin of Indo-Pali writing,” gave
reasons for disregarding the Semitic, Saboean, and Greek
hypotheses, implying as these do an Indian influence in
Southern Arabia, while, at the same time, he also rejected
any indigenous origin. On the other hand, he pointed out
that historical facts, as well as traditions, clearly show that
relations did exist between India and China so early as the
third century b.c.

In support of these views, he laid before the Society a
series of tables, proving, in his judgment, that the Indo-
Pali, Corean, Japanese, Lampong, Rejang, Batak, Vatteluttu,
and, most remarkably, the Lolo writing, of which Mr.
Colborne Baber has recently sent home some specimens,
are, really, all offshoots from an older system of writing,
consisting, on the borders of China, of a certain number
of Chinese characters, used, phonetically, for commercial
purposes. The Indo-Pali writing has, he argued, been
systematized in India from this elder form of writing.

The main argument in Mr. Thomas’s paper “ On the
Indian BalhaiA and the Arabian Intercourse with India
in the ninth and following centuries ” (which now forms
part i. of the 3rd vol. of the “ Numismata Orientalia ”),
depends on the decipherment of the Nagari legend, con-
taining the word Vcrfd-Rcitja, described by Sir Arthur
Phayre, in his paper on “ Coins of Arakan, of Pegu,
and of Burma,” pi. i. Hos. 5 and 6. This word, Mr.
Thomas contended, suggests a new and unexpected ex-
planation of the title Balhara, as used by the Arabian
merchants, who visited India in the ninth century.
The meaning of the title is almost certainly the same
as Bara Rai, or Lord Paramount, hut it has been
hitherto supposed that this appellation must belong to
the king of Kanauj or of Western India, the Arab
copyists of the merchant Sulaixnan’s narrative having

1882 .] ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. xxxv

assumed that Ms mention of the kingdom of Balhara
must, in some way or other, coincide with the geography
of their own Muslim province of Sind. Mr. Thomas,
on the other hand, contends that it is clear from the
text of the “ Silsilat-al-Tuwarikh/’ or “ iArab Voyages,”
of a.d. 851, that all the four kingdoms therein adverted to
are more or less Grangetic, intra or extm> and would, there-
f6re, naturally come under the notice of any mariner pro-
ceeding towards a Chinese mart. The sway of the Balhara
must, he thinks, have, as a rule, covered the outlets of the
Granges. The capital of the Balhar& was, at that time, at
Monghir, and, although it is difficult to define this site
exactly, it seems almost certain that one- of the chief towns
was that of Tipperah, Ptolemy’s TpufXvTTTov, to /cal rptktjyop
ftacriXeiov. The leading authority for the Arab voyages of
this period is the merchant Sulaiman, for details about
whom, Reinaud, “ Relations des Voyages par les Arabes et
les Persans dans ITnde/’ Paris, 1845, is our chief authority*

In his paper “ On the Date and Personality of Priyadasi,”
a supplement to a previous paper on the same subject
printed in the Journal of the Society twenty years ago—
vol. xvii. o.s. — Dr. Latham argued that Priyadasi must
have been the contemporary of three Kings or Magnates
with whom he made three compacts, one of which was
in the tenth, and the second in the twelfth year of his
reign. Will, he urged, the other four compacts, viz. those
of Ptolemy, Alexander, Antigonus, and Magas, be held
to he supplementary compacts ill the twenty-seventh year
of his reign ? All these he (Dr. Latham) in Ms previous
treatise made not only contemporaneous with Priyadasi, but
each with the other, and. also with Antiochus.

In his present paper, Dr. Latham makes the four kings con-
temporary, each with the other, though not with Antiochus.
From this point of view, his Antiochus is Antiochus III.
(Epiphanes), his Ptolemy is Ptolemy Philometor, his Alex-

XXXVI

ANNUAL REPORT OE THE

[May,

ander is Alexander Balas, Lis Antigonns is Antigonus, the
son of Perseus, the last king -of Macedon, and Ms Magas,
a Satrap in the North of Syria. All tliese, he holds, must
Lave reigned between b.c. 191 and b.c. 146. Hr. Latham
then gave his reasons for believing that this was a better
date for the reign of Priyadasi than any that could be given,
under the doctrine that the four later kings were not only
contemporary with themselves and Priyadasi, but contem-
porary with Antiochus also. This, Dr. Latham considered
to be the only date to which we can ascribe the historical
synchronism of five kings bearing the names stated — in
combination with a sixth and equally synchronous king,
Priyadasi.

Professor Monier Williams, M.A., C.I.E., D.C.L., read a
paper “0 n the Yaishnava Religion,” and laid before the
Society the Siksha-patri or Directory of the Swami Narfi,-
yana sect, as edited and translated by himself, from a MS.
given to him, when at their head-quarters at Wartal and
Ahmedabad. In this paper, he showed very clearly the
relationship between the Yaishnava religion and the three
other forms of the Hindu religious system, viz. Yedism,
Brahmanism and Saivism.

The two latter, he urged, were too severe and too philo-
sophical for the mass of the people ; hence, a reaction in
favour of Yishnu, the worship of whom implied a personal
devotion to a personal God, who could satisfy the yearning
of the human heart for a Religion of Faith and Love. Such
a God was Yishnu, who evinced his interest in human affairs
by his frequent descents and incarnations, Yishnu- worship,
connected as it was with that of the Sun, was unquestionably
the popular worship of India, though much split up into
sects vehemently opposed, each to the other.

The four principal sects, he added, were founded by Rama-
nuja, Madhva, Chaitanya and Yallabha. The Ramanuja sect
was, again, divided into two sub-sects, the Yada-kalais and

1882.] ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. xxxyii

Ten-kalais : their views as to the nature of the soul’s depend-
ence on the Supreme Being differing much in the same
way as do those of the Arminians and Calvinists. The
Ten-kalais have one of the finest pagodas in India, near
Trichinopoly. The Madhva sect was, perhaps, the nearest
to Christianity, in that they were strong opponents to
Sankara’s duality. The Chaitanya sect held that devotion
to Yishnu was best symbolized under the figure of human
love. The Yallabha sect held similar opinions, and were
the Epicureans of India. They taught that the way to
salvation was through eating and drinking and enjoying
the good things of life.

It was in opposition to this sensual view of religion that
the modern Reformer, Swami Narayana, founded a new sect
and wrote his Siksha-patri, a sort of Religious Directory,
consisting of 212 precepts, which give a good idea of the
purer side of Yaishnavism.

Journals . — Royal Asiatic Society . — Since the last Anniver-
sary of May 30, 1881, Parts III. and IY. of Yol. XIII. and
Parts I. and II. of Yol. XIY. have been issued, containing
the following papers.

Thus in VoL XIII. PL 3,

On the Avar Language. By Cyril Graham,

Esq., C.S.I., M.R.A.S.

On Caucasian Nationalities. By W. A. Morri-
son, Esq.

A Translation of the Markandeya Purana. By

the Revd. B. Hale Wortham, M.R.A.S.

Lettre a M. Stanley Lane Poole, sur quelques

Monnaies orientales rares ou in^dites de la collection de M.
Oh. de l’Eeluse. Par M. Sauvaire, M.R.A.S.

On Aryan Mythology in Malay Traditions. By

W. E. Maxwell, Esq., M.R.A.S., Colonial Civil Service.

XXXYII1

ANNUAL REPORT OE THE [May ?

The Hoi, a Southern Tribe of the Gond. By the
Revd. John Cain, M.R.A.S.

On the duty which Mohammedans in British

India owe, on the Principles of their own Law, to the
Government of the Country. By NT. B. E. Baillie, Esq.,

M. R.A.S.

The L-Poem. of the Arabs. 1 ZX& 3

by Shanfara . Re-arranged and translated by J.

W. Redhouse, Esq., M.R.A.S., H.M.R.S.L., etc.

In Vol XIII Ft. 4, are papers

On the Andaman Islands and the Andamanese.

By M. Y. Portman, Esq., M.R.A.S.

Notes on Marco Polo’s Itinerary in Southern

Persia (Chs. XVI. to XXI., Col. Yule’s translation). By
A. Houtum Schindler, Esq., M.R.A.S.

The Epoch of the Guptas. By Edward Thomas,

Esq., E.R S., Treas. R.A.S.

Two Chinese Buddhist Inscriptions found at

Buddha Gaya. By the Revd. Samuel Beal, M.R.A.S.

A Sanskrit Ode addressed to the Congress of

Orientalists at Berlin. By Rama Dasa Sena, the Zemindar
of Berhampore. With a translation by Pandit Shyamaji
Krisbnavarm&, of Balliol College.

Supplement to a paper, “ On the duty which

Mohammedans in British India owe, on the Principles of
their own Law, to the Government of the Country.” By

N. B. E. Baillie, Esq., M.R.A.S.

In Vol XIV Ft 1,

The Apology of Al-Eindy. An Essay on its

Age and Authorship, By Sir W. Muir, KO.S.L, LL.D.,
M.R.A.S.

The Poet Pampa. By B. Lewis Rice, Esq.,

M.R.A.S., Director of Public Instruction, Mysore and Coorg.

1882 .]

ROYAL ASIATIC SUUJUbixx.

AAAI A

On a Coin of Shams-ud-Duniya wa-ud-din

Mahmud Shah. By 0. J. Rodgers, Esq., M.R.A.S,

On a Sculptured Tope on an old stone at Dras,

near Ladak. By William Simpson, Esq., F.R.G S.

Note on PL xxviii. fig. 1, of Mr. Fergusson’s

a Tree and Serpent Worship/ 5 2nd Edition. By the
Revd. S. Beal, Professor of Chinese, London University,
M.R.A.S.

On the present state of Mongolian Studies. By

Prof. Julg, in a letter to R. N. Gust, Esq., Hon. Sec. R.A.S.

A Sanskrit Ode, addressed to the Fifth Inter-
national Congress of Orientalists assembled at Berlin. By
the Lady Pandit, Rama-Bal, of Silchar, Assam.

On the intercourse of China with Eastern Tur-
kestan and the adjacent Countries in the Second Century b.c.
By Thos. W. Eingsmill, Esq., Pres. N. China Branch R.A.S.

Suggestions for the formation of the Semitic’

Tenses. A comparative and critical study. By G. Bertin,
Esq., M.R.A.S.

— _ On a Lolo MS. written on satin. By Terrien

de La Couperie, Esq., M.R.A.S.

In Vol, XIV. Pt. 2,

On Tartar and Turk. By S. W. Koelle, Pb.D.

— Notice of the Scholars who have contributed to

the extension of our knowledge of the Languages of Africa.
By Robert N. Gust, Esq., Hon. Sec. R.A.S.

— Grammatical Sketch of the Hausa Language.

By the Rev. J. F. Schon, of the Church Missionary Society.

Buddhist Saint Worship. By Arthur Lillie,

Esq., M.R.A.S. ■

Gleanings from the Arabic. By H. W. Free-
land, Esq., M.R.A.S.

A1 Kahirah and its Gates. By H. C. Kay, Esq.,

M.A., M.R.A.S.

ANNUAL repoet oe the

[Hay,

How the Mahabharata begins. By Edwin

Arnold, C.S.I., M.R.A.S., Officer of the "White Elephant of
Siam.

Arab Metrology. IY. Ed-Dahaby. By M. H.

Sauvaire, M.R.A.S.

Asiatic Society of Bengal . — Yol. L., pts. i.-iv., edited by
the Philological Secretary, contains, in Part 1, papers by
Yincent A. Smith, Esq., B.A. ; — Contributions to the History
of Bundelkhand. In Part 2, On the Revenues of the Mughal
Empire, by H. GL Keene, C.S. ; — On the identity of Upello
with Upaplava, by Rishi Kesh Bhatta Charya Shastri,
a paper of considerable archaeological interest ; — Transla-
tions from the Hamaseh, by 0. J. Lyall, O.S. ; — and
The Revenues of the Mughal Empire, by Edward Thomas,
F.R.S., late Bengal C.S. ; and in pts. iii. and iv. Relics from
Ancient Persia, by Maj .-Gen. A. Cunningham; and Con-
tributions on the Religion, History, etc., of Tibet, by
Babu Sarat Chander Das. The papers on Coins, which are
numerous, will be noticed under “ Numismatics.” In their
papers “ On the Revenues of the Mughal Empire in India,”
Messrs. Keene and E. Thomas criticize the views put forth
by Mr. C. J. Rodgers in his “ Copper Coins of Akbar,” Jour,
Beng. As. Soc. vol. xlix. p. 213, but do not themselves agree.

The Madras Journal of Literature ancl Science , for the year
1880, under the skilful editing of Dr. G-ustave Oppert, con-
tinues its useful series of papers — this volume containing
those on very various subjects, as, for instance, by J. II.
Nelson, Esq., M.A., entitled “ Hindu Law in Madras in
1714 ; ” — “ The predecessors of the High Court of Madras,”
by John Shaw, Esq., late Registrar of the High Court,
Madras; — “The Madras Harbour,” by W. Parker, Esq.,
M.IO.E. ; — and “Descriptive remarks on the Seven Pa-
godas,” by Lieut.-CoL Branfill, C.S.I., a paper which

1882.] EOYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. xli

more naturally falls under the head of Archeology. In
the first paper, Mr. Nelson goes over much of the ground
he has traversed in his “ Hindu Law at Madras,” in the
Journal of this Society, Vol. XIII. Pt. II. April, 1881 —
especially with reference to a famous letter, written in
1714, after he had been working at the Madura Mission
for 26 years, by the Jesuit Father Bouchet to President
Cocher, a leading magistrate in France, the gist of which
is to show that the Indians he met with had no civil
laws, but only certain religious precepts — “ Ils ont ni Code
ni Digeste,” he says, “ ni aucun livre ou soient ecrites les
loix auxquelles ils doivent se conformer pour terminer les
differents qui naissent dans les families.” Mr. Shaw, in
his paper, “ The Predecessors of the High Court of Madras,”
ably describes the course of legal procedure in that Presi-
dency from March, 1678, thirty-eight years after the Baja
of Ohandagiri had granted the strip of territory on which
Fort St. George was built, to a.d. 1726. The three papers
should be studied together, forming, as they thus would,
a clear sketch of the old Law of Madras previously to
the establishment of the Supreme Court. Mr. W. Parker’s
account of the construction by him of the first harbour
between Trincomali and the Hugli, is worth attention though
scientific rather than literary.

Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society . —
Vol. xiv. No. 88 (1880), contains papers by Mr. E. Behatsek,
“ On the History of the Wahhabys in Arabia and India,”
—and “The Doctrines of Metempsychosis and Incarnation
among nine heretic Muhammedan Sects” : and voL xiv. No. 39
(1881), four papers by the same gentleman, entitled, severally,
“ Picture and description of Borak,”— “The Alexander-Myth
of the Persians,” — “ Specimens of Pre-Islamitic poetry se-
lected and translated from the Hamasah,” — and “Emporia,
chiefly ports of Arab and Indian International Commerce

XLir ANNUAL BEPORT OF THE [May,

before the Christian Era ” (with a Map). The Hey. A. Bour-
quin contributes a paper “ On Dharmasindhu — or the Ocean
of Religious rites/ 5 Other papers there are which will be
noticed under their special heads. In the Proceedings for
1880 is an interesting account by the Hon. J. Gibbs, O.S.I.,
M.R.A.S., of the Order of the Cross and Seal of Solomon pro-
posed to have been founded by King Theodore of Abyssinia.

Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society . — No Journal
of this Society has, so far as we are aware, been published
this year, but the address of the President Charles Bruce,
Esq.,C.M.G., M.R.A.S., has been forwarded to the Society, and
deals with the literary progress of Ceylon, in a remarkably
clear and satisfactory manner. Mr. Bruce divides his address
under the various heads of : — 1. History. 2. Religions.
8. Literature. 4. Art. 5. Social condition of the People.
6. Physical Science. In the first of these, Mr. Bruce bears
high testimony to the valuable labours of Dr. E. Muller,
— stating that his Report may soon be expected, with the
further assurance that the well-known labours of Maha-
Mudaliyar de Zoysa on the Translation of the Mahawanso
have been only delayed by failing health and loss of
sight, it being also thought more important that he
should devote what remaining strength he may have to the
completion of the Catalogue of the Sanskrit MSS. in the
Temple Libraries, on which he has been for many years
engaged. Mr. Bruce adds that M. de Zoysa appears to
have found in the Mahavanso a passage, which, if con-
firmed, will go far to explain the true origin of the
Yeddas. Mr. Bruce further states that two Yedda skulls
have been sent to Prof. Yirchow, — and that an essay on
them, entitled, “Ueber die Weddas von Ceylon nnd ihre
beziehungen zu den Nachbarstammen,” has reached Ceylon.
Full details of Prof. Yirchow’s views cannot, however, be
published at present, as he has naturally asked for further

1882 .]

EOTAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

XLIII

details with regard to the number of Yeddas still surviving,
their colour, shape of features, etc., etc.

We are glad to learn from Mr. Bruce that Mr. Albert Gray,
M.B.A.S., has offered to the Society a translation from the
French of Dufremery and Sanguinetti of so much of the
Travels of Ibn Batuta (about a.d. 1344) as relates to Ceylon
and the Maidive Islands, — that Mr. Donald Ferguson is pre-
paring a translation from the work of Prof. I. de Yasconcellos
Abreu, entitled, “ Qrigem do Eeino de Seoes e do nome de
Ceilao,” and further that there is good hope of much in-
teresting historical matter being discovered in the old Dutch
records still preserved in the Government Office. Under his
second head, Mr. Bruce points out how much valuable
literary work has been done by missionaries, whose first
object has been, properly, to study any number of different
languages, so as to fit themselves thereby for the highest
task of all, the translation of the Holy Scriptures. In many
cases, besides translating the Bible and other elements of
the Christian Faith, the missionaries have been able to give
critical editions of original texts of ancient books, which
claim to be the repositories of primeval creeds : the result
being that Christian scholars have now made it possible for
the adherents of the four chief antagonistic systems prevalent
in the world — Christianity, Brahmanism, Buddhism and
Islam — to study each of their dogmas, in the books held to
be sacred by each. Much has been done in Ceylon for the
promotion of Buddhist literature, mainly through the exer-
tions of the Managers of Yidyadaya College Library, and of
the library of the Priest Subhuti Terannanse of Waskadawa.
The College library was founded by the High Priest, Suman-
gala, the Principal of the College, and was opened about two
years ago; and is rich in Pali, Sanskrit, and English works
relating to Buddhism, being open for public use, without the
payment of any subscription. The learned owner of the
Waskadawa library has prepared a revised edition of the

XLIY

ANNUAL REPORT OE THE

[Kay,

Pali Dictionary, Abhiddnappadipikd, which is now in the
press, and has made a Catalogue of the works in his own
Library, which will he of great use to the Pali Text Society.

Mr. Donald Ferguson has prepared for the Society the
text and a translation of the Jinacaratan — a life of Buddha
in Pali verse : a private Society of Buddhists has lately
published the Sasavansa Dipo — a history of the Buddhist
Church in Pali verse : Prof. M. M. Kiinte has written a
paper on Nirvana , which will be published in a future number
of the Journal: Mr. C. J. ft. Le Mesurier has drawn up an
account of the chief religious ceremonies observed by the
Kandyans, and Mr. A. T. Shams-ud-din one on the Mira
Kanduri festival of the Muhammedans — with the addition of
an interesting note, supplied by Mr. BL 0. Bell. Mr. Bell, in
a paper before the Society, has shown that, till quite recently,
Buddhism can hardly be said to have existed at all, as a
religion, among the lower castes of the Sinhalese. Maha-
Mudaliyar de Zoysa is preparing for publication the
translation of a sermon by Buddha on Omens. Mr. Bruce,
under his third head, gives very ample and interesting
details of various works by Mr. Gunetilake, to some of
which allusion was made in last year’s report. Mr. W. P,
Rapasinha is preparing a paper “On the Sinhalese Lan-
guage.” The physical portion of Mr. Bruce’s able report
need not be dwelt on here.

From the Proceedings, we gather that Mr. S. Mervin, a
Jaffa Tamil, has contributed an able paper, “On Hindu
Astronomy as compared with European Science,” though
some of the statements in it may be reasonably questioned : —
and that Mr. Smither read a paper “On some ruins at
Horana ;” adding, somewhat later, an able letter, combating,
at considerable length, the views set forth by Mr. Mervin.

Journal of the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society .
— This Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, which is located

1882 .]

EOYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

XLV

at Singapore, lias continued its useful labours during the past
year. Thus, in Part 6 are excellent papers by Messrs. F. A.
Swettenham, 1ST. B. Dennys, and the Rev. J, Perham. In
the first the writer gives an interesting account of the
“ Independent Native States of the Malay Peninsula ” : —
in the second, Mr. Dennys continues his valuable con-
tribution to Malayan Bibliography; — in the third, Mr.
Perham gives a very curious “ Sea-Dyak Tradition of the
Deluge and consequent Events.” The two following Nos., 7
and 8, are full of matter, but, naturally, of more direct
interest to the dwellers under the Equator, than to the
readers of this Journal. It is worth while, however, to give
a list of the articles published, as these will show better
than anything else the range of study of the contributors to
this Journal. Thus, in Pt. 7, we find papers by J. Errington
de la Croix, On the mining districts of Lower Perak ; — *
by W. E. Maxwell, M.R.A.S., On the Folklore of the
Malays ; — by J. J. L. Wheatley, On the Rainfall at
Singapore ; — by Capt. W. C. Lennon, Journal of a Yoyage
through the Straits of Malacca on an expedition to the
Molucca Islands (in 1796) ; — A sketch of the career of
the late James Richardson Logan, by J. Turnbull Thomson ;
— and a Memorandum of the various tribes inhabiting
Penang and Province Wellesley, by J. R. Logan. It should
be stated that the last two papers have been lying for years
unnoticed in Government offices : and that the first was
discovered in the India Office Library, and copied, when
recently in England, by Mr. W. E. Maxwell, M.R.A.S. In
Part 8, are papers On the Endau and its tributaries; — an
Itinerary from Singapore to the source of the Sembrong, and
up the MMek, by D. F. A. Harvey, M.R.A.S. ; — Setara, or
Sea Dyak Gods, by the Rev. J. Perham ;— and Klouwang
and its Caves, on the west Coast of Achin, translated by
D. F. A. Hervey from the travelling notes of M. L. H.
Wallon. ' : ' ' •

xlyx ANNUAL REPORT OF THE [May,

Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic
Society . New Series , Ho. xv. 1880. The Journal for the
year 1880, the last which has reached us, contains only papers
hy Messrs. Bretschneider, S. W. Bushell, and F. H. Balfour.
Of these, the first and last relate to matters of physical
science — Dr. Bushell* s will be noticed under “ Numismatics/ *
— No. xvi. is entirely devoted to matters Chinese, and to
physical science. It does not, therefore, come directly under
the consideration of this Report. The titles, however, of
the several articles shall be given — and it may be added
that many of them are very interesting, and quite sustain
the previously high character of this Journal. The subjects
are, 1. Notes on the Hydrology of the Yang-tse, the Yellow
River, and the Peiho, by H. B. Guppy, Esq., M.B. 2. Some
Notes on the Geology of Takow, Formosa, by the same. 8.
Botanicon Sinicmm — Notes on Chinese Botany from Native
and Western Sources, by E. Bretschneider, M.I). Ap-
pendix, Celebrated Mountains of China. 4. The Climate of
Shanghai — its Meteorological Condition, by the Eevd.
Father M. Dechevrens, S. J. ; and a list of the Ferns,
found in the Yalley of the Min River, Foochow, by G. C.
Anderson, Esq.

Transactions of Asiatic Society of Japan. — Yol. ix. part 2
contains Contributions to the History of the J apanese Tran-
scription of Chinese Sounds, by Joseph Edkins, D.I). ; — *
Historical Notes on Nagasaki, by Mr. W. A, Woolley;—*
Capture and Captivity of Pdre Giovan-B attista Sidotti in
Japan, from 1709 to 1715, by Rev. W. B. Wright; — De-
scriptive Notes on 'the Rosaries (Jin-Dzu) as used by different
Sects of Buddhists in Japan, by Mr. J, M. James ; — and
Ancient Japanese Rituals, by Mr. Ernest Satow. In vol.
ix. part 1 8 are papers by Mr. W. G. Aston, u HideyoshTs
Invasion of Korea, Ohapt. 3, Negotiation ” ; — by Mr,
Basil H. Chamberlain, “ A Translation of the Dou-zhi-

1882.] ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. xltii

ken, Teachings for the Young-”;— and h y Mr. J. Conder,
“ The history of Japanese Costume, No. 2, Armour.”
Dr. Belkins’ s paper is of value as showing that the inter-
course between China and Japan was really older by
centuries than Mr. Satow had urged in a former paper,
there being evidence of embassies between the two countries
as early as the first and second centuries a.d. Mr. Woolley’s
paper will chiefly interest dwellers in Japan ; but there is in
it a curious account of the visits of English and Russian ships
of war in 1678 and 1804 respectively. On the latter occasion,
when the Russian Envoy paid a visit to the Governor, the
roads through which he and his suite passed were hung with
curtains on each side, to prevent the Russians from seeing
or being seen. The Rev. W. B. Wright’s translation of the
original native account of the Capture and Captivity of P&re
Sidotti is very curious. Mr, Chamberlain, in his paper, which
is translated from the Chinese, states that the author of the
“ Teachings for the Young ” is believed to have been an
eminent Buddhist priest who lived about a.d. 884, who
wrote many works on the Sacred Books of the Great Vehicle
(Mahay&na School), and made investigations into the Sanskrit
(Pali) Language.

Journal Asiatique , vol. xvii. No. 3, April, May, June, 1881,
commences with an elaborate article by M. Halevy, M.R.A.S.,
entitled “Essai sur les Inscriptions du Safa,” the continuation
and completion of a previous article already noticed in the
Report of this Society for 1881. This is followed by an
important article by M. Basset, called u Etudes sur
1’IIistoire d’Etkiopie,” l re partie, in which he examines
the story of the early history of Ethiopia, together with an
Ethiopian Chronicle, preserved among the MSS. of the
“ Bibliotheque Nationals” In this paper, M. Basset gives
the Ethiopic text from the MS., with a translation, and a
large number of valuable notes. This paper is followed by

xivm

ANNUAL REPORT OE THE

[May,

one by M. M. J. Darmesteter, “ Observations sur le Yen-
didad,” in wbicb be criticizes pretty freely tbe views held
on tbe same subject by MM. Br^al, West, and de Ilaiiez.
Tbe part concludes witb a paper by M. Leon Feer, u Etudes
Bouddbiques — Comment on deviant Pratyeka Bouddha,” in
wbicb be points out that there were, in reality, three Buddhas,
1st, tbe Bodhi des Qravakas — tbe most bumble of tbe
three ; 2. The Bodhi of tbe Pratyeka-Buddhas, who occupies
an intermediate position ; and 3. The Bodhi of tbe Buddhas,
who bolds tbe highest place; M. Feer adds, however, that
there is no practical difference between these different
Buddhas — whatever difference there may be, when considered
metaphysically, such differences, even if they exist, being of
too refined a nature to be stated in popular language. The
part concludes with a notice of the different matters discussed
at the several meetings of the Society from April to June,
the most important being, M. Halevy’s criticism on Mr.
Sayce’s account of the Inscription at Siloam ; — by the same
writer, “ On the names of some Babylonian Divinities men-
tioned by Berosus,” with reviews by C. de Harlez of E.
West’s “Pahlavi Texts” translated for the Sacred Books of
the East; — by M. Senart, of “Le denouement de rhistoire
de Hama-Outtara-Rama-Charita, by Prof. Neve ; ” and, by
M. Barbier de Meynard, of “ Haroun Arraschid, Caliph of
Baghdad, by E. H. Palmer,” and by M. Zotenberg, of “ Die
Arabischen Handschriften de Herzoglichen Bibliothek zu
Gotha,” edited by Dr. W. Pertsch.

Tom. xviii. No. 1, July, 1881, is, as usual, entirely de-
voted to M. Renan’s Annual Report, in which, inter alia , he
gives good notices of the late M. de Saulcy, stating
that he was the first to read the name of Sargon on
one of the Khorsabad Monuments, and of M. Marietta,
whose recent death it is not only Egyptologists who
deplore. .

In the No. for August and September, M. Basset continues

1882 .] ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. xlix

■his previous paper on the history of Ethiopia, with a
collection of “pieces jmtificatiues ” of the highest interest. M.
Rodet, always foremost in the application of modern mathe-
matical science to the investigation of ancient problems of
the same class, contributes a valuable paper entitled “Les
pretendus problemes d’Algebre du manuel du calculateur
Egyptien (Papyrus Rhind),” in which he discusses, at con-
siderable length, the famous paper published in 1868 by M.
Eisenlohr, entitled “Ein Mathematiseh.es Handbuch der Alten
iEgypter,” and M. Cantor’s “Yorlesungen zur Geschichte
der Matheinatik.” — M. Amiaud contributes “ Materiaux pour
le Dictionnaire Assyrien,” together with a brief notice on
the Inscription of Siloe by M. Halevy. — M. Camille Imbault-
Huart adds a paper, called “ Miscellanies Chinoises,” com-
prising “ ITne visite a un Etablissement Charitable Indigene
pres Changhai,” and “Notice sur la vie et les oeuvres de
Ouei* Yuan.” — M. Huart reviews “ Numoune-i Eilebiyyat,
Modeles de litterature,” by Abou-z-ziya Teotiq-Efendi, pub-
lished at Constantinople in 1879 ; and M. Aristide Marre adds
notes “ Sur le Biographie Malaise.”

In Oct. Nov. Dec. 1881, M. Basset continues his “ Etudes
sur l’histoire d’Ethiopie,” with the same richness of “ pieces
justificatives ” which characterize his earlier papers. M.
Rodet follows up his essay “ Les pretendus problimes
d’Algebre.” M. Lion Peer continues his “ Etudes Boud-
dhiques” with a paper entitled “ Comment on devient Arhat,”
the number concluding with a paper by M. Sauvaire, on the
subject on which he has thrown recently so much light, viz.
“ Materiaux pour servir el l’histoire de la Numismatique et
de la Mitrologie Musulmanes,” the first portion of which
deals with “ Monnaies.” M. de Harlez adds “ Tin fragment
d’un Oommentaire sur les Yendidad.” Among the “Nou-
velles et Milanges,” at the close of the part, M. 0. Imbault-
Huart continues his paper, entitled “ Miscellanies Chinoises,”
comprising “ Historiettes Morales,” “ Anecdotes et bons

YOL. XIY. — [NEW SERIES.] D

l ANNUAL EEPOET OF THE . [May,

Mots/’ “Les ponts suspendus an Yun Nana,” and “ Pensees
et maximes inedits.” M. Barbier de Meynard reviews M.
Hartwig Derenbourg’s “ Le Livre de Sibawaibi, trait6 de
Grammaire Arabe ” ; and the “ Catalogue of the Persian
MSS. in the British Museum, drawn up by 0. Rieu,
vol. ii. 1881.”

In part i. Jan. 1882, M. Renan contributes a paper,
“ Sur quelques Noms Arabes qui figurent clans les Inscrip-
tions Grecques de TAuranitide,” in which he discusses,
with his usual completeness, the whole question of the
Hauran Inscriptions, his immediate subject being some
twelve Inscriptions published by the American Oriental
Society in 1855, the results of the researches of the Rev.
Mr. Porter, of Damascus. His criticism will not (we think)
be pleasing to the authors of this production. M. Sauvaire
continues his paper “ Sur la Numismatique et la Metrologie
Musulmanes.” M. Oppert gives an account of “ Les Textes
Sumeriens rapportes du Tell par M. de Sarzie.” M. Leon
Peer adds a review of “ Les Instructions familieres du Dr.
Tchou-po-lou ” ; and M. C. de Harlez, a review of “ Dinkart,
Le Future et la Foi,” by Peshotu Behramji Sungara.

No. 2, Fevrier et Mars, 1882, contains articles by M. Sau-
vaire, “ Sur la Numismatique et la Metrologie Musulinanes ” ;
— by M. Clement Huart, “ Sur les livres Turcs, Arabes
et Persans,” 2nd article ; — by M. Abel Bergaigne, “ Hne
Nouvelle Inscription Cambodgienne.” — M. Huart’ s paper is
a continuation of one published by him in October, 1880, and
comprises a valuable notice of books that have been printed
in Constantinople, together with others from the presses of
Beirut and Cairo. M. Huart, also, gives a list of the
different newspapers published in Turkish at Constantinople,
and, also, of those in languages foreign to the Turks, with
a further notice of the Journals issued in Rumelia,
Smyrna, Egypt, etc. In the “ Annexes ” at the end of the
volume, are a series of brief but useful papers, by MM,

1882 .] ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. n

Hauvette-Besnault, Senart, B’Abbadie, Imbault-Huart, and
Pavet de Courteille.

German Oriental Society . — Since tbe last Report, vol.
xxxv. parts 2, 8, and xxxvi. part 1 bave been issued, con-
taini ng as usual a large quantity of interesting matter. Most
of tbe articles are however on technical, not to say special,
subjects, and will therefore be noticed hereafter under their
respective heads.

American Oriental Society . — In vol. xi. pt. 1 of this
Journal are the following papers, each and all of importance
for the students of Oriental Philology —

“ On the verbal roots of the Sanskrit Language/ 5 by A.
Hjalmar Edgren : — “ On the accentuation of the Yocative
case in the Rig and Atharva Yedas,” by "William Haskell,
Ph.D. : — “On the relation of the Palatal and Labial Yowels
in the Rig-Yeda,” by A. Hjalmar Edgren: — <k Notices of
Fu-Sang,” etc., by Prof. S. Wells Williams : — “ Indra in the
Rig-Yeda,” by Mr. E. D. Perry. The present volume gives
an account of the different meetings of the Society during
the years 1878, 1879, 1880, 1881, and of the papers read at
them, many of which are naturally of much value. The
special papers in this volume and in the Proceedings for
1881 will be . noticed hereafter under their appropriate
subjects.

The twelfth volume (published six or eight months be-
fore vol. xi. pt. 1) is entirely occupied by Prof. W. D.
Whitney’s elaborate “ Index Yerborum 57 to the Rig-Yeda,
occupying 883 pages, closely printed with two columns on
each page.

Archaeology . — Considerable progress has been made this
year, as in former years, in Archaeological researches ;
but, with the exception of Mr. Rassam’s work in Southern

in ANNUAL EEPORT OF THE [May,

Babylonia, which will be noticed under the head of “ As-
syrian/' there is not so much specially to record. The last
publications of Major-General Cunningham, with a few
notes on the work done quite recently by Messrs. Sewell
and Burgess must, however, be noticed.

Major-General Cunningham, in the twelfth volume of
his Archaeological Survey, gives a report of tours in the
Central Doab and Gorakhpur districts made by Mr. Carl-
levle, under his superintendence, 1874-5 and 1875 - 8 .
These have, of course, some interest, and would have had
more, were it not, as we have pointed out on previous
occasions, that so long a time has elapsed since these jour-
neys were made. Doubtless, General Cunningham has done
his best to expedite the publication of his Journals, but
the fact remains that we are reading, for the first time, in
1880, the results of work done six or seven years ago.
Time, in Archaeological research, as in everything else, passes
on rapidly, and the student, at home, if not in India, would
prefer to know what was done last year, to what may
have been accomplished several years before. The chief
matters of the present volume are a description by Mr.
Carlleyle of his labours in the two districts above mentioned,
in each of which he made discoveries which may, hereafter,
prove to be of importance. Thus, in the Doab, he examined
thoroughly the great mound of Indor Khera (Indraputra),
and obtained thence, a copper-plate inscription of Skanda
Gupta, dated in the year 146 of the Gupta Era (or about
a.d. 224-5), a translation of which has been supplied by
Bajendra Lai a Mitra.

The most valuable result of his researches (if indeed the
data on which his reasoning rests should prove to be satis-
factory on more careful study), is the determination of the
position of the celebrated town of Kapilamstu , the birth-
place of Sakya Buddha, and, for many years, the most
venerated of the Holy Places of Buddhism. At present,

1882.] POYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY mi

only a mere village, there still remain around it many old
sites, the unchanged names of which tend, apparently, to
confirm his identification. Of these, may be mentioned the
Sar-kim or c Arrow- well/ and the Hathi-gadha or c Elephant
Pit/ both of which spots are mentioned by the Chinese
Pilgrim Hiouen-Thsang.

General Cunningham adds that, some time subsequently,
he himself visited these places, and was convinced that Mr.
Oarlleyle’s discovery was well founded, which of course it
may be, though the evidence for the identification is some-
what shadowy and difficult to follow without more details
than are at present available. Gen. Cunningham is, also, of
opinion, that the sites of the birth-places of the two previous
Buddhas, Kraku Chanda and Kanaka, have been correctly
made out. It is not necessary to give here the details of Mr.
Carlleyle's work, but it may be remarked that in these excava-
tions, as at Nineveh, the discoverers noticed impressions of the
feet of animals which must have walked over the soft clay of
the bricks before they had hardened. Inter alia , Mr. Carl-
ley le observed one of a leopard 3| inches in length by 2J in
breadth ; while another brick bore further marks of the two
paws of either a young leopard or of a wolf ; another ex-
hibited those of the hoof of a young deer or Sanbur ; while
yet another one had been broken in two by the spring of an
antelope. There was, also, the impress of a human foot,
7 inches in length, by 3 in breadth, and, therefore, probably
that of a child. The great mound of Indore (Indraputra ?)
measures 850 feet from N. to S. and about 1250 feet from E.
to W. Mr. Oarlleyle was so fortunate, as to discover the
site of one of the original gate-ways, and to excavate, thence,
a richly sculptured block of Kanhar stone, which had evidently
belonged to one. of the side corners of the ancient entrance.
It seems probable, that ancient Indraputra was a fortified
city, not unlike Nimrud, consisting of a great earth- work
platform, surrounded, perhaps, by a parapet wall, with a

LIT

ANNUAL EEPOET GE THE

[May,

lower and outer fausse-braie. In tlie course of his excava-
tions, Mr. Carleylle, at various places, found massive brick
walls, many of the individual bricks of which measured
1ft. 4in. to 1ft. 9in. in length, 9J in breadth, by 2-t* inches in
thickness. It is curious to see, how nearly these measure-
ments agree with the finest Roman brick-work of the time of
Nero, as recorded in Mr. J. H. Parker’s Homan Researches.
It should be added that this volume is accompanied by a
good index and by twelve plates, with maps and litho-
graphs, variously illustrating its text.

We proceed now to give some Archaeological details from
the Journals of different societies, and we take first that of
the Bengal Asiatic Society. Thus, in vol. L. pt. 1,

Mr. Y. Smith, in a paper entitled “ Contributions to the
History of Bundelkhand,” points out that the period of the
great Tank- Work, in that district, admits of being clearly
distinguished as Chandel , or pre-Chandel. In the Gahanvar,
or later works, no cut stone is ever found in the embank-
ments, whereas, those made by the Chandels are generally
found to be of dressed granite blocks. The general anti-
quity of the Gaharwar works is attested, not only by the
rudeness of their construction, but also by the fact, that, in
several cases, the embankments are broken, and the beds of
the Lakes or the Tanks are dry. The greatest of the Ga-
harwar works is the massive embankment of the Bijanagar
Lake, a beautiful sheet of water about four miles in circum-
ference, situated three miles east of Makoba. Mr. Smith’s
paper is of much Archaeological interest, as giving a very
full account of the Chandel princes and of their works, and,
also, as supplementing the earlier reports of Major-General
Cunningham (see Archasol. Reports, vols. ii. and ix.). Mr.
Smith has, also, furnished a useful Chronological Table of
the more important data, agreeably with which it has been
drawn up, . ■

In vol. L. part 3, General Cunningham gives a very

1882 .]

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

interesting notice, accompanied by nine autotype plates, of
“ Relics from Ancient Persia in gold, silver, and copper.”
These objects were found in 1877, on the K bank of the
Oxns, near the town of Takht-i-KhawAt, opposite Khulm.
The finders having quarrelled, the collection was, of course,
dispersed. Two of the best specimens were given by Sir
Louis Cavagnari to Lord Lytton ; most of the remainder came
into General Cunningham's hands. Many coins were found
with them, ranging, in his opinion, over a period of about
800 years, from the time of Darius Hystaspis to that of
Antiockus the Great and Euthydemus of Bactriana.

From the Proceedings of the Society we learn that, at
various of their meetings, Dr. Hoernle exhibited a miscel-
laneous collection of relics excavated at Buddha Gaya, these
being, however, by no means, necessarily, synchronous with
the period when this building was perfect ; — that Mr. Linche
gave an account of his excavation of a mound near Imad-
pur; — and Mr. F. S. Growse a note on a photograph of a
Buddhist Sculpture found at Bulandshahr, with details of
other t( curiosities” found at that place. The sculpture is that
of a Buddha on a square block, 16| inches each way, with
a Buddhist inscription in characters of the ninth or tenth
century. The “ curiosities ” seem to have consisted of a
considerable number of rude vases or pots, found among
the remains of an ancient potter's kiln. — At a subsequent
meeting, Dr. Hoernle described a curious old seal, also
found on or near the same site by Mr. Growse. On it was a
name in characters of the fifth century, which would seem
to read Satilla, or Mattila. Somewhat later, Dr. Mitra
read a paper “ On the Temples at Deogbar,” wherein he
stated that the principal buildings of the place are all
located in a court-yard in the N. E. quarter of the town, the
largest and the most sacred one, a Temple, being not more
than 400 years old. The presiding Divinity is a lingam
about 3| inches high, and 4 inches in diameter. Some of

LYI

ANNUAL EEPOET OP THE

[May,

the images in the minor temples are probably of Buddhist
origin. Mr. TL Bivett-Carnac has contributed a large col-
lection of Stone Implements, many of them of entirely new
types, found by himself and Mr. J. Coclcburn in the Banda
District, the latter gentleman having an especial claim to
recognition for the zeal which he has personally shown in se-
curing this remarkable collection of about 366 axes or portion
of axes. As in Europe, these antiquities fall into the same
two leading classes, of chipped or rough hewn, and polished
Celts ; the Celts from the far East and the far West having
;a remarkable similarity. What is, however, very curious,
as confirming the manner in which Mr. John Evans thinks
that these objects were hafted, is the fact that Mr. Cockburn
discovered an old stone carving in the Banda district, on
which is a man holding in his hand a stone implement,
inserted in a handle. Mr. J. Cockburn, also, exhibited at
one of the meetings of the Society, a multiple Phallus of
an uncommon shape, known as the Panchanan or Panch-
mukki Lingam : he found it among a heap of fragments
of sculpture, Celts, etc., just outside the village of Uckah,
in the Banda district (see Maisey, Ant. of Kalin jar, J.A.S.
vol. xvii. pp. 177, 187, 198).

In India itself, Mr. Sewell and Mr. Burgess have been
busily employed, though, generally, independently, Mr.
Sewell having been the first in the field— as Mr. Burgess
was delayed for some time on his way from England to
Madras, via Bombay. It appears that, in the autumn of
last year, Mr. Sewell received a notice from the Kistna
district of the discovery, in a mound of earth near the village
lof Mallevaram, in the Tumrikota division of Palnad Taluk,
iof some sculptured marbles, the description he received
Beading him to think that the original structure was, pro-

I bably, that of a Buddhist place of worship, most likely
resembling the neighbouring Amravati. Mr. Sewell, at
once, therefore, applied to the Government of Madras, and

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

rvii

1882 .]

an order was sent by the Chief Secretary, desiring that a
guard should be placed oyer any sculptures that might e
found, till they could be properly examined by Mr. Burgess.
The actual name of the place seems to be Iaggayapet. bince
Mr. Sewell first heard of it, there has been time to examine
the remains thoroughly, and these turn out to be as im-
portant as he at first anticipated. We understand tha .
Mr. Sewell’s other Archaeological work has been proceeding
satisfactorily ; his first volume, with a skeleton list o t |
Antiquities of each district in the Presidency of ' * ras H
book references, notes on the inscriptions, and a brie 1 _ j
rical outline at the commencement of each district, avm &
been completed, with Preface and Index. The second volume
will, doubtless, contain much general and practical mlor-
. ^nation, as well as a table of known inscriptions arranged m
order of date, together with genealogical lists of dynas ies.
The inscriptions are classed by Dynasties, so as to coUect to-
gether all those belonging to any one ruler, chronologica . y.
Added to the above will be a brief notice of the exammatm
of 215 copper-plate grants. It will, however, pro a y
some time before the second volume can be issued from the

P The following is the substance of what Mr. ® urgeS ® ^
ascertained during the examination he has recent y giv
the site of Mr. Sewell’s discovery. The place is a

miles from Amravati, and, unquestionably, represento Jie
remains of a Buddhist Stupa, two or three centuries ember
than Amr&vati, and probably as old as the ^hara J
Pitalkhora and the Stupa at Bharhut ye. abou
The first discovery was that of ^

Wring senile,

n Jld on lie Dta. B»d« Mil The
monument had been, however, greatly mjnre , as i

IiYIII

ANNUAL EEPOET OF THE

[May,

been used, from time immemorial, by tbe people of the
neighbourhood, as a quarry, the slabs the villagers met
with having been broken up and carried off whenever likely
to be of service. Mr. Burgess thought that, originally,
there must have been a systematic distinction of pillars,
which covered a large platform, extending about 160 yards
eastwards, from the Stupa. About 30 bases of these pillars
remain, but they are all broken off at the level of the
ground. Stelae, as at Amravati, had stood on the four
sides of this St&pa, and a fragment of one of these, with a
I long inscription of Madhariputra, one of the Andhra kings,
| was still found remaining in the roof of a ruined temple
* at the foot of the hill. It must have been carried off
at least a century ago. Again, at the east gate of the

Stftpa, another pillar was found, buried where it had
fallen, and bearing a nearly identical inscription of the
same king. The base of the Stupa has been surrounded by
slabs, about four feet high, the joints being covered by little
pilasters carved on the edge of each slab. These pilasters
have winged animals on their capitals, and a human figure
on the shaft. The capitals are so like those in the Yihara
I at Pitalkhora (Cave Temples, pi. xvi.), that they must be
j relegated to the same age — that is, to a period long anterior
i to the probable date of Madhariputra. Only two sculptured
slabs and a few fragments have been found, but the carving on
these is in so archaic a style and in such low relief, that they
could not have been executed within half a century after the
Amravati sculptures, or at Amravati itself. Mr. Burgess
was fortunate enough to discover an inscription of Pulumavi
Vaisisthaputra ; and, over two of the pilasters, he found,
also, fragments of short inscriptions in an alphabet identical

[ with that used in the Pitalkhora Caves, and of a date
quite four centuries earlier than that used at Madhariputra.
This evidence shows that the tope w r as constructed about
B.c. 200, possibly by one of the very first of the Andhra

1882.] KOYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. m

, f

kings, its existence In this district having a distinct hearing
on the spread of Buddhism, as, also, on the state of the
Arts in Telingana at that early period. The stone used is
the same as that at Amravati, and, for both works, thet
quarry was, doubtless, at Muktiyala, about six miles fronM
this place, whence the blocks were carried down the Kistnlf.
to Amr&vati. Mr, Burgess was, also, successful in laying
bare the Procession path, about 10 \ feet wide, quite round
the Stupa, at the same time discovering fragments of the
base, on which, no doubt, the rail once stood.

Many interesting papers have been printed in the Journals
of different Societies, on the subject of Indian Archaeology
during the last year, of which the following may he specified.
Thus, in the Athenceicm, Sir George Bird wood has written “On
Ajanta Cave-Pain tings/’ in which he suggests a, probably,
indirect influence on them from China, his opinion being
that the flowers and fruits on these Buddhist frescoes have a
remarkable resemblance to those roughly painted on modern
Chinese tea-chests. In following out this argument, Sir G.
Bird wood calls attention to four panels, embroidered in ap-
plique, and arranged exactly as at Ajanta, the floral decora-
tions separating them having much resemblance to those
at Ajanta. Again, in the mural decorations of Ajanta Cave
Ho. 2, Sir George has noticed a Dragon’s head, which might
be Chinese, Japanese, Burmese, or Nipalese. Mr. Fergusson
has pointed out the similarity between the Priests’ tombs
in Canara and the Pagodas at Katmandhu, in Nipal, China
and Tibet (Hist. Ind. Arch. p. 275), at the same time,
showing the almost identity of a figure on the archway
behind the Great Wall at Nankin, Garuda, the half- man
half-bird, on which Yishnu rides, with the seven-headed
Naga or serpent on each side of him, — and the subject
over the doorway of the Durbar house at Bhatgaon. This
type of art, Mr. Fergusson thinks, represents one which
came into China from the North. In both these examples,

ANNUAL REPORT OE THE

[May,

below the NTagas, which flank Garuda right and left, there
is represented the monstrous form, so common in Indian
decorative work, the identity of the Chinese-like Dragon
form at Ajanta with the Chinese and Burmese Dragon,
being very striking. Sir G. Birdwood adds that the designs
of the ornamental wares made in Kashmir, Bijnaur, and
Purniah, as well as in other places in the N.W. Provinces
and Lower Bengal, are still often copied from obscure
Chinese examples, the originals of which rarely come to
Europe. — In a later number of the same Journal, Mr. II. B.
W. Garrick calls attention to a number of huge Monoliths in
the provinces to the NT. of the Ganges, apparently marking
the direction of a road, perhaps a Royal one, between
Pataliputra and Nfipal. We know from history that the
erection of such columns along roads was a common practice
of the Magadha rulers, whose empire lasted from about
320 b.c. to 450 a.d. It is impossible, here, to go into details
with reference to Mr. Garrick’s interesting researches,
nor need this be done, as they are to be printed in extenso
with his drawings and measurements in the “ Archaeological
Report for 1880-1/’ whenever this will appear. It may,
however, be stated that the general design is, simply, two
irregular lines running K.W. from Mozufferpur to JNipal on
.the E., and from Allahabad to Nipal on the W.

In the Academy , we find a paper by A. W. Franks, Esq.,
E.R.S., read before the Soc. of Antiquaries, giving a general
description of the Amravati Sculptures, lately transferred to
the British Museum, but not offering, so far as we can see, any
new views on this subject, beyond the suggestion that they
range over a period from a.d. 200 to a.d. 500, which will
not, we think, be generally accepted. — A notice is also given
of the “ Histoire de FArt dans PAntiquite,” by MM. Perrot
and Chipirz, which is so far valuable that M. Perrot has,
up to the present time, explored more fully than any other
man certain parts of Asia Minor. This work is coming out

1882.] ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. lxi

in parts, of v T hieh 8 or 10 have appeared, and it may be
stated that the illustrations are generally new, and could not
have been produced without much labour and cost. Another
book, of the same class, is in progress, that entitled, “ Monu-
ments de l’Art Antique,” under the editorship of M. Rayet.
Of this work, pt. 2 is out, and contains many plates of Greek
monuments, with some of Egyptian — all excellently done.
We wait, however, under part of this branch of study,
to know the results of the recent researches of Mr. W.
M. Ramsay, which are, now, in progress : some notes of
his journeys have been read at a recent meeting of the
Hellenic Society. In the Academy , also (July 23), we find
a very full and careful review of Mr. Rajendralala Mitra’s
“ Antiquities of Orissa,” by Mr. W. Simpson, a writer who,
from his widely-extended travels, and long -practised skill as
an artist, is peculiarly fitted for such a task. His judgment
is generally favourable, at all events from the Art-side of
the question. Mr. Simpson was not called on to discuss the
writer’s peculiar views on Indian Archaeology or Architec-
ture, which are, certainly, not generally accepted by Western
students.

Other papers in the same Journal are a review of Dr. II.
A. Oldfield’s “ Nipal Sketches,” a book of considerable value
from the excellence of the author’s own drawings, though
very unsatisfactorily edited, and somewhat late in publica-
tion : — and a review by Dr. A. Burnell, of Mr. Burgess’s
“Archaeological Survey of Western India — Inscriptions from
the Cave-Temples of Western India,” containing some useful
suggestions.

In the Indian Antiquary Mr. Burgess has, under the title
of “Is Bezawada on the site of Dhanakataka?” reviewed the
opinions expressed by Mr. Sewell in an article in the Journ.
R.A.S. n.s. Yol. XII. pp. 98-109, and has expressed, in
somewhat plain language, his dissent from them. — It may
be added that Mr. Ashbee has presented to the Society of

IXIX

AOTTJAL REPORT OF THE

[May,

Antiquaries a stone carving of an Elephant, ridden by two
men, which was given to him by the keepers of a Jain
Temple at Bangalore, in Mysore, in 1880 ; he exhibited, also,
at one of the Society’s Meetings, a photograph of a statue
of Buddha still in front of the Temple, the top of the
building reaching scarcely as high as the thigh of the
image.

The Rev. Archdeacon Hose has contributed to the J onrnal
of the Straits Settlements, No. 6, a paper “ On the Ruins
of Boro Budur in Java/’ accompanied with a note, from
W. von Goldstein, the Minister of the Dutch Colonies.
In this paper, it is stated that the first knowledge of this
famous building was brought under the notice of Euro-
peans by Sir Stamford Raffles, who directed Lieut. Cornelius,
an Engineer officer, to examine and report on them. After
many years, photography was adopted in 1844, with the
view of obtaining correct representations of what still existed
in situ , hut the preparation of accurate plans and drawings was
not undertaken till 1847, when M. Rochussen was Governor-
General of Netherlands-India, : in that year, M. F. C.
Wilsen and M. Schumberg Mulder, of the Corps of Engi-
neers, were appointed to make a general survey with suffi-
cient drawings, a task which took up nearly, if not quite,
five years — the general result being that, in 1871, eighteen
years after M. Wilson’s drawings had been begun, and
more than twenty-five. years since Sir Stamford Raffles had
first called attention to them, the whole series of 898 plates
was completed. Much difference of opinion has naturally
arisen on the date of this Sacred Edifice, but these are
questions to which we cannot here refer. It may, however,
be observed that if Crawford was mistaken in attempting
to fix its date so late as a.d. 1344, Dr. Leemauns was
scarcely correct in giving it to the eighth or ninth century
of our era. Mr. Fergusson, on the other hand, for reasons
set forth in his History of Indian Architecture, p. 646, is

1882 . J BOYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. ixnr

inclined to place its commencement at least a century earlier.
There can be little doubt that the original germinal idea
of a Buddhist temple was a mound to contain a precious
casket, in which some relic of the Buddha was enshrined.
The paper then goes into details about Buddhism and its
founder, which have been fully discussed elsewhere, and,
besides, have in them nothing of any special or novel
interest. All the evidence available goes to show that
Buddhism was decaying during the period of the last
great Hindu Empire in Java, — that of Majapahit, — and that
it disappeared, finally, when Islam triumphed over this last
refuge of Hinduism, about a.d. 1400. M. Wilsen thinks,
with much probability, that the injuries Boro Budur exhibits
are mainly due to the religious wars between the Old and
the Hew Faith. Mr. Bramund, on the other hand, attributes
the partial destruction of this grand monument to the
natural neglect into which it fell, after the success of
Islam, to the powers of nature, earthquakes, the luxu-
riant growth of tropical vegetation, and to the influence,
respectively, of droughts and heavy rains. Further damage
has, also, been done by the natives of the present day, who
look on the Temple as an invaluable mine for building
purposes, and by Europeans who, unable to remove the
statues in their completeness, have not hesitated to chop off
any heads, etc., they took a fancy to.

Indian Antiquary . — The Indian Antiquary, which has
now reached its eleventh year, under the able editing of
Mr. Burgess, has been in nowise inferior to former years,
and has been the vehicle for the publication of much useful
and valuable information. Indeed, with the names of Colonel
Branfill, Messrs. Beal, Biihler, Morris, Tawney, Sewell,
Fleet, Oldenberg, Howorth, and Capt. B. C. Temple, as con-
tributors to it, it could hardly fail to contain many interest-
ing papers. A good many people, however, will think that

lxiy AMUiL REPORT OF THE [May,

this Journal has been, of late, rather overdone in the matter
of Folklore, a special subject which can only appeal to a
certain class of students, and this but a limited one, while
Mr. Haworth -would, we think, do well to abridge the some-
what overwhelming learning he has devoted to the dreary
history of the ancestors of Chinghiz Khan. Among the
more interesting papers is one by Colonel Branfi.il (to whose
valuable abilities as an Antiquary we have on former occa-
sions had the pleasure of calling attention), “On Yijnot and
other old sites in UST.E. Sindh/’ which have been recently
carefully examined by Mr. Robertson, the Engineer of
a portion of the Indus Yalley Railway. Colonel Branfill
himself became first acquainted with the place and neigh-
bourhood when employed, last year, in the field work of the
Great Trigonometrical Survey of India in KAY. Sindh.
The general? character of the architecture laid open to view
by the excavations made on the site, and of which Colonel
Branfill gives us two plates from his own drawings, exhibit
a style of Hindu ornamentation, in all probability more or
less local, as the same style, that is, the use of deep sharp-
cut incisions with a little superficial tracery, is in vogue
even at the present day in Sindh. A great part of the
buildings have been constructed of good red bricks, large
quantities of which are found in the neighbouring towns
and villages, the place having, evidently, been used for years
as a mine to supply building materials. That comparatively
little stone has been met with, is probably due to the fact
that the temple in which, alone, it would be used, was a
small one, and that all of this which was not buried deeply
in the ruins, had been carried away long since for use or
ornament. The general appearance is as if the town had
been destroyed by a tornado, or an earthquake, and that the
ruins, composed of mud, or sun-dried bricks, mixed with
inflammable materials, such as timber and thatch, had then
caught fire. Vichnor is near “ Viehava-pura ” — M, Stanilas

1882.] BOYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. lxy

Julien’s rendering of Hiouen Thsang’s “Pichen-po-pu-lo” —
the capital of the Province in the seventh century. — Colonel
Branfill, also, gives an account of two other places of anti-
quarian interest, Sarwahi (or Seorai) and Pattan Minara.

To Mr. AYalhouse, we owe a paper entitled “ Scraps and
Legends of Folklore,” containing a number of various
stories, excellently told — the first being about a vast chasm
said to exist in the bed of the great river EAveri, at a
seldom- visited locality, called the “ Smoking-Rock,” from
a column of apparently white smoke, but, really of spray-
mist, which continually arises from the middle of the river,
and floats away with the wind. Mr. Grierson, also, con-
tributes a paper “On Maithila Folklore; or, Yararuchi, as
a guesser of Acrostics,” taken from the Katha Sarit Sugar a ,
Book I. ch. 5, which has been recently translated by Mr.
Tawney, who, himself, prints a paper “ On a Folk-lore
Parallel,” in which he points out the remarkable similarity
between the story in Herod, iii. c. 118-20, of the answer to
Darius by the wife of Intaphernes, and the words put into
the mouth of Antigone. by Sophocles (Antig. v. 909-912).
The story is, really, part of the common heritage of the
Aryan races, and will be found in the Uchchhanga Jataka,
Ho. 67 of FausbolTs edition. — A good deal has been done
for the promotion of the study of Buddhist remains. Thus
Mr. Beal has given a further account of “Buddhist Pilgrims
from China to India,” with three plates, describing a stone
covered with figures and inscriptions found at Buddha
Gaya. — Dr. Oscar Frankfurter has written “On Buddhist
Chronology;” Dr. Morris “On Buddhaghosa and Milinda-
panha ; ” and Mr. Axon “ On the myth of the Sirens,” with
a supplementary note by Dr. Morris.

Mr. Narayan Aiyangar, also, has given a paper in which
he points out, that, while the Buddhist temples are called
Chaityas, those belonging to the Brahmanic system are
never so named, though this word often occurs in the

•tm-r. TrTV. — fvEW SEMES.]

XXVI

ANNUAL REPORT OF THE

[May,

Ramayana, suggesting the possibility, if not the prob-
ability, that the great Epic is subsequent in date to the
establishment of the Buddhist religion. — Mr. Sewell has
written on the Swastika, in which he sums up many of the
views that have been written by different writers on this
vexed question, and declares that, for himself, he is inclined
to accept, with Mr. E. Thomas, its connexion with the
worship of the Sun. There are some good notices of books,
as, for instance, of Prof. Douglas’s “ Catalogue of the Chinese
Books in the British Museum ; ” of Mr. MacCrindle’s
<e Ancient India as described by Ktesias,” with a reprint
of the late Prof. Lassen’s review of the Deports of that Greek
writer ; and of Major Jacob’s Manual of Hindu Pantheism.
Two interesting papers are also given by Mr. K. Raghu-
nathji, “ On Bombay Beggars and Criers ; ” and several by
Mr. II. H. Howorth, “ On Chinghis Khan and his Ancestors.”
A large number of inscriptions, interpreted by Mr. Fleet,
Dr. Hoernle, Mr. Bhagvanlal Indraji, and others, will be
noticed under Epigraphy.

It should be added that, during the last year, some other
good work, more or less of an antiquarian character, has been
performed. Such is the excellent “ Manual of the Nilagiri
District in the Madras Presidency,” by H. B. Grigg, B.A. ;
and the General Report of the operations of the Survey of
India, 1879-80, chiefly in Northern and Southern Afghan-
istan and Beluchistan, hut including, also, Colonel Tanner’s
important surveys round Gilgit.

General Progress of Oriental Studies.— 'Aryan Languages . — -
Sanskrit. — Many valuable reviews, essays, and books have
appeared during the past year. Thus, in the Journal of this
Society, Vol. XIII. Part 4, is a Sanskrit Ode addressed
to the Congress of Orientalists at Berlin, Sept. 1881, by
R&ma Dasa Sena,— with a translation by Pandit Shyamaji
Krishna varma, of Balliol College, Oxford ; and another ode

1882 .] EOYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. ixra

addressed to the same meeting, by the Lady Pandit Bama-
Bai, of Silchar, Kachar, Assam, with a translation of the same
by Monier Williams, Esq., C.I.E., D.C.L., LL.D., Boden
Professor of Sanskrit at Oxford. — In the Transactions of
the D.M.G. xxxy. 3, Dr. F. Bollensen contributes two papers
“ Zur Veda-Metrik, die Betonnngs systeme des Big nnd
Samaveda ” : in xxxy. 4, also, are papers by Prof. B. Both
Ueber der Soma ; by Prof. Pischel, on different points in
the Big Veda, under the title of “ Miscellanea ; ” and by M.
Bloomfield, Das Grkyasamgrahaparicishta des Gobhilaputra,
In xxxvi. is a further paper by Prof. Pischel on the same
subject and under a similar title.— In the Indian Antiquary
(May, 1882), Mr. W. Goonetilleke gives a paper “ On the
absence of Guna change of JBhu in the Preterit.”

The following books may be noted as having come out
recently, if not strictly within the last year. The Dictionary
of Mr. Anundoram Borooah, to which we have already called
attention, is now completed in three vols., with a prefatory
Essay on the ancient Geography of India. It should be added
that Mr. Borooah’s work has been very carefully reviewed
by Prof. F. Max Muller in the Academy of August 13, who
explains the severe tests to which he put it, his conclusion
being that his Dictionary “ supplies us, generally, with useful
suggestions, and will form a safe and solid foundation for
future labours in the same direction.” Mr. Borooah is now,
we hear, engaged on a comprehensive Sanskrit Grammar, with
the especial view of explaining Vedic words. — We have,
also, received the Benares Sanskrit Series, a collection of
Sanskrit works, edited by the Pandits of the Benares Sanskrit
College, under the superintendence of the Principal, B. T. H.
Griffith and Prof. G. Thibaut, .No. 1. Siddhantatattva Viveka,
a Treatise on Astronomy by Bhatta Kamalakara, Fasc. 1
the late Prof. Benfey’s Ueber des auslauternden a in nd
“ w ie” und nd “nicht: ” — Bohtlingk, 0., Sanskrit W orterbuch
in Kiirzerer fassung, continuation pp. 161-301 Foulkes,

lxvih

AMUAL REPORT OF THE

[May,

Rev. T., Day a Bhaga, or Hindu Law of Inlieritance according
to the Sarasvati Yilasa, Text and Translation. — The Desina-
mamala of Hemachandra, edited with critical notes, etc., by
Drs. R. Pischel and G. Biihler (No. xviii. of the Bombay
Sanskrit Series). — Das Saptacatakam des II ala, edited by
Prof. Weber (Abk. D.M.Gr. vii. 4). — Hopkins, E. W.,
Inaugural Lecture on “ The Mutual relations of the Four
Castes according to the M anavadharmacastram/ ’• — Kaegi, A.,
Der Rig-Yeda, die alteste Literatur der Inder, now, we
believe, nearly, if not quite completed. — Nalopakhyanam,
or the Tale of Nala, Sanskrit text in Roman characters,
with Yocabulary, Grammar, etc., edited by the Rev. Thomas
Jarratt. — The Kadambari of Edna, edited by P. Peterson,
pt. 1. — The Ramayana, pt. 1 (School Edition), edited by the
same. — The Daivata- B r ahmana and Shadbingsha Brahmana,
with the Commentary of Sayanacharya, edited by Pandit
J. Yidyasagara, 2nd ed. — Saussure, F. D., I)e Pemploi du
genetiv absolu en Sanskrit — an Inaugural disertation. —
Steinthal, P., Specimen of Nayadhammakaha — an inaugural
dissertation.

To these may be added, Whitney, W. D., Index Yerborum
to the published text of the Atharva-Yeda, reprinted from
vol. xii. of the Journal of the American Oriental Society. —
E. Senart, Le Mahavastu — Texte Sanscrit public pour la
premiere fois, et aceompagne d J introduction, etc., Tome 1,
Das Oupnekhat — Die aus dem Yeden zusammengefasste
Lehre von dem Brahm, translated by J. Mischel. — Jacob,
Major G. A., The Yed&ntasara, a manual of Hindu Panthe-
ism: — Anundoram Borooah, Higher Sanskrit Grammar, or
Gender and -Syntax, a reprint from the author's Sanskrit
Dictionary. — Die Yetdtapanca vin^atika, with Qivad&sa’s Text,
edited by Dr. H. Uhle. — -Dr. Zachariae of Greifswald has,
also, just published at Berlin an edition of the oldest known
Sanskrit Dictionary, the S&svatakoska, based on a copy of
an old palm-leaf MS,, dated 1183 a.d., and of one belonging

1882 .]

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

LXIX

to the Sanskrit College, Benares. In restoring the text the
Editor has been much aided by many unpublished Diction-
aries and Commentaries placed at his . disposal by the
liberality of the India Office and of the Government of
Bombay. A carefully compiled Index completes the work.
It is to be hoped that Dr. Zachariae will ultimately give us
a new edition of Hemachandra’s Anekartha-Sangraha, to-
gether with the newly-found Commentary, which he tells
us, in a postscript to his Preface, p. xxxiv, is in his hands.

The following works may be noticed as in preparation:
The Sarvardarsana Sangraha, edited by Profs. Cowell and
Gough: — The Bhagavad-Gita, by the Rev. J. Davies,
M.A. : — The Aphorisms of the Sankhya Philosophy of
Eapila (originally translated by the late J. R. Ballantyne,
Esq.), a new edition edited by Fitz-Edward Hall, Esq. : —
Prof. Monier Williams’s second Edition of his Sanskrit-
English Dictionary : — MM. Pischel and Biihler’s Desina-
mam&la of Hemaehandra (the 1st portion of which is already
out) : — a new edition by Professor Kern of Leiden of the
“ Saddharmapundarika,” of which Cambridge possesses the
oldest MS. in Europe, of the eleventh century — a translation
of which, it is believed, will be published in “ The Sacred
Books of the East.”

A prospectus has been issued by Atmar&m Kanoba, the
proprietor of the Ganpat Krishnaji Press at Bombay, of an
edition of the Siva Purana, hitherto unpublished, with a
commentary by Ragaram Sastri of Benares, aided by
two other Benares Pandits : — Die quantitats verschieden-
heiten in den Samhita und Pada Texten der Vedem, by the
late Prof. Benfey, the last work he completed, before his
lamented death : — Prof. Lanman, of Harvard University, has
nearly ready for publication a Sanskrit Reader, embracing
the first five chapters of the History of Nala, from the
Mahabharata, twenty fables from the Hitopadesa, six tales
from the Thousand and One Nights of Kashmir, a selection

LXX

ANNUAL REPOET OF THE

[May,

from tlie Laws of Mann, and tlie Rig-Yeda, and chapters from
the Sutras, which give the wedding and burial ceremonials: —
Miss Lee and Mr. John Bury, pupils of the late Prof.
Benfey, are at work on a translation of the Mahabharata.
Prof. Whitney is about to edit the Talava Kara Brahmana,
which Dr. Burnell was fortunate enough to discover in 1878 :
— and Sir L. Jackson writes as follows: “ This Grammar
(Kalup Yyakum)., which, next only to the Panini, is the most
extensive and learned of Sanskrit Grammars, and the only
one studied in Eastern Bengal, has, strangely enough, never
been printed. It abounds with most valuable and learned
Commentaries, but, there being no printed edition of this
book, students have had to write out both text and Com-
mentaries from the MSS. The result has been that these
valuable Commentaries have been gradually falling into
oblivion, and were almost on the point of extinction ....
I was induced, at the request of several students and
Professors of Grammar, to undertake the publication of this
hook, with three of the leading Commentaries . The under-

taking has been attended with the greatest difficulties, owing
to the different readings and clerical errors with which the
MSS. abound .... As it w r as intended mainly to benefit
the students of Grammar in E. Bengal, who, up to a recent
date, were ignorant of the Devanagari character, I com-
menced . . . in the Bengali character, and was therefore
obliged to continue in the same character throughout,
although in the mean time the students have almost all
learned the Devanagari character.

“ A year after I had sent the work to the press I saw that
an edition of the hook had been issued by Prof. Eggeling,
which, however, gives only the Sutras and Vrittis, without
the Commentaries, etc.” — Dr. Bbandarkar lias succeeded
Professor Kielhorn as Sanskrit Professor at Poonah.

Hindu— hi the Calcutta Review (Oct.) is a paper by Mr.

1882 .]

BOYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

LX XI

Grierson, the sequel of one published by him more than
a year ago with the title “ A Plea for the People's Tongue,"
urging that the language of Bihar should, in future, be
called Bihari, as more appropriate than Hindi, which is not
the language of the district.

Maithili . — The Asiatic Society of Bengal proposed to
publish during the last year, but as a Supplement to their
Journal for 1880, “An Introduction to the Maithili Lan-
guage of North Bihar, containing a Grammar, Chrestomathy
and Vocabulary,” drawn up by G. A. Grierson, B.C.S., but,
owing to the delay in printing, the Chrestomathy and
Vocabulary, though in the press, have not yet reached
us. Three alphabets, it would seem, are in use in the
country, Devanagari, the least common, Maithili, and
Kayathi. Of these, the former is that of the Maithil
Brahmans; the latter, that of all educated persons, not
Brahmans. The Kayathi is a corruption of the Deva-
nagari, but has the advantage of being written with great
facility and of being perfectly legible.

Bengali. — Dr. Rajendralala Mitra has recently exhibited
at a meeting of the Bengal Asiatic Society, a MS. in the
Bengali character, known as Bhatti-Kavya. He showed by
quotations from different MSS. that the specific name is
Ravanabadha, and the author’s name was Bhatti, not Bhar-
trihari, and, further, that he flourished in the middle of the
fourth century at Balabhipur, in Gujarat, during the reign
of Sridhara Sen, of the Balabhi dynasty; Of modern works
that have issued from the press of Bengal, may be noticed
the following: — Phula B&la (Lyric poems), by Debendra
Nath Sen : — Banga S&hitya o Banga Bhasa Bisaye Baktrita,
an essay, read before the Dacca College, by Gangd Char an
Sarkar, giving a rapid but clear survey of the various
epochs of Bengali literature : — Eabya Sundari, by Puma

IXXII

ANNUAL REPORT OR THE

[May,

Chandra Basn, a critical estimate of the female characters in
parents, all of these having contributed to its treasure of
the novels of Babu Bankim Chandra Chatter] i, much in the
style in which Mrs. Jameson has analyzed Shakepeare’s
heroines : — Nalini, a monthly Journal and Review", likely
to prove a useful work, from the manner in which the articles
on Science are handled: — Sarat Iswara Chikit-sa, by Dr.
Jadunath Mukherji — an excellent medical Essay on the treat-
ment of fever : — XTddsin Satyasrabar, or Travels in Assam —
an interesting work as showing great observation and
good sense on the part of the writer : — Jagannath Taraka-
panchanan Jihan Britta, by the late XJma Charan Bhatta-
charya— anecdotes of the great Indian Lawyer : — Bharat
Mahila — a Prize Essay, on the highest ideal of female
characters as set forth in early Sanskrit works : — Madira, by
Bhubaneswar Mitra — a Treatise on the history of liquors
and their effect on the human constitution: — a Bengali
Primer in the Roman Character, by J. F. Browne : — Bharat
Kosh, by Raj Krishna Raya, Parts I., II. and III., the first
Dictionary in Bengali, combined with the view of furnish-
ing information about the Yaidic, Pauranic and Tantric
Theology, etc. : — The Ram&yan, translated into Bengali
verse by R&j Krishna Raya, which may be considered to be
a truly National work: — Banga Mahila, by Bajendra Ndrayan
R&ya : — and Bhrantinirod, by Kali Prasanna Ghosh.

Sikh. — Dr. Trumpp, in his volume “ Die Religion der
Sikhs nach den quellen dargestellt,” a Manual of the Sikh
Religion by the best living authority, points out that the
accounts of Nanak’s system, in modem works in the Pan jab,
cannot wholly be relied upon. In his preface he expresses
his intention of publishing hereafter a complete Grammar
and Dictionary of the Granth.

BaloehL — The Bengal Asiatic Society has published an

1882 .]

BOYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

XXXIII

extra number of their Journal to contain Mr. Longworth
Dames’s “ Sketch of the Northern Balochi Language.”
Mr. Dames, as stated last year, is well known as a collector
of Local Balochi Poetry.

Gujarati. — Mr. Behramji M. Malabari, a well-known
Farsi poet and prose writer, has published “ Gujarat and
the Gujaratis — Sketches from Life.” The same learned
scholar has taken so much interest in Professor F, Max
Muller’s Hibbert Lectures, that he has himself prepared
a translation of them into Gujarati, which is said to be ready,
though it has not, we believe, been actually issued from the
press. Moreover, he has formed an association for the trans-
lation of the same lectures into Marathi, Bengali, Hindi
and Telugu. The Marathi and Bengali translations are
far advanced. It is further stated that Pandit Shyamaji
Erishnavarma, of Balliol College, has undertaken the
Sanskrit translation.

Tibetan. — Mr. Jaeschke, the well-known Moravian Mis-
sionary at Lahaul in the Panjab, has, at length, published in
the English language his long-delayed Tibetan Dictionary,
a work, unique in its kind, and supplying a new place of
departure for Tibetan study. It is only just it should be
known that this is one of the long series of valuable works
which have been brought out at the expense of the Govern-
ment of India, whether in the country itself or at home ;
and, further, that it could not possibly have been printed
except by their munificent patronage.

Hindustani or Urdu . — Mr. T. J. Scott has given, in the
Calcutta Be view (July, 1881), an interesting account of
“ Hindustani Poets and Poetry.” In this paper, the writer
points out that Urdu, although still in an early stage of
existence as a language , has great fertility of resource,

LXXIV

[May,

ANNUAL EEPOET OF THE

being tlie descendant of Sanskrit, Arabic, and Persian
poetic power. The metre is taken directly from the
Persian. Mr. G. Small has published a Laskari Dictionary,
or Anglo-Indian Vocabulary of Nautical terms and phrases
in English and Hindustani. Mr. Pincott is about to publish
Alif-Laila wa-zubani Urdu (the Arabian Nights in Hindu-
stani, but in Roman transcription). The “ General Advices ”
read this year at the Annual Meeting of the Society of
Friends have been translated into Hindustani for the use of
a small colony of Native Quakers in the Hoshangabad
District. The late Mr. S. W. Fallon’s New English-Hindu-
stani Dictionary is proceeding satisfactorily, seven parts
having already come out.

Pally Sinhalese and Burmese . — In the Athenaeum for July
and August, 1881, a slight controversy has arisen between
Drs. Frankfurter and Fausboll on the subject of the latter’s
“ Jataka.” In his first letter Dr. Frankfurter states that,
besides the copy of the Jataka “ without the Commentary,”
noticed in Dr. Forchhammer’s List, two others are men-
tioned by L. de Zoysa in his Catalogue of the Government
Oriental Library at Colombo, while there is a similar one
in the Library of the British Museum, purchased in 1866.
Dr. Fausboll, however, does not seem inclined to change
or modify the title of his work, in the direction suggested
by Dr. Frankfurter.

In the Academy for Nov. 12, Dr. Morris gives a further
account of the conversation between Milinda and Nagasena ;
and, in a later letter, Dec. 24, a paper entitled “ An Oriental
Bestiary,” wherein he points out that in the Milinda-paiiha
there is a curious series of similes, metaphors, and “ month-
sat ions ” on animate and inanimate objects, not unlike those
we find in our Western “ Bestiaries.” They are contained
in the Issatthassa-pahha section (pp. 863-419) of the Pali
text. Dr. Morris has also reviewed, at great length (Acad.

1882 .]

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

IXXY

Oct. 1), the “ Buddhist Suttas,” translated from the Pali by
T. W. Rhys Davids, and forming one of the volumes of the
u Sacred Books of the East. 5 ’ — The following books may
be noticed as published during the last year, viz. the third
and fourth volumes of Dr. Oldenberg’s Yinayapitakam
Mr. IT. S. Olcott’s Buddhist Catechism, printed at Colombo,
which is stated on the title-page to have been “ approved and
recommended for use in the Buddhist Schools of Hikkaduwa
Snmangala,” the learned High Priest of Adam’s Peak and
the Principal of the Widyodaga Parivena, the training
college for Buddhist recluses in Ceylon. It is, further,
announced that Dr. Frankfurter is preparing a Pali Hand-
book, consisting of an elementary grammar, reading boob,
and glossary. For the reading book, Dr. Frankfurter has
selected the so-called “ Parittam,” a book compiled in Ceylon
from different parts of the “ Sutta Pitaka/’ which is much
used as a devotional book in Ceylon as well as in Birma. —
Dr. Hermann Jacobi of Munster is editing the Acaranga
Sutra, one of the Sacred Books of the Jains, for the Pali
Text Society.

We have also to note for Sinhalese the appearance at
Colombo of Parts 1 and 2 of a Scientific Grammar of the
language (all in Sinhalese), by the Rev. S. Coles ; also a
Sinhalese-En glish Grammar and Exercise book on the Ollen-
dorf system, by S. de Silva ; and Swabhasha ratna-damaya, a
reading book, serving as an Introduction to the study of
classical Sinhalese literature, by the Rev. C. Alwis. — Two
Pali publications have been issued in Ceylon by the
Buddhist priest Yimalasara ; the one, Sim&lakkhana Dipani,
a controversial work in. prose; the other, Sasanavansadipo, a
history of the Buddhist Church, in verse. A large number
of Pali boobs have recently appeared in British Birma— of
which the following may be noted : Lanka sasana visuddhi-
katha, a controversial work ; two different recensions of the
Dhammapada, with Birmese commentaries ; Abhidham-

LXXYI

ANNUAL KEPOBT OF THE

[May,

mattha sangrahas, with Birmese commentary ; Parittam
and Mahaparittam, with Birmese translations ; of the latter
work no less than three different editions have keen issued*
A fourth edition of this popular book contains, also, the
Lokaniti and a Pali-Birmese Glossary. In Birmese, too,
we have to record among a number of new publications a
critical edition of Temijatakavatthu by Prof. Forehhammer ;
an edition and English translation, with glossary, of the
“ Antecedents of Princess Thudammatsari ” ; a collection of
popular songs ( M ah agi tamed ani) ; and a law-book (Vini-
chhayapakasani) .

Bibliotheca Indica . — Twenty fasciculi of this Series have
been published during the last year ; belonging to thirteen
different works, three to the Arabic-Persian and ten to
the Sanskrit Series. Of these, two in the Sanskrit and
one in the Arabic-Persian series have been completed, and
four, all in the Sanskrit series, have been commenced.
The former are the Taittiriya Samhita and Tarikh-ul-
Ehulfa; the latter are the Patanjala Yoga Sutra, the Apas-
tamba Srauta Sutra, and the English translation of the
Lalita Yistara. One work, the Vishnu Smriti, has been
both commenced and completed during the year. Among
these publications are four English translations, viz. those
of the Tarikh-ul-Khulfa, the Katha Sarit Sagara, the Lalita
Yistara, and the Patanjala Yoga Sutra. There are also ten
text editions, two in the Arabic-Persian and eight in the
Sanskrit. Of the Patanjala Yoga Sutra both text and
translation are being published pan passu . [For more
details on this subject see Journal of the Bengal Asiatic
Society, Proceedings, Feb. 1882, p. 27.]

Sacred Books of the Bast. — The following works in this
Series have been issued during the last year : —

VoL VIII. The Bhagavadgita, with the Sanat Sugatxya

1882.] ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. lxxyii

and the Anugita. Translated by Keshinath Trimbak Telang,
M.A. 1882.

Vol. XII. The Satapatha Brahmana according to the text
of the Madkyandina School. Translated by Prof. Eggeling.
Part 1, books 1 and 2. 1882.

Vol. XIII. Vinaya Texts. Translated from the Pali, by
T. W. Rhys Davids and H. Oldenberg. Part 1. The Maha-
vagga, i.-iv. 1881.

Vol. XIV. The Sacred Books of China. The Texts of
Confucianism. Translated by Prof. J. Legge, D.D. Part 2.
The Yi King. 1882.

Indian Institute . — The Council are glad to report that
the progress of the Indian Institute at Oxford, though
slower than many would wish, is yet steady in its advance,
and that the Boden Professor of Sanskrit, to whose un-
wearied advocacy it owes its first commencement and much
of its present success, is able to report favourably on its
present condition. The site at the east end of Broad Street,
adjacent to the Bodleian Library and, one of the very
best sites in Oxford, has been secured at a cost of <£7,800,
a sum which, considering the excellence of its position,
cannot be thought excessive. The building is now in the
course of erection, from designs by Mr. Basil Chatnpneys.

The total sum received from contributors, and invested in
the names of the three Trustees, Sir Edward Colebrooke,
Bart, M.P., Sir Thomas Brassey, K.O.B., M.P., and the
Boden Professor of Sanskrit, with interest and profit on
investments, amounts to £18,735 15s. lld .* 9 the expenditure
for hire of rooms, Secretary’s work, purchase of hooks,
printing of circulars, postage, etc., having only amounted to
about £100 per annum during the last seven years. It can
hardly be expected that the present contributions will com-
plete more than half of the proposed building ; but it is to
be hoped that the rulers of two hundred and fifty millions of

LXXVIII

ANNUAL REPORT OE THE play,

Hindus and Muhammadans will not permit the framework of
such an Institution, at length actually set up in a great centre
of education, to remain half finished, and its objects to be
only half carried out, for want of the requisite pecuniary aid.

The Calcutta Review for the last year has many good papers
and essays, of which the following may be specified : — Thus,
Mr. II. G. Keene has written on “ Codification for India,”
“India in 1880,” “A new study of the origin of Christianity,”
and a Moral Cholera”: — Mr. 11. IT. Oust, “The Languages of
Africa”: — Mr. D. C. Boulger, “The Indian Bayard” and
“ Tibet and the way thither”: — Mr. J. 0. Lodgers, “Indian
portable Antiquities ” : — Captain It. C. Temple, “ A Song
about Sarhi Sarwar ” : — Mr. Thomas Edwards, “ Henry Louis
Vivian Derozio,” three papers: — Mr. E. Rehatsek, “The
Holy Inquisition at Goa,” “ The life of Jesus according to the
Mohammedans,” “ Historical Sketch of Portuguese India,”
and “ How the Portuguese obtained a footing in the Island
of Din”: — Mr. Syamacharan Ganguli, “A Universal Alpha-
bet and the transliteration of Indian Languages”: — Mr.
H. 0. Irvine, “ The Famine Commission on Tenant right in
Upper India”:* — Mr. E. E. Oliver, “The Financial aspects
of Indian Irrigation ” : — Mr. W. R Hamilton, “Develop-
ments”: — Mr. M. Macauliffe, “The Sikh Beligion under
Banda and its present condition”; — Mr. W. Lee- Warner,
“Persecution in the Western Ghats — The Rev. T. J,
Scott, “Hindustani Poets and Poetry”: — Jogendra Chandra
Ghosh, “Our Joint Family Organization ” : — Mr. Arthur
Harington, “ Economic Reform in Rural India”: — and Mr.
G. W. Olive, “Sir Thomas Boe and the Court of Jehangeer.”
Special articles on languages, etc., are noticed under their
respective heads.'..

Semitic Literature — Hebrew and Chaldee . — There has been
a steady progress in this branch of Oriental learning during

1882 .]

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

LXXIX

the last year, but there is not quite so much worthy of
special report. We shall, however, notice some of the
various Essays and Reviews which have appeared in the
leading literary Journals. Thus, the Athenaeum notices
that Rabbi 1ST. Rabbinovicz has been able to continue
satisfactorily his “ Yarise lectiones in Mishnam et in
Talmud Babylonicum,” with the treatise “Baba Bathra,”
and the variations of the MSS. at Munich, in the
Bodleian, and Yatican. In his preface the author gives
a description of all the Talmudic MSS. now in the
Yatican: — Much has been also done in the editing of the
posthumous works of M. Luzzato, to which attention has
been called in previous reports. The chief work now ac-
complished would seem to be a philosophical dissertation
on the fundamental principles of the Law of Moses — a
collection of eighty-one Hebrew Poems and Liturgical pieces
by writers of the eleventh and twelfth centuries — and a
catalogue of Luzzato’ s scattered articles and letters drawn
up by his son : — The first volume of Berliner’s critical
edition of the Targum of Onkelos is finished, but we
understand will not be published till the second is ready :
this is, however, in the printer’s hands : — Herr Chaim
M. Horowitz has just brought out a fasciculus of small
Midrashite works, and proposes to publish a monthly period-
ical on the Agadic Literature. In these papers, he will give
critical editions, with introductions of the small Midrashim
edited by M. Jellinek in his Beth-ha-Midrash, together with a
number of inedited Agadic pieces. Much has. also, been done
recently in illustration of the works of the famous Abraham
ben Ezra, who was born at Toledo towards the close of the
eleventh century, and was a voluminous writer on all sorts
of subjects more or less connected with Sacred Literature.
Thus we know that he commented on almost all the Books of
the Old Testament — on some of them twice; composed
Grammatical treatises, wrote on Astronomy, Astrology, and

xxxx MMAL EEPOET OE THE [May,

Medicine ; but, for some reason or other, does not seem
to have paid any attention to the Talmud or Midrash.

Within the last decade Dr. Friedlander has made known
to scholars, in his excellent “ Essays on the Writings of
Abraham ibn Ezra,” his exegetical skill and philosophical
opinions — while Dr. Steinsehneider, in his monograph,
“ Abraham ibn Ezra zur geschichte der Mathematischen
Wissenschaften im xii Jabrbundert,” has given a clear
exposition of his mathematical productions and astrological
writings. It is worthy of remark that the latter were
translated into Latin as early as the thirteenth century, and
were much read by Christian scholars of that period. Dr.
Bacher has recently issued a monograph, “ Abraham ibn
Ezra als Grammatiker — ein beitrage zur Geschichte der
Hebraischen Sprachwissenschaft,” which was originally pub-
lished as a programme of the Rabbinical school of Buda-
Pesth. Dr. Bacher, at the same time, mentions an unedited
grammatical work by Ibn Ezra, called Tessod Diqduq, of
which he gives large extracts from two MSS. with reference
to the Mediaeval authors who made use of it. Ail English
life of Ibn Ezra is, we hear, to appear in the miscellaneous
volume of the Third series of the Publications of the
Society for Hebrew Literature.

M. Leon See has published the first part of a translation
of Jewish Chronicles, under the title “ La vallee des pleurs,
Chroniques des Souffranees dTsrael depuis la dispersion
jusqu’a nos Jours — par Maitre Joseph Ha-Cohen, medecin
d ? Avignon, 1574. It is curious that the chronicles written
by the Jews of their sufferings during centuries are but few.
In fact, only three of these seem to have come down to the
present day, viz. that by Samuel Usque, in Portuguese,
entitled Consola^on as Tribulafoes de Tsrael, by Judah ibn
Yosga ; Shebet Ye-hudah, the Eod of Judah ; and this one
by Joseph Ha-Cohen, who is one of the few writers who
have attempted monographs in Hebrew on other subjects

1882 .] ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. lxxxi

than those belonging to their own race. Some of these are
inedited, as, for instance, that of the Discovery of America,
and of Celebrated women. The Annals of the French Kings
and of the House of Othman were, as is well known, partly
translated into Latin, and entirely into English, by Mr.
Bialloblotsky, for the Oriental Translation Fund. — Also the
late Dr. Wiener published, in 1857, the “Emeq-hab-Bakha,”
or Yalley of Weeping, with a German translation. Since
this period, the history of the Jews has been elucidated by
many new documents, the late Dr. Jost and Prof. H. Graetz
having paid especial attention to the History of the French
Rabbis. Mr. See has taken advantage of the latest researches,
and has much improved on Dr. Wiener’s translations. The
notes to his translation are instructive, and the Index to
persons and places unusually complete. — M. Derenbourg’s
edition of the Anonymous Hebrew Translation of Kalila wa
Dimnah, from the unique Paris MS., together with that by
Jacob ben Eleazar, from an equally rare MS. in the Bodleian
Library, w T ill be shortly ready. — A valuable collection of MSS.
relating to the Mendelssohn family has been recently made
in Berlin, consisting of two thick volumes — the one an
“ Excerpt 99 book of Moses Mendelssohn ; the second, a Kol-
leetaneen-buch fur das Jahr 1788, containing, inter alia , notes
on his work on Rousseau, and copies of two letters addressed
to Lessing. ■■A ;Vv r A

A very interesting review has been given of the late H.
von Ewald’s Commentary on the Books of Haggai, Zakharya,
Malaki, Yona, Barukh, and Daniel, which seems to have
been carefully edited by Mr. J. Frederick Smith. — M. James
Darmesteter has recently brought out an interesting Mono-
graph on the Jews, entitled “ Coups-d’oeil sur Thistoire du
peoples Juifs,” in which he gives a lively and summary
picture of the different phases of J ewish History and litera-
ture, from the earliest date to the present time, without,
however, entering into details. — The Rev. J. M. Rodwell

VOL. XIY.— [new series.] v AYvJJ \ p

Lxxxn

ANNUAL REPORT OF THE [May,

"has followed up his Translation of J oh, by one of Isaiah, in
■which he has shown conspicuously his knowledge of Semitic
literature. — Mr. Davis's notice "Of the Mediaeval Jews of
Lincoln/' in the Archaeological Journal, is interesting as
the result of researches among the Jewish deeds called
Shetur: his identification of Jewish names in the verna-
cular, with probable quotations in Hebrew documents, is well
done, if not altogether satisfactory. — Mr. Hirschon has pub-
lished another work, which he calls “ Treasures of the
Talmud/' but it may be doubted whether this work will
increase any reputation he may enjoy as a translator or
scholar. Dr. Graetz, of Breslau, has brought out his long-
expected “ Translation of the Psalms/' and a second volume
is to follow containing his Introduction and Commentary.

The Rev. Dr. "Wickes has published an important work
“ On the accentuation of the Three so-called Poetical Books
of the Old Testament, the Psalms, Proverbs, and Job."
The value of these accents, as he justly puts it, is, that
“they help us in the most effective way possible to the
understanding of the Text, as they supply the meaning
which Tradition among the Jews has assigned to it." Dr.
Wickes’s work, though only 120 pages in length, must have
involved the labour of years — indeed, it was only possible for
him to arrive at an intelligible conclusion, by collating the
best accessible MSS., written in the various lands where the
Jews have sojourned, in the East, Spain, France, Germany,
and Yemen, the MSS. of which country have only recently
become available. Dr. Wickes’s treatise is, also, of value for
the history of Jewish Grammar ; as he has been able, for the
first time, to give complete lists of the different denominations
of the accents used in the various Jewish schools, and, also,
those found in the marginal glosses called “ Massorah," with
explanations from, the Syriac and Arabic. In his Appendix,
he shows that the Hebrew treatise, entitled Horayyath-haq-
Qore (“Indication to the Reader "), is the work of an anony-

1882 .]

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

LXXXIII

morns writer, who lived about 1100 a.d. A part of the
original work has been recently brought from Yemen by
M. Shapira, and is now in the British Museum. Dr. M.
J astro w, Rabbi of Philadelphia, is, we hear, engaged on a
Talmudic Dictionary in English.

In the Eevue Critique (Ho. 38), M. Neubauer has reviewed
at some length M. Wogue’s “ Histoire de la Bible et de
TExegese Biblique ” ; and M. Wogue replies to this review
in Ho. 43. M. Vernes notices briefly the 12th part of Dr.
Dillmann’s “ Kurzgefasstes Handbuch zum Alten Testa-
ment and M. Halevy, in more detail, Delitzsch’s “Wo lag
die Paradies ? ” In a recent number of the Academy , Mr. S.
It. Driver reviews, under the head of “ Recent Hebrew
Literature,” Dr. F. Weber’s System der Alt-Synagogalen
Palastinischen Theologie aus Targum Midrasch und Talmud.
There are, also, notices of Dr. W. Wickes’s treatise on the
Accentuation of the three so-called Poetical Books of the
Old Testament, Psalms, Proverbs, and Job; — of M. Backer’s
Abraham ibn Ezra als Grammatiker (to which we have
already referred) ; — of Dr. August Muller’s Outlines of
Hebrew Syntax ; — of Dr, E. Konig’s Historischkritisches
Lehrgebaude d. Hebraische Sprache (a very valuable and
complete work) ; — and of Mr. W. H. Burgess’s Notes, chiefly
critical and philological, on the Hebrew Psalms.

From the Academy we learn that Dr. Wiinshe is making
good progress in translating into German the Midrash Echa
Rabbati, being the Haggadic exposition of the Lamentations
of Jeremiah; — that Dr. Bernhard Stade’s Geschichte des
Volkes Israel is steadily advancing ; — and that M. Renan is
about to publish a French translation of Ecclesiastes with
elaborate notes. This work is, we believe, now out. — Dr.
Ginsburg has also pointed out the great value of some of
the MSS. which M. Shapira has brought from Arabia, and
which the British Museum has acquired.

The new Zeitschrift fur die Alt-Testamentlicke Wissen-

txxxrv

ANNUAL EEPOET OF THE

[May,

scbaft contains some valuable papers by Drs. Stacie, Hollen-
berg, and Meyer ; and an account by Dr. llarkavy of the
MSS. lately added to the Library of St. Petersburg. In
Dr. Graetz’s Monatschrift are many minute investigations,
which will be valuable to the future historian of Judaism,
by Drs. Rosenthal and Graetz. — In the Theologische Tijd-
schrift are full reviews of Weber’s Theology of the Targum,
Midrash, and Talmud, and of Castelli’s Edition of Donnolo’s
“ Safer Yezira.” — In the first Mo. of the Anecdota Oxoni-
ensia is a Commentary of the Eleventh Century on Ezra and
Nehemiah, by Rabbi Saadiah, edited from three MSS. in the
Bodleian, by Mr. H. J. Mathews, of Exeter College.

A recent number of the Jewish Chronicle gives a re-
markable list of the English and Continental works which
have been translated into Hebrew within the last few years.
Among these may be mentioned the voluminous works
of Josephus, Aristotle’s Ethics and Euclid, the Inferno of
Dante, Faust, Hermann and Dorothea, Nathan the Wise,
Paradise Lost, The Pilgrim’s Progress, Lord Beaconsfield’s
Alroy, and many parts of Ossian, Gay, Young, Goldsmith,
and Pope : curiously enough, the Koran has been only in
part translated.

In the Proceedings of the Bibl. ArchoeoL Society is a very
interesting letter from Mr. A. Frothingham, Juxir., on a
Hebrew Inscription found in a Mosaic on the tomb of Galla
Placidia, built a.d. 432-440. This inscription consists of the
words “ Adonai,” “Lord” — formed of white cubes, while
those of the Cross and nimbus of the figure of Christ are
gilt. This is probably the oldest known Hebrew inscription.
Before the same Society, the Rev, A. Lowy read a valuable
essay entitled “Notices concerning Glass in ancient Hebrew
Records.” In the D.M.G. xxxv. 2, 3, Dr. Bickell has a paper
entitled “Die Ilebraische Metrik ” ; — and Dr. Goldziher, in
D.M.G. xxxv. 4, reviews at considerable length the Kit&b-al-
Amanat, by Sa’adja ibn Jusuf, as edited by Dr. Landauer.

1882.] ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. lxxxy

Among miscellaneous Looks published during the last
twelve months, the following may he mentioned. There
may be some others, which have escaped our notice: —
Schulbaur, M., Deutsch-Hebraisehes Worterbuch; Muller,
J., Reponses faites par des Rabbins Francaises et Lorrains
du xi. et xii. siecles; Konig, F. E., Historisch-Kritisches
Lehrgebaude d. Hebr. Sprache, 1 Halfte ; Lederer, P., Lehr-
buch zum Selbsts-unterricht d. Babylon Talmud, 1 Heft ;
Levy, J., Neuhebraisches u. Chald. Worterbuch iiber d.
Talmudim u. Midraschim, 14 Lief. ; Nathan, Plenum Aruch
Targum Talmudico-Midrasch verbale et reale Lexicon, Band
iii. 1,2; Singer, A. u. W., Hamadrisch Talmudische Chres-
tomathie fiir d. ersten Unterricht in Talmud, Pressburg,
1882 ; Stier, G., Eurzgefasste Hebraische Grammatik fiir
Gymnasien ; Jedeschi, M., Thesaurus Synonimorum lingua
Ilebraicm cum dissertatione de eorum vi, quoad Etymon
atque usum in Biblicis Libris ; Yosen, 0. PI., Xurze anlei-
tung zum erlernen d. Hebraisch-sprache fiir gymnasien ;
Wijnkoop, Durche Hannesiqah, sive leges de accentus
Ilebraicae Lingum ascensione; Yeldez, Juan de, El Salterio,
traduzido del Hebreo; Ballin, Ada S. and F. L., Hebrew
Grammar, with exercises selected from the Bible : the first
Annuaire de la Society das etudes Juives has recently appeared
in Paris.

Arabic . — There has been no falling off during the last year
in the number of essays and reviews, etc., bearing on Arabic
subjects, which have been printed in various papers and maga-
zines, or in the books issued from the press, whether at home
or abroad. Thus, in the Athenaeum there is a long and very
able review of Dr. Badger’s vast ei English- Arabic Lexicon/’
in which his scholarship, judgment, and elaborate researches
are duly praised. — We learn from M. Yambery (in the same
Journal) that the young and accomplished Hungarian scholar,
Dr. J. Goldziher, has brought out, with the sanction of the

ixxxyi ANNUAL DEPORT OP THE [May,

Academy of Buda-Pesth, “ Az Islam,” a series of papers in
which Lslamism is shown in its real character as the Beligion
of the inhabitants of the Desert. — Dr. Houtsma, of Leyden,
is carrying through the press a new edition of Yakuti, and
the third vol. of Dr. Pertseh’s Catalogue of the MSS. at Gotha
is now completed. — We hear that the Trustees of the British
Museum have purchased, for somewhat more than £800, the
most important of the MSS. which M. Shapira has brought
from Arabia, and that the Bodleian has, also, bought some
of them.

In the Academy, is a long and full review by Mr. W.
Hobertson Smith of Dr. W. Spitta-Bey’s Grammatik des
Arabisckes V ulgar-Dialektes von Aegypten, in which he
points out the value of Dr. Spitta-Bey’s labours, as offering
the amplest and most accurate account as yet put together
for the local languages of Cairo — long years of residence in
the Arab quarter, great facilities for observation, and an
unflagging industry, having enabled him to bring to com-
pletion a very useful work. — There is also a notice of Dr.
Hartmann’s Arabischer Sprachfuhrer fur Fieisende, which
he has contributed to the Meyer-Series. This hook is a
remarkable example of a multum in ptirto , containing, as
it does, a grammar, a large number of useful examples, and
a German-Arahic and Arabic- German vocabulary, running
to nearly 400 pages. Dr. Hartmann, who is Chancellor-
Dragoman to the German Consulate at Beirut, has, in this
work, given two forms (with differing types) for every
word, viz. the one spoken in Syria and that in Cairo. —
Dr. Dxeterici has, also, completed (the commencement of the
work was noted last year) an Arabic and German Handbook
to the Koran and to the Arabic fables, which he has already
published under the title of “ Thier und Mensch ; ” but,
merely for the purpose of explaining the words of the Koran,
Major Penriee’s work is sufficient. — Mr. Stanley Lane Poole
has reviewed Prof. E. H. Palmer’s Arabic Manual, which

1882 .]

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

ixxxTir

lie thinks may serve to fill a gap, but is capable, also, of
being much improved— Dr. Badger supplies an interesting
letter beaded “Arabic Journalism,” in which he states that
the Arabic Al-Jawaib has been permitted to reappear at
Constantinople after long suspension, adding that the prin-
cipal articles in the paper are an elaborate notice of the
origin and progress of the War between the French and the
Arabs of Tunis, and of the Quarantine regulations in Egypt
against the spread of Cholera from the Red Sea. — Dr. Badger,
also, contributes a letter on Mr. Payne’s proposed Transla-
tion of the whole of the “1001 Nights,” and Mr. Hutt
and Dr. W. Wright give further letters on the same
subject, — Dr. Badger, also, notices at considerable length
Mr. Howell’s (of Allahabad) Grammar of the Classical
Arabic Language, of which the second and third parts, “ On
the Verb” and “On the Particle” respectively, have been
printed first. Dr. Badger gives the writer high praise for
the persevering industry, critical judgment, and thorough
knowledge displayed in this work. — Mr. Hormuzd Rassam
supplies a note explaining how the word “Telegraph” is
rendered by the Arabs of Mesopotamia.

In the D. M. G., in vols, xxxv. pts. 2, 3, 4, and xxxvi.
pt. 1, are several articles bearing on Arabic subjects, such
as the following : — By A. Socin, Der Arabische Dialekt von
Mosul und Mardin; by the late Dr. Loth, On Tabari’s Koran
Commentar ; by A. Socin, Zur geographic des Tur ’Abdin ; by
M, Klamroth, XJeber den Arabischen Euklid; with a review
by M, Ign. Goldziher of Landauer’s Kitab Al-Aman&t; and,
by the same scholar, one of M. Spitta-Bey’s Gramm, d. Arab.
Vulgar dialectes u. Aegypten.

In the Journal des Savants, Feb. 1882, is an excellent
review by M. Renan of a work published a short time ago
by MM. Joseph and Hartwig Derenbourg, entitled “Opus-
cules et traites d’Aboul Walid Merwan ibn Djanah de
Cordove. Texte Arabe et traduction Francaise.”— In the

lxxxviii ANNUAL REPORT QE THE [May,

Revue Critique are notices by M. Rubens Duval of E.
Prym and A. Socin’s “ Neu Aramaische Dialect des Tur
’Abdin,” Arabic text and translation, under the title
“ Syriscke Sagen xx. Marchen axis dem Yolksmunde gesam-
nxelt und ubersetzt ” : — a notice by M. Stanislas Guyard of
M. Hart wig Derenbourg’s edition of “Le livre de Sibawaihi,
traite de grammaire Arabe par Sibouya dit Sibawaihi ; texte
Arabe, public d’apres les MSS. du Caire, de PEscurial
d’ Oxford, de Paris, de St. Petersbourg et do Vienne”: — a
review, in two sxxccessive articles, by M. Hart wig Deren-
bourg, of Tome l er of Dr. W. Pertsch’s “ Catalogue die
Arabischen Handschriften der Herzogliehen Bibliothek zu
Gotha,” vols. i.-iii. 1878-81. — Dr. De Jong, we hear, has
undertaken to edit and pxiblish the portion of Tabari which
contains the life of Muhammad, prepared by the late Dr. Loth*

Of individual books which have, more or less, come out
during the last year, the following may be specified, but there
are probably others we have not noticed : Arabic Manual, by
E. H. Palmer: — Alif Laila, or Book of Thousand Nights and
One Night, in Arabic, to be completed in four vols,, of which
two are out: — a new edition of Prof. Dozy’s Recherch.es
snr Phistoire et la litterature de TEspagne, 2 vols. : — a
new edition of Prof. Dozy’s History of the Almoin ades,
1 vgL : — Mackuel, L., Manuel d’xm Arabisant ou reeueil de
pieces Arabes, 2 de partie, Alger : — • an English- Arabic
Dictionary and an Arabic -English Dictionary, by M. Sfcein-
gass: — a new part of Tabari has recently appeared at
Leyden, containing the end of the section which M. Guyard
had undertaken, and the commencement of that of M. de
Goeje : — M. Seignette has translated into Arabic “ Le Cod©
Penal,” by order of the Government of Algiers.

A few papers in other Journals, not Oriental, may he
mentioned : On Arabic Humour, by E. II. Palmer, ixx
Temple Bar, June, July, August, September, and in the
Times, Sept. 30, Oct. 1 ; by Dr. Badger, On the Controversy

1882 .] ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY, lxxxix

about tlie Ottoman Khalifate (Academy, March 26), and
Mussulmans of British India, Times, Jan. 3, 1882 ; by W.
S, Blunt, The Future of Islam, Fortnightly Review, Aug.
Oct. Nov. 1881, Jan. 1882 ; and by Colonel Yule, C.B., On
Ibn Batuta, Encycl. Britann. vol. xii,

Syriac . — -In the D. M. G. xxxv. 2 and 3, Prof. Noldeke re-
views M. Q-eorg Hoffmann’s “ Opera Nestoriana, Syriace”: —
Dr. Schiller-Szinessy makes a few remarks on Mr. Gr. Bickell’s
“ Berichtigungen zu Cyrillonas.’’ — M. F. Praetorius adds a
short notice, entitled “ Aegyptisch-Araxnaisches.’’ — In xxxv.
4, is a review by Dr. Nestle of M. Yictor Ryssel’s Gregorian
Thaumaturgus — Seine Leben und seine Schriften. — In the
Revue Critique is a review by M. Hart wig Derenbourg of
R. Duval’s “ Traite de Grammaire Syriaque.”

JEthiopic . — In the Academy for October, 1881, Mr. Sayce
has pointed out the great value to linguistic science of M.
D’Abbadie’s Dictionnaire de la langue Amarinna (as he calls
this language), which is more generally known as Amharic,
a work fairly to be considered to be one of the most
valuable contributions made of late years to Oriental
Philology. The Amharic is one of the dialects which have
replaced the now extinct iEfchiopic or Gheez, and is spoken
in the S.W. of Abyssinia, being, thus, opposed to the Tigre
of the N. — In the D.M.G. xxxv. 4, Dr. C. H. Cornhill
has a paper, entitled “Nock eine Handschrift des Sapiens
Sapientum,” nachtrag zu bd. xxxiv. 232-240 : — and a review
by M. Pratorius of D’Abbadie’s Amarinna Dictionary,

China Review. — Though this publication has not quite
maintained, during the past year, the high reputation of
previous years for papers of the deepest interest for those
who dwell in that remote land, and for many, also, who,
not being on the spot, have scarcely equal opportunity

xc ANNUAL REPORT OF THE [May,

of testing their general accuracy, it has, however, published
some papers of real value. Thus, in voh x. pt. 1, we have
an able account of “ The Foreign Trade with China during
1880,” by “ IIong-Kong,” in which the writer points out
that in the 22nd issue of the Returns of Trade at the Treaty
Ports of China, published by the Inspector- General of
Chinese Maritime Customs, no return is given for “ Trade
Statistics at Hong- Kong ” ; hence, the returns of the Treaty
Ports afford but an imperfect account of the Foreign 'Trade
of China : moreover, as it is well known, a large amount
of merchandize finds its way from. Hong-Kong to Khwang in
Junks. Some important remarks are added on the effect of
the Indian Trade in Opium [entirely confirming the views of
Sir George Birdwood], as it is affected by the vastly increased
native growth of that drug within the reach of the Northern
and Upper Yangtse ports. It appears from the statements
in this paper, that the Papaver is cultivated throughout the
Empire, in Siberia, and Manchuria, as freely and as openly as
rice, and that, but for the heavy en route taxes imposed on it
while in transitu, which brings up its value to nearly the same
price as the superior Indian article, it would inevitably oust
the foreign product from the Southern markets of China, as
surely as it is now doing in the North. The winter remarks
that the present value of one hundredweight is about i>240,
and that it would form a convenient medium of payment for
the “ brick 99 tea sent to Siberia. — Mr. E. IL Parker, the
writer of “ Short Journeys in SzChhian,” continues (from
vol. ix.) his valuable and interesting account of his Travels,

■ the result, assuredly, being, that no one in his senses would
travel through that portion of the Celestial Empire if he
could help doing so. Mr. G. 0. Stent contributes an
* amusing paper “On the Double-Nail-Murders ” : — and Mr.
F. II. "Balfour a learned paper “On the Yin-fu Classic”
or, “Key to the Unseen,” [since, expanded into a hook] —
a treatise of value in the Taoist Canon. The rest of this

1882 .]

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

XCI

part is devoted, as usual, to the notice of new books, together,
with various “ Notes and Queries.”

In vol. x. part 2 Mr. G. Jamieson continues his valuable
researches into and “ Translations from the General Code of
Law of the Chinese Empire,” dealing with first “ The Marriage
Laws ” — the “Hiring out of wife or daughter” — the “Posi-
tion of the Wife or Concubine” — “ Marriage during the
Legal, time of Mourning the “Marriage with Widows
of Relations ” — the “Forcible Abduction of Free women” —
and “Illegal Marriages” — with a curious note “On the
Origin of Family Names” — and on “ The origin of the rule
against Marriages between persons of the same Family
name.” A plate is given in illustration of the Chinese
notions of consanguinity. — Mr. Parker, also, continues his
amusing account of his “ Short Journeys in SzCh’uan.” — Mr.
G. Phillips of Taiwan, Formosa, adds an important historical
article, entitled “ The Dutch occupation of Formosa.” It is
remarkable that the natives of Formosa, after the departure
of the Dutch, employed Roman letters in drawing up deeds
of mortgages, leases, etc. One of these, of the date of 1742, is
still in existence, drawn up in the native dialect, but written
in Roman characters, with a translation into Chinese by its
side. Mr. Phillips found that many of the words in Klap-
roth’s “ Yocabulaire Formosan” are still intelligible to the
savages of the West Coast. The part concludes with reviews
or notices of several new hooks.

In vol. x. part 3, Mr. Herbert A. Giles deals with the diffi-
cult problem “ Of the New Testament in Chinese,” and speaks
in high terms of an essay read at the Missionary Conference
held at Shanghai in 1877, by the Rev. J. S. Roberts, entitled
“Principles of Translation into Chinese.” The chief points
of Mr. Roberts’s view would seem to he that, in all transla-
tions, there must be an exchange of idiom in its broadest
sense ; that the best practical equivalents should be selected ;
that translation should not he paraphrase, explanation, or

xcn

ANNUAL EEPOET OF THE

[May,

comment ; and that there should be an exclusion, so far as is
possible, of foreign idioms. It must, we fear, be admitted that
Mr. Giles has but too clearly shown that the existing transla-
tions of the Bible into Chinese are anything but adequate. —
Mr. E. II. Parker adds one more account of his enterprising
“ Short Journeys in SzOh’uan ” ; — and Mr. Frederic II.
Balfour an important paper “ On the Emperor Chang,
founder of the Chinese Empire,” — a dissertation of singular
interest to even those who have made the study of the
history of the Middle Empire a speciality.

In voL x. pt. 4, are papers by A* T. Watters, Esq., “ On
A-mi-t’e Ching ; ” — by Ch. Piton, “ A page in the history
of China”; — “The Delegates’ Version and Mr. Giles,” by F.
J. Masters ; — and “ Residence in the Interior and the Transit
Trade,” by Hong-Kong. — In the first of these papers, Mr.
Watters makes allusion to Prof. Max M tiller’s paper “ On
Sanskrit Texts discovered in Japan,” read before this
Society, Feb. 16, 1880, and printed in VoL XII. Pt. 2 of our
Journal, and states that the Sukhavati-vyuha-Sutra has in
China several names, of which the best known is Ainit’e
Ching, i.e. the Sutra of Amitabhas — the Buddha who pre-
sides in the World of Extreme Delight (Sukhavati). Mr.
Watters adds that there are two distinct Sanskrit texts
with the same title, with Chinese translations of both. —
Mr. Piton’s “ Page of the History of China ” will prove
interesting even to those who are not acquainted with the
Chinese language, as showing how the various dynasties
came into existence. He refers, also, to the K’i-tan Tartars,
on whom Mr. Ho worth has written much in the Journal
of this Society and elsewhere. Mr. Masters gives a clear
account of the great work of translating the Holy Scriptures
into Chinese, in his notice of what lias been called “The
Delegates’ Version,” as having been carried out by certain
“ Delegates” who met at Shanghai in 1847 , under the direct
patronage of the British and Foreign Bible Society. Mr.

1882 .] ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. xcm

Masters then deals mercilessly with Mr. Giles and the articles
in which he has attacked this “ Yersion ” — showing, it would
seem, indisputably, that, however great his other excellences,
Mr. Giles’s forte is not translation into Chinese. A paper on
“Residence in the Interior and the Transit Duties” shows how
easy it is to misinterpret and misconstrue the plainest English,
where one party to a treaty is desirous of evading the obvious
conditions. At the close of the number are good reviews
of many excellent works, such as : — “ Yearly Festivals and
Customs of the Amoy Chinese,” from the Dutch : — of “ Anec-
dota Oxoniensia,” edited by Prof. F. Max Muller, the first part
of which contains “Buddhist Texts from Japan.”

China . — Besides the China Review , a considerable number
of papers, essays, and letters, more or less referring to that
country, have been published during the last year. Thus, inter
alia , we have in the Athenaeum (August) a very interesting
account of the overland route from Burma to China, lately
accomplished by the Revs. H. Soltau and J. W. Stevenson.
Their starting-place was Bhamo, and the line taken was
through the hilly Ka-Khyen country, between Burma and
the Shan States. Throughout their whole journey the
travellers seem to have been well received, they reached
the Yang- tse, two days beyond Laowatan, at a distance of
858 miles from Bhamo, and 1756 from Shanghai. — M. de
La Couperie, M.R.A.S., prints a letter pointing out the im-
portance of his discovery that early Chinese civilization had
been borrowed by the so-called “Hundred Families” from
the South of the Caspian Sea. In the course of this letter,
M. de La Couperie explains the nature of the translation he
has undertaken, with Prof. Douglas, to bring out, and the
views he has for some time entertained with regard to
the derivation by the colonists of China of writing and of
the elements of sciences, arts, and government, from a
centre of activity where Babylonian or Accadian culture had

XCIY

ANNUAL REPORT OF THE

0 %,

been more or less directly spread. M. de La Gonperie adds
that, in a short time, European scholars will have before
them no less than six translations of the “ Yh King ” for
mutual comparison.

In the Academy (Oct.) M. de La Gonperie prints an inter-
esting letter, in which he attempts to prove that the
geographical name Ta-Tsin, whereby the Homan Empire is
believed to have been called by the Chinese, is probably
a representation (viz. Taitan) of Tidan or Didan (the low
country along the Syrian coast), names which Chinese travel-
lers might easily have met with on the east of the Caspian.
The Homans, it may he remarked, had extended their domi-
nation to the Syrian coast, only a short time before this
presumed Chinese, expedition. — In the same Journal, Prof.
Douglas reviews Dr. W. A. P. Martin's. “ The Chinese, their
Education, Philosophy, and Letters/' a book so far valuable,
that Dr. Martin was for a long time connected with the
Tungwen College, and had exceptionally good opportunities
of studying the subjects to which his essays are devoted.
His view of the influence of the “ Imperial Academy on
the true education of the country is very unfavourable to the
existing system.

Mr. Beal, in reply to Dr. Morris, states that he has found
one Sutta at least of the “ Sutta Nipata ” in Chinese — *
a version of the Sanyutta Hi.ka.ya, viz. the liaslbha-vavuja
Sutta. Mr. Hilderic Friend writes a letter in which he
shows clearly that the statue in the Temple of the Five
Hundred Genii at Canton (which has been more than once
asserted to he that of Marco Polo) has no claim whatever to
this distinction ; hut is, really, that of a certain Slum Chu
Tsun Che, a native of one of the Northern Provinces of India,
and, for his zeal as an apostle in the service of Buddha,
highly renowned. — Mr. Gardner (Acad. May 20) reviews
at some length Mr. A. Giles's “ Historic China and other
Sketches/' in which he points out many errors in this work

1882.] ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

and a general want of care shown in its preparation ; and,
also, that in his sketch of the Ohow and Han Dynasties,
he follows Mr. Wylie more than blindly. On the other
hand, his chapters on “ Education,” “ The Book Language/"
“ Chinese Fans, etc.,” are well done.

Other essays of some importance are the following : —
Colonel Yule, Hwen T’sang (Encyc. Britann. vol. xii.) : —
Ratzel, Die Chinesen in Hord-Amerika seit 1875 (Monatschr.
fur cl. Orient. 12) Rudy, Ch., The Chinese Mandarin
Language (Ban-zai-San, vol. iv.) 1 Turretini, Fr., San-ze-
King : les phrases des trois caract&res en Chinois avec les
Yersions Japonaises, Mandchous, et Mongoles (ibid.) : —
Cordier, H., Bulletin critique des Religions de la China
(Rev. d. FHist. d. Religions, hi. 2) : — MacDonald, A.,
Hong Kong (Encycl. Brit. vol. xii.) : — Kreitner, G., Das
Ajna-volk (Mitth. d. Geogr. gesellsch. fiir Naturk. Ost-
Asiens, Heft 21-24).

The following papers, also, deserve record. Thus, Dr. Legge
(in Acad. March 4) has given a review of G von Gabelenz’s
“ Chinesische Grammatic/' the publication of which will, he
thinks, make an era in the study of Chinese on the Continent.
In this paper Dr. Legge does full justice to the remarkable
early labours of the Jesuit Missionary Pr^mare, whose MS.
(of the early part of the eighteenth century), after having
remained more than 100 years in the Royal Library at Paris,
formed the substantive base of Abel Remusat’s “ Elements
de la Grammaire Ohinoise,” 1882. — There is, also, a valuable
paper on La Religion de FAneien Empire Chinois, etudiee
au point de vue de Fhistoire comparee des religions, trans-
lated from the German MSS. of Julius Hoppel, in the Revue
de Fhistoire des Religions, iv. pp. 257-298 an interesting
pamphlet by Dr. Wilhelm Grube, Die Sprachgeschichtliche
Stellung des Chinesischen (Leipzig, 1881), giving, in a Ger-
man dress, many of the views held for several years by M.
Terrien de La Couperie.

XCYI

ANNUAL REPOET OF THE

[Hay,

Of books recently published, the following may be
mentioned : — Boulger, D. 0., History of China, yoL ii. : —
Ethnographic cles peuples etrangers de la Chine, ouvrage
compose au xxii 0 Siecle de notre ere par Ma-touan-lin,
trad, pour la premiere fois du Chinois, avec mi Oommen-
taire perpetuel, par la Marq. de Hervey de St. Denys,
1° partie: — a reprint of the Atmma Gum of Turrettini, in
which the second volume of the same work is nearly
finished: — Hughes, T. F., Among the Sons of Han : Notes
of a six years’ residence in various parts of China and
Formosa : — Schott, W., Ueber ein Chinesischen Meng-werk
nebst einen anhange linguistiche verbesserun gen zu zwei
banden der Erdkunde Ritters : — Se-Siang-Ki, on Phistoire
du pavilion d’ Occident, comedie en 16 Actes, traduit du
Chinois par St. Julien: — Tchou-Po-Lou, Les Instructions
familieres du Dr. Tchou-Po-Lou, Traite de Morale pratique,
avec vocahulaire, par 0. Imbault-IIuart : — Uehle, Max,
Beitrage zur Grrammatik des Vor-Klassischen Chinesische, I.:
Die partikel “ Bei ” im Schu-King mid Schi-King (a patient
compilation) : — F. II. Balfour, The Divine Classic, a valuable
translation of the Nanhua of the Taouist philosopher Chuang
Tsze : — Prof. Legge, Translation of the Yh-King, for Prof.
F. Max Muller’s “ Sacred Books of the East”: — M. Cordier
has, also, printed separately his Address as Professor.

Besides the books noticed above, especial notice must he
taken of a work, now in course of publication (the first
part being out),’ under the editorship of M. de La Gouperie,
entitled “ Orientalia Anfciqua, or Documents and .Researches
relating to the Writings, Languages, and Arts of the East.”
The Editor’s object is, to publish by lithography, texts, in-
scriptions, drawings, and papers on Oriental Archaeology,
etc., which require, for printing, special characters. Among
the papers are Early Chinese Texts: 1. The Calendar of the
Hea Dynasty, by Prof. R. K. Douglas, M.R.A.S. 2. On the
origin of the Phoenician Alphabet, by Mr. G\ Bertin, M.R.A.S.

B.OYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

XCYII

1882 .]

Japan . — If the number of essays, tracts, or books pub-
lished in any one year be an adequate test of the successful
progress of the literature of a country, it can scarcely be
doubted that Japan is advancing at a pace few other
nations have had the opportunity of. We can, only, here
allude to some of the more important works of the last year.
Thus, at Oxford, Mr. Bunyiu Nanjio, Priest of the
Monastery of Eastern Hongwanzi, Japan, has prepared a
catalogue of Japanese and Chinese books and MSS. lately
added to the Bodleian, which is, we believe, in course of
publication at the Clarendon Press. These include, first,
a collection made by Mr. Wylie, and bought by the
Curators of the Bodleian in 1881, consisting of thirty-seven
works in all ; secondly, five Chinese and two Japanese law
books, presented to Mr. S. Amos by the Japanese Govern-
ment; and, thirdly, a collection of Japanese books and
MSS. presented by Prof, F. Max Muller. Mr. Mongredien's
essay “ On Free Trade and English Commerce '' has just
been translated into Japanese by Mr. Miyoi Keinisin, the
translation being preceded by two short addresses to the
reader, one by M. Nomura, who has revised the translation,
the other by the translator. It is in contemplation to
publish translations from some of the other papers of the
Cobden Club. This scheme has been taken up warmly by
the editor of the Japan Gazette, an English journal pub-
lished at Yokohama. It may be added, that the works of
many leading European writers are now extensively trans-
lated or adapted in Japan, and that many of Macaulay's and
of Herbert Spencer's Essays are reprinted in English at
Tolrio and sold by the booksellers there. At present there
seems to be no law in Japan against literary piracy, from
which the Chinese, as the nearest neighbours, are naturally
the chief sufferers. .

There are, also, articles by Sir Eutherford Alcock,
K.O.B., on Japanese Art, in the Encyclop. JBritann. voL

VOL, XIV.— [new sebies,] G

XCVIIX

ANNUAL EEPOET OF THE [May,

xiii. : — Balz, W., Japan (in Myers' Konvers. Lexicon,
1880-1) : — Benkema, T. W., Die Leichenverbreimimg in
Japan aus Hollandisch (Mitth. cl Ges. fiir Naturkunde Ost
Asiens) : — The Chrysanthemum, a monthly magazine for
Japan and the Far East: — Eckert, F., Die Japanische
NT ational-Hymne (Mitth. d. Ges. f. Nat. Ost- Asiens) : —
Guimet, E., Promenade Japonaises Tokio-Nikko, texte par E.
Ghiimet, Dessins de F. Begamey : — MacClatehie, T. E. H.,
Japan, Encyclop. Britann. vol. xiii. : — Museums and Exhi-
bitions in Japan (Nature, Oct. 13), with which may he
mentioned the fact that the Japanese National Exhibition,
when opened to the public on March 31, 1881, was found to
have been supported by no less than 31,000 exhibitors : —
A paper by W. Gifford Palgrave, entitled “ Kioto/' in the
Fortnightly Eeview for Dec. : — Pfoundes, C., The Japanese
People, their Origin, and the Eace as it now exists (Jouni
Anthrop. Institute, x. 2) : — Ditto, ditto (Trans. Eoy. Soc.
Literature, vol. xii.) : — Zichy, A. Graf, Hebei* die Kunst der
Japanesen (Liter. Berichte aus Ungam, Bd. iv.) : — Bios, E.,
Le Japon depuis la Eevolution de 1660 (Bibb Uni vers,
Juillet) : — and Siebold, Ethnol. Studien liber die Ainos auf
der Insel Yesso (Suppl. Heft. Zeitschr. fiir Ethnologie,
xiii.) : — and a very good translation of the “ Don-zhi-ken/’
Teachings for the Young, from the Sino- Japanese, by our
Member, Mr. Basil Hall Chamberlain.

Among hooks recently published may be noticed Mr. J. E.
Black’s Young Japan, Yokohama and Yedo, a narrative of the
Settlement and of the City from the signing of the Treaties
in 1858 to the close of the year 1879, with a glance at the
progress of Japan during a period of 21 years : — Pfitzraaier,
Leben s-bcsehreibungen von der fuhren tmd Warden-
tragern : — M. de Goncourt, Maison d’un Artiste, with the
account of his 'museum of Japanese curiosities, added to his
better known collections of prints and of long unknown
drawings : — It is further understood that Mr. Maunde

1882 .]

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

SCIX

Thompson, the Keeper of the MSS. in the British Museum,
is engaged in editing for the Hakluyt Society the Diary of
Richard Cocks, who was resident for many years in Japan
during the reign of James I.:— The Dictionary of the late
Dr. J. J. Hoffmann, which was left by him at the time of
his lamented death nearly, if not quite, complete, is being
published by MM, Brill, of Leyden, under the title of
Japaansch-Nederlandsch Woordenboek, under the editing of
M. Serrurier, Keeper of the Ethnographical Museum : —
Mr. Kenchio Suyematzu, M.R.A.S., is translating the well-
known Japanese romance, Gengi Monogatari , the author of
which was a lady : — Mr. Satow has just completed and
published a Handbook for Northern Japan.

Further India and Malay o- Polynesia . — To the Annales de
l’Extrfinie Orient, as on former occasions, we owe much
valuable information with reference to the dwellers in the
remote parts of the East. Among the most important
papers this year are — On the Island of Celebes, by the Count
Meyners d’Estrey, in which he calls attention to the valuable
labours of M. le Chev. J. K. W. Quarles van Ufford, a dis-
tinguished Oriental scholar, and, up to the present time, the
only one who has given his serious attention to the Philology
and Ethnography of that island, following in the steps of
Dr. Matthes, whose labours on the Makassar and Bugi
languages are well known, and who has been heartily re-
ceived on his return to Holland by our member Prof. G. K.
Niemann, who alone, we believe, in Europe, is a teacher of
these languages. — It should be added that there are im-
portant papers by Dr. Matthes on the south-east part of
Celebes in the publications of the Bible Society of Holland,
two of which may be specially noted. One (published in
1872 by the Royal Society of Amsterdam) on the Bistous
or Pagan priests and priestesses of the Bugi, the other on the
Ethnology of Northern Celebes. On the Sandwich Islands,

ANNUAL BEPOET OE THE

[May,

by J. Y* Barbier. — An interesting account of La Birmanie
Inclependante in his recent work “ Les Incles, La Birmanie,
La Malaisie, Le Japon, et Les Etats-TTnis,” by the Count
Julien de Eochechouart, with a second article on the same
subject in a later number. — By Count Myners d’Estrey,
giving a pleasant narrative of the honours done at Leyden
last June to the veteran Professor, Dr. P. J. Yeth, on
his attaining the fortieth year of his professoriate — There
are also valuable papers u Sur une Scierie des Bois de
Teak k Bangkok/ 5 — By M. Leon Peer, “ Sur la Paponasie
(Hew Guinea)/ 5 being, chiefly, a notice of the work by
Count Myners d’Estrey, “ Sur la Paponasie on Houvelle
Gurnee Occidental©/ 5 unquestionably, the best authority we
have up to the present time of an island more than 1000
miles long by 200 broad ; and, by the same writer, in two
separate papers, a very full abstract of the history of the
great monument of Boro-Boudour, the principal notices of
•which were published, as already stated, by order of the
Dutch Government by Dr. Leemans, the Director of the
Museum of Antiquities at Leyden, from the designs of M.
F. C. Wilsen, and the MS. descriptions of MM. F. 0.
Wilsen and J. F. G. Grumund, M. Feer, as might be expected
from his profound knowledge of this subject, while admitting
the value of the labours of the draftsmen and editors of these
remarkable volumes, criticizes very freely many of their
suggestions and interpretations. — Another paper worth
reading is by M. Louis Bazangeon, “ Sur le people et le
gouvernement Japonais 55 : as is, also, the work by the
Marquis d’Estree, “ Sur une nouvelle Caste de Java / 5 which
has been marvellously carried out, the lithographic stones
on which it was drawn having been lost in a shipwreck
and recovered from the bottom of the sea, only by great toil
and exertion. In a subsequent essay the same writer
gives a summary of the Congres G4ograpliique de Lyons,
with the reply of Dr. Harmand to certain objectors, in

1882 ,]

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

which, he would seem to have been quite successful The
text is also given in the October number of the recent Treaty
between Russia and China, which has been mainly nego-
tiated by our Honorary Member, the Marquis Tseng,
Ambassador of China at the Court of St. James. There can
be little doubt that the Russians gave way and ceded
Kuldja, after having distinctly conquered it, finding it
impossible to maintain their own against so persistent and
implacable enemies as the Chinese. It may be added here,
that at a meeting of the “ Society des Arts et des Sciences de
Batavia ” the Baron Textor de Ravisi made a speech of great
importance, in which he pointed out the necessity to a
nation of having an extensive series of Colonies, and showed
to how great an extent the power of Spain, Portugal,
Holland and England has been due to the careful nourish-
ment of their Colonial Systems.

In the number for Dec. 1881, M. Cotteau gives a very
pleasant account of a journey he made from Paris to Nagasaki
in Japan, by the way of Siberia — a journey, the more remark-
able, in that he left Paris on May 6, 1881, and reached Naga-
saki in three months, on August 7, at a cost not exceeding
£100. M. Senn von Basel, Consul-General of the Netherlands
at Bangkok, gives a lively sketch of his experiences at Siam
(in two papers), with some curious notes as to the mode in
which commerce is carried on in that remote locality. There
is, also, a good notice of M. le Comte Julien de Roche-
chouart’s “ Pekin et lTnterieur de la Chine,” a work of
much value as giving a clear narrative of the many
curious things to be still seen in the “ Environs ” of Pekin.
Inter alia , he gives an account of the celebration of Mass at
which he was present in Manchuria, when the cold was
so great that the Sacred Elements were frozen on the altar.

In the first number for the present year, Prof. Kern gives
an important paper, entitled “ I/Epoque du Roi Suryavar-
man” with reference to an article by M. Lorgean, on an

cii 1MIJAL EEPGET OF THE [May,

Inscription found at Lophabouri (this paper was published in
the Ann. de L’Extr. Orient. August, 1880). The date is
believed to be about a.d. 833 . The importance of this docu-
ment is— that it confirms the previous belief of scholars,
that there is not the slightest trace of Pali in the Cambogian
Inscriptions, though, at the same time, several Sanskrit words
occur in them. Though, in some parts, imperfect, Dr. Kern
has been able to show, that its purport is a decree of the King
Suryyavarman (dnjd Sri Silryyamrmmdeva ). The Inscription
of the Prea Khan has already demonstrated that it was the
Northern branch of the Buddhists who settled in Cambogia.
It is right to add that the Marquis de Crozier has stated at a
recent meeting of the “ Societe Academique Indo-Chinoise,’’
that M. Aymonier did not agree with the interpretation of
Dr. Kern. The grounds, however, of the difference between
these two scholars, have not as yet reached us. In the
number for February, 1882 , four plates are given of the
Cambogian Inscriptions sent by Dr. Harmand to Prof.
Kern, with his transcription, etc.

Then follows a brief but useful notice of the History
of Corea — which is of importance, as showing that the
territory of, Corea was, in early times, far more extended
than at present — indeed, reached even into Manchuria, where
many ancient tombs of the original population are still
visible. A list is given of the chief rulers from a.d. 1391 to
1866 ; there is, also, a very curious paper, entitled “ La Culte
et la Fete de POurs chez les Amos.”

A remarkable account is added of the recent intro-
duction of Electric Telegraphs into China, the lino having
now been completed between Tientsin and Shanghai, —
possibly, at the present time, even into Pekin. It may,
however, be reasonably presumed that the Telephone will, in
the end, be of greater service to the Chinese than the Tele-
graph, as the nature of the Chinese language and alphabet
does not lend itself readily to the construction of telegraphic

1882 .]

EOYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

messages. On the other hand, in Japan, where, a year and a
half ago, 848 of Morse’s instruments were in use, the tele-
graphists have constructed an ingenious alphabet of their
own, consisting of 47 symbols. A school of telegraphy has
been founded, wherein, recently, 227 students were being
taught the art. An interesting review is, also, given of
Shib Chunder Bose’s work, which has thrown much light on
the actual state of social life among the natives of India.

The number for March contains a very valuable and ex-
haustive paper “On the tenure of Land in China, 1 ’ by M.
Eugene Simon, and a second article on the Commerce of the
Sandwich Islands ; but the most important paper is that by
the Baron Ernouss “ Kashmir and Little Tibet (Ladakh)/’ in
which the writer gives a picturesque account of his journey
from Sirinagar to Leh, and at the same time, a plate of a re-
markable figure of Buddha, of gigantic proportions, which he
noticed on his way, carved out of the side of the mountain.

In the April part, we find a vigorous protest against the
lamcz-aUer policy, which appears to actuate the French
Government with respect to their Colonial system, and, in an
especial manner, with reference to the Indo-Chinese colonies
or Protectorate; and an able article, on a subject of great
moment at the present time, viz. the possibility of cutting
a canal through the Isthmus of Kra. Naturally the French
colonists are urgent in a matter, which, if successful, will
transfer to Saigon nine-tenths of the commerce of Singapore,
and materially shorten both the time and the dangers of the
transit between India and China. This idea is not a new
one ; indeed, in the last century, the cutting a canal to join
the Bay of Bengal and the Gulf of Siam had been thought
of: but it is only recently that this matter has been taken
up warmly. M. Leon Dru’s two papers, “La Peninsule
Malaise,” 1881, and “Projet du percement de ITsthme de
Kra,” 1882, and the “Conference faite par M. Deloncle
& la Society de Geographic Commerciale de Paris, Mars,

CIV ANNUAL BEPOBT OE THE [May,

1882,” will supply the student with all necessary details on
this point.

One of the most interesting notices in the number is a
notice of the ceremonials attending the celebration of the
birthday of the young King of Siam, on which occasion our
member, Mr. W. Gr. Palgrave, read the Address to the King,
on the part of the European community. The speech of the
King in reply exhibited much good practical common sense.

In concluding this part of the Report, it may he stated,
that M. Edmond Fuchs, who has been sent by the French
Government to explore the mine-district of Tongkin and
Cambogia, has returned from his survey with a rich collection
I of materials for further research ; and that M. Delaporte (to
: -whom we owe a valuable work on Cambogia) has completed
his Archaeological and Scientific Mission to the Khmer Enins
in Indo-China. Details of his journal have been given by
the Marquis de Crozier at the last meeting of the Society
over which he so well presides. M. Delaporte left Marseilles
on Oct. 31, 1881, and, after reaching Saigon, went directly to
the celebrated ruins of Angkor, the result of his researches
there leading him to believe the ruined temples are really
Brahmanical. Angkor-Yat he found to be dedicated to
E,ama and Yishnu. M. Delaporte has been able to secure
300 photographs and a large number of impressions. He has
just arrived in France, having left behind him Dr. Ernault
and two other Frenchmen to complete his researches,

. At a recent meeting of the Academic des Inscriptions, M,
Aymonier read a paper on an Inscription in the Qian or Chan
language from Danabang-Dek in Cambodia. The people known
as Gians were the dominant population throughout Farther
India before the invasion of the Kmers of Cambodia. Some
of them may still be found in scattered communities. Their
power is attested by Marco Polo, who visited them in the
thirteenth century. M. Aymonier states that they have
three dialects ; — I. The Dalil or Sacred Language j 2, The

1882.’] ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. cv

Oiarn or Vernacular proper ; and 3. The Bani, a Muhamma-
dan dialect, which has now superseded the other two. The
inscription referred to is written in the second of these
three, and contains the lament of a mother, whose daughter
had abandoned her husband and children. It may be added
that M. Aymonier has discovered in Cambodia many San-
skrit inscriptions. A “ Comparative Grammar of the Lan-
guages of Further India,” by the late Capt. C. J. F. S.
Forbes, has been carefully reviewed by Lieut. -Col. T. H.
Lewin, M.R.A.S., in the Academy for Sept. 10, 1881.

Comparatively few special books have been published
lately on these subjects; but we may notice that M. H.
Ravier has issued a “ Dictionarium Latino- Annamiticum
novo ordine dispositum, etc., ex typis Miss. Tunquini Occi-
dentalis ” ; and that M. Ewald has published a Grammar of
the Siamese Language.

Malay. — Mr. Maxwell, M.R.A.S., the Assistant Resident
at Perak, has just published “■ A Manual of the Malay Lan-
guage, with an Introductory Sketch of the Sanskrit Element
in Malay,” in w r hich, taking, as his model, the Hindustani
Grammar of the late Prof. Forbes, he has endeavoured to
supply a work which shall be, at once, an elementary
grammar and a compendium of words and sentences to teach
the colloquial dialects as well as to explain the grammatical
rules. In this effort Mr. Maxwell appears to have been
quite successful. His introduction deals with the origin of
the Malay language, referring, on this topic, largely to the
opinions expressed by the late Mr. Logan, which, even if
generally correct, are certainly of too advanced a character
for a beginner. Mr. Maxwell, it will be observed, never
mentions Pali, but attributes the Sanskrit words he finds to
the direct influence of Brahmanism ; hut the Pali- speaking
Buddhists must have had some influence too. In Malay, we
may note, further, Mr. F. A. SwettenhanYs Vocabulary in

CVI

ANNUAL BEPOBT OF THE

[May,

2 vols,, English-Malay and Malay-English, with Dialogues
(Singapore, 1881) : — H. 0. Klinkert's Oonversatie boek voor
bet Maleisch (Haarlem, 1881) (containing, also, a grammar).
On tke language of Madura, we have now a grammar and
■vocabulary by W*. J. Elsevier Stokmans and K. J . CL P .
Marinissen, printed at Surabaya in 1880, and M, Vreede’s
Edition of the Travels of Itaden Mas Aria Punva Lelana
(Leiden, 1882) : — also, a second edition of bis Manual and
Header (Leiden, 1882).

For Sundanese, we have a Ohrestomatby by 0. J. Grashuis
(Leiden, 1881), with a valuable introduction; and N. J.
Costing's edition of Obarios Supena (Amsterdam, 1881).

An important contribution towards the study of Old
Javanese has been made by the publication at Batavia, of
0. J. "Winter's Kawi- Javanese Dictionary, while two
treatises on Modern Javanese Grammar have recently ap-
peared in Holland, viz. H. L. Humane, On the various forms
of its Yerb, and Oh. T. Mechelen, On "Word-building in
Javanese.

Formosa . — We understand that Mr. J. Dodd, of Tamsui,
is preparing for the Journal of the Straits Settlements his
vocabularies of the various dialects spoken by the aborigines
in the interior of Formosa. These vocabularies will include,
also, a large number of words collected from the Pepohuans,
a tribe unconnected with either the Chinese on one side or
Negritos on the other.

Polynesia , — In the I). M. G. (xxxvi. 1) Mr. J. ITersheim,
who has already paid much attention to the dialects of the
Marshall and adjacent islands, has given a valuable notice of
the Yocabulary, published many years ago by Clmmisso, of
Eadak Islands; and, in the Athenaeum for Aug. ti, 1881, there

1882 .]

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

era

are very full reviews of Abraham Fornander’s “ Account of
the Polynesian Race, its Origin and Migrations,” and of
Mr. Dawson’s “ Australian Aborigines ; the Languages and
Customs of several Tribes of Aborigines in the Western
District of Victoria, Australia.”

Miscellaneous Indian or Oriental. — Many interesting articles,
reviews, or notices have appeared, on this subject, in different
Journals, etc., of which the following may be specified: —
Thus in the Athenaeum, are reviews of the late Dr. Oldfield’s
Sketches from Nipal, historical and descriptive, a book of
very pleasant reading, though somewhat late in publication : —
of Fausboll and T. W. Rhys Davids’ Buddhist Birth Stories
(the J atak avatthavannana) : — of Mr. E. B. Eastwick’s Hand-
book for the Bombay Presidency, admirably executed, but
with a very poor map : — of Mr. J. F. Baness’ Index Greo-
grapliicus Indicus, a work of much utility for statistical
purposes, and the most compendious geographical manual
in existence: — of Sir George Birdwood’s Industrial Arts
of India, very useful to the student of Indian Art as dis-
tinct from Architecture : — of Mr. W. W. Hunter’s Imperial
Gazetteer of India : — of Mr, H. B. Grigg’s Manual of the
Nilagiri District of the Madras Presidency : — of Mr. J . H.
Nelson’s Prospectus of the Study of Hindu Law : — of Major
H. G. Raver tv’s Notes on Afghanistan and part of Baluchis-
tan, Parts I. II. and III., printed by order of the Secretary
of State for India, a compilation whose value would have
been greatly enhanced had it been provided with one
or two good and recent maps: — of Mr. W. E. Maxwell’s
Manual of the Malay Language and of Mr, H. S. Cun-
ningham’s British India. There are, also, some interesting
but less extended notices, as that of M. van der Gheyn’s
“ Le Berceau des Aryas ” : — of M. 0. Szasz’s “The Great
Epics of the Indians” (in Magyar):— of Archdeacon Baly’s
paper On the Education of the Eurasian peoples and of

cvm

ANNUAL RETORT OE THE

[May,

M. Minayeffs important volume “ On Ancient India/’ being
an account of the notes of Nikitin, a Russian traveller in
India in the fifteenth century, which has been translated
into English by Count Yyelgoursky : — There is, also, a
reprint, by Sir George Birdwood, of a curious English
poem of the seventeenth century, called “Prince Butler’s
Tale,” of interest as bearing on the Bombay Trade Ballads
(Kir terns), one of which he published last year : — and more
than one etymological paper by Colonel Yule.

In the Academy are reviews of many works, such as
Mr. W. W. Hunter’s Imperial Gazetteer, already noticed as
examined in the pages of the Athenaeum ; and some others,
also, to which attention should be called here ; as, for
instance, brief but good notices of sundry smaller works
on India, such as of Mr. R. N. Cast’s Pictures of Indian Life,
which receives the commendation it so well deserves : — of E.
L. Arnold’s work “ On the Indian Hills ” : — of Col. G. T.
Fraser’s Records of Sport and Military Life in Western
India : — of Y. Ball’s Diamonds, Coal, and Gold of India : —
of Shib Chunder Bose’s The Hindus as they are — and Dr.
A. C. Burnell’s most interesting volume of the Italian Version
of a letter written in 1505 by Dom Manuel, King of Portugal,
to King Ferdinand of Castile, giving an account of the early
Portuguese Voyages from 1500-1505, thus excluding that of
Da Gama, 1497-9. To these may be added reviews by A. 0.
Burnell of Nelson’s Scientific Study of Hindu Law, and
of the Second Voyage of Vasco da Gama (by Berjeau) : —
of Mr. Burgess’s Archaeological Survey of Western India,
Inscriptions from the Cave-Temples of Western India: —
and by T. W. Rhys Davids of Prof. E. Jinx Muller’s
Dhammapada — The Sutta Nipata — being vol. x. of the Sacred
Books of the East; and of A. Barth’s Religions of India, trans-
lated by the Revel. T. Wood (Triibner’s Oriental Series) : —
by J* S. Cotton, short notices of Sir John and General
Straehey’s Finances and Public Works of India, from 1869 to

1882 .] ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. cix

1881 ; of Mr. Tayler’s Thirty-Eight Years in India, vol. i. ; of
Colonel W. F. B. Laurie’s Ashe Pyee, the Superior Co un try,
or the Great Attractions of Burmah to British Enterprise
and Commerce ; of Rajendralala Mitra’s Indo- Aryans ;
of Bishop Caldwell’s Political and General History of the
District of Tinnevelly : — Mr. W. W. Hunter gives, also, an
admirable review of Mr. Edwin Arnold’s Indian Poetry : —
Mr. Littledale one of Mr. Mandlik’s Hindu Law : — and Mr.
Sayce a brief notice of M. Lenormant’s Histoire ancienne de
l’Orient, vol. i. of the ninth edition.

Assyrian and Cuneiform . — A considerable number of valu-
able papers and books have been published during the past
year, of which the following may be noted. Thus, in the
Athenaeum is a notice of a discovery by M. J. Derenbourg,
which, even if it be not fully confirmed, is, at all events, an
ingenious suggestion for the explanation of the word Amini
in the name Amminabad [which occurs in an Assyrian
inscription, as the name of a king of Ammon], as really the
denomination of an Ammonite deity, analogous to Kemosh,
which is found in the name of Kemoshnadab, a Moabite
king. He explains, in consequence, the name of Ben-Ammi
(Gen. xix. 35) as the son of the god Amrni, like Ben-Hadad,
the son of the Aramaean divinity Hadad. M. Derenbourg
observes that one of David’s ancestors is called Amminadab,
suggesting that David may have been of Ammonite descent
on the paternal side, and of -Moabite on the maternal.— Mr.
Boscawen has contributed several papers. In the first of
these he deals with the discovery and decipherment by Mr.
Pinches of an inscription which records the events in the
reign of Habonidus, the last native King of Babylon. Mr.
Boscawen considers that this inscription fully confirms the
statement of Daniel, Herodotus, Xenophon, and others, that
the city of Babylon was taken during one of the great
festivals of the people, and that, after the capture of Sippara,

cx ANNUAL REPORT OE THE [May,

the army of Cyrus, under the command of Ugbaru (or
Gobryas), entered the city without fighting. Whether or not
« D ar i us the Mede ” is the same as “ Gobryas the Mede,”
seems to lack further confirmation. In a second paper he
gives memorials of a king of Babylon.

To the Academy Prof. Sayce contributes two papers : one
on Kyaxares and the Medea, in which he calls in question
Prof.* Oppert’s identification of the Median King with the
TTvakhsataru of the Behistun Inscription; on the other
hand, he thinks that Kastaritu or Kastariti, the name found
on the later tablets, approaches more nearly to it. He
thinks, also, that Istuvegu (the Astyages of the Greeks) is
as certainly non- Aryan. In his second paper he criticizes
very favourably the recent work by Dr. Delitsch, “ Wo ist
das Paradies ? ” The true site of Eden I)r. Delitsch con-
ceives to be in the district between Babylon and Baghdad,
uame being derived from the Accadian Bdm, mean-
in 01 plain or valley. Dr. Delitsch, also, holds that I nin-
dise ” is not derived, as most people have supposed, from the
Persian, but more probably from an Accadian word. At
more than one recent meeting of the Aeademie des Inscrip-
tions Prof. Oppert has read papers on the great Inscription
of Assurbanipal, King of Assyria (recently procured by Mr.
Bassam). This Inscription is on a cylinder or prism, which
was discovered, -as have been so many others, inserted in a
niche prepared for it, in one of the angles of the terrace of
the Boyal Palace. On one part of it, besides the usual
account of his exploits and of his devotion to his god Nebo,
there is a record of an eclipse of the sun, which astronomers
are able to assign to June 24, 0(51 me., thus affording a
fixed date in Assyrian chronology, independently of Greek
or Hebrew chroniclers. In another place there is a narra-
tive of the defeat and death of Samutsum Yukin, apparently
a younger brother of Assurbanipal, who had raised Babylon
in rebellion against him. Samutsum Yukin is said to have

1882 .]

BOYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

CXI

been flung into tbe flames by the enraged inhabitants,
thus furnishing the first idea of the story, which the
Greeks transferred (with variations) to his victorious brother.
Before the same learned body M. M^nant has also read
papers “ On the Portraits of the Kings of Assyria,” and —
arguing (1) from the portraits of contemporary monarchs of
the Chaldaean line at Babylon and of the Assyrian at
Nineveh, (2) from those of the different dynasties at Nineveh
and Kalakh, and (3) from those of several kings of the same
dynasty — has drawn the conclusion that the artists really
meant to reproduce actual and not merely conventional
features. — M. de Longperier, in one of the last — if not the
very last — papers he contributed to the Acad^mie des In-
scriptions, has attempted to connect the discoveries of M. de
Sarsec with the kingdom of Mesopotamia, as ruled over by
Chushar Eisha Ghaim (Judges xi. 8, 16). The Hebrew
word there used is Aram-Naharain — the Syria of the Two
Elvers.

Since the lamented death of M. de Longperier, early in the
present year, more details of M. de Sarsec's work have come
to hand : we quote, therefore, the following, but in a form
much abridged, from the Times of May 24. From this report,
it appears that M. de Sarsec, with exceptional facilities, has
explored the lower portion of Southern Babylonia, and
especially a mound, called Tell Ho, on the Shat el Hie,
near the shores of the Wasat lake or pool. By his thorough
examination of this mound, M. de Sarsec has been able to
bring to light the ruins of an important edifice, palace, or
temple (which, is not clear), dating from the very earliest
period of Chaldsean monumental history, — the founder of
which would seem to have been contemporary with ITrukh,
the Orchamus of the Classics, the builder-king of Ur. In
the remains of this edifice, were discovered various valuable
monuments, statues of priests and kings, cut out of a hard
kind of porphyry, granite, or dionte,* while there were

exit

ANNUAL REPORT OF THE

[May,

numerous otter statuettes in terra-cotta and marble, with a
few specimens of wbat we must call primitive bronze-
founder’s work. The name of the ancient city, as recorded
on various tablets, is “Sergulla the city of the “great
light ’’—perhaps so called as one of the chief seats of very
early Chaldeean Fire-worship. It is interesting to know that
the modern Arabized .form of Zerghul is still the local name
of the district in which “ Tell Ho ” is situate. The majority
of the monuments found in situ bear the name of a Chaldean
king, called Grudea, a monarch who seems to have held a
vice-regal appointment under Dengi, King of Ur.

The most important objects obtained from this site have
been secured by the French Government, and deposited in
in the Louvre ; the British Museum, however, has obtained
many good examples of the primitive Art of Chaldea, inter
alia , a rudely-carved statue of a goddess, and some other
statuettes in bronze, evidently those of two priests, who seem
to have been attached to the chief temple of the city. The
general results are, that, ethnologically, we can trace two
distinct types of peoples, whose features have been here
recorded with singular fidelity by the primitive sculptors.
The first represents a beardless type, with a head of the
brachycephalic type, but, at the same time, with markedly
orthognathous features — possibly those of a Mongoloid or
Ugro-Finnish type. The same type is found in the Elamite
and Susianian people, as represented on the sculptures from
Nineveh. The head found by M. de Sarsec resembles that
of .the Elamites of the time of Sennacherib. The second type
is that of a bearded race, with, more distinctly Caucasian
features, the hair being long and straight.' The figures,
generally, it may be added, bear a remarkable resemblance
to the bearded race, whose statues are found on the so-called
Hittite sculptures, from Jerablus or Carchernish, and from
Boghaz-Keui in Phrygia. Here then, at the very earliest
dawn of Chaldean history, we find a population in the land

1882 .] BOYAL ASTATIC SOCIETY. cxin

of an apparently Mongoloid or Turanian type, with inscrip-
tions in an agglutinative form of writing, bearing, as M.
Terrien de La Conperie bas shown, a striking resemblance
in its commonest ideographs, to that first propagated in
China by “ the Hundred families of the Celestial Empire/ 5
The city of Sergulla was clearly, also, the earliest seat
of the workers in metals, — this primitive centre being that
which supplied the surrounding cities with weapons or statues
for temples or shrines. The discoveries of M. de Sarsec, so
gladly welcomed by Western scholars, show clearly that, in
the marshes of Southern Chaldea, there still remain untold
records of the primitive settlers in the land of Shinar, and
that we have good reason for believing that in the ruined
cities of the Tigro-Euphrates delta, we may find the solu-
tion of many problems of the primitive culture of man-
kind. Anyhow, there is no room for doubting that, on the
banks of these canals, we do find remains of the most ancient
cities in the world — the Shat el Hie being, unquestionably,
the greatest of the engineering works of this remote people.
It was in this neighbourhood that Mr. Bassam was for
months engaged in making explorations for the Trustees of
the British Museum, his chief labours, as noticed in last
year’s Eeport, being at the Mound of Abu Habba, which is
believed to mark the site of the ancient city of Sippara, the
Chaldean Heliopolis. To the Architect and Archaeologist, his
researches have been of the greatest interest, in so far that they
have restored to us the remains of a temple, the latest por-
tions of which date from the tenth century b.c. ; one, too,
which, in construction, bears a remarkable resemblance to the
Jewish Temple, as built by Solomon. It seems certain that
Bit-Sarra, the chief fane of the Sun-Cod at Sippara, was not
only the dwelling-place of the patron Deity of the city, but,
also, the centre from which, or to which, flowed all the com-
mercial and fiscal transactions of the province of Akhad or
Northern Chaldea. Early in the present year, over ten

VOL. XIV.— [new series.]

cxxv

AOTTJAL REPORT OE THE

[May,

thousand tablets have been found at Sippara, relating to the
commercial life at Babylonia — a discovery which supple-
ments, in a way quite unforeseen, the discovery in 1875 of
the Egibi tablets. These recent documents are dated in the
reign of Samassumukin and Kindulani, Chaldean Kings,
whose reigns have been identified with those of Saosduchinus
■ and Kiniledanus of Ptolemy’s Canon : we have, thus, there-
fore, a complete series of documents to guide the student of
history. Mr. Rassam is, now, again, busy among these ruined
cities, and, guided by his discoveries at Abu Habba, and by
the topographical information to he gathered from the in-
scriptions, we have reason to expect many and valuable
results from the campaign of exploration of 1882, Anyhow,
it is certain that, by the labours of M. de Sarsec and Mr.
Rassam, the recovery of the past is making great and im-
portant progress in the Tigro-Euphrates Yalley.

Before the Society of Biblical Archaeology a number of
valuable papers have been read, of which the following is a
list, as far as at present published. Thus, Mr. Sayce has
contributed two papers on the Nahr-el-Kelb Inscription, and
a much more complete account in the Academy for May 19,
1882.— Mr. Gr. Pinches has communicated two papers, one on
a Cappadocian Tablet in the British Museum, obtained some
years since from M. Alishan, and the other on a similar
tablet now in the Bibliotheque National©. Both are believed
to have come from Cappadocia, which is confirmed by the
text, and neither, though in a Cuneiform type, is written in
either the usual Assyrian or Akkadian— a matter on which
Messrs. Sayce and Bertin have contributed important letters,
the latter believing that the two tablets are non-Semitic.
Mr. Pinches has also contributed a paper, being “ Observa-
tions upon Calendars of the Ancient Babylonians, now in
the British Museum.” Prof. J. Campbell has given a
paper entitled “ A Key to the Hittite Inscriptions,” and
Mr. F, W. Eastlake one entitled u Uraku vemm Sisku ” ; —

1882 .]

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

CXY

The Rev. W. Houghton has followed up his usual Natural
History subjects by a paper “ On the Birds of the Assyrian
Records and Monuments ” Lastly, Mr. Bertin has written
“ On the Rules of Life among the Ancient Akkadians.”
M. Oppert has also read before the Academie des Inscrip-
tions a paper “ On the Ohaldsean Inscriptions of Gudea,”
his chief argument being that Inscriptions known as Sume-
rian are written, not only in a different character, but, also,
in a different language, to that of the ordinary Cuneiform
Inscriptions.

A good many books of interest in these studies have been
published separately during the past year, some of them being
enlargements of papers read at the meetings of different
Societies. Of these the following may be noted. Thus, Dr.
Heinrich Fischer of Freiburg, and Dr. Alfred Wiedemann
of Leipzig, have published three tables of photographs and
fifteen woodcuts of Babylonian cylinders in the Museum at
Gratz, which were originally presented to the Archduke
John of Austria by Mr. 0. J. Rich, fifty years ago the
British Resident at Baghdad. The tables are accompanied
by mineralogical and archaeological introductions. Mr.
Hayes -Ward has published a curious hook entitled “The,
Serpent-Tempter in Oriental Mythology,” which appeared
as a paper, some time since, in the Bibliotheca Sacra;
in this paper he claims to have proved that the Cuneiform
legend supposed by the late George Smith to contain an
account of the Fall, is really a hymn to the Creator.
Be this as it may, it is certain that Mr. Ward’s paper is
one of much research and not to be passed over without
careful examination by future students of these matters. —
Prof. Paul Haupt has recently published at Leipzig “ Die
Keil Inschriftlich© Suntfluth-berieht, eine Episode des
Babylonischen Nimrod-Epos,” a popular tract, which the
writer proposes to follow up with the text of the Flood-
tablets, translation, and notes; and, bearing on the same

CXVI

ANNUAL REPORT OF THE

[May,

subject, indeed in some degree supplementary to it. Prof.
Schrader lias issued (or is about to issue) a new and
revised edition of liis “ Eeil-Inschriften und das Alte Testa-
ment.” — It is understood that Dr. Haupt will, also, shortly
publish as a separate brochure his paper on the pre-Semitic
Dialects of Babylonia, the Accadian and the Sumerian,
which he read before the Berlin Congress. — The 4th
Lieferung has also been issued of the Bibliothek Assyria*
logische, edited by Drs. F. Delitsch and P. Haupt . — Inter
alia , it may be mentioned that Mr. Pinches is about to
publish a series of unedited texts in the Cuneiform cha-
racter. — A large collection of new Assyrian remains has
been deposited in the British Museum during the past year.
Among these may be specified a considerable number of
Contract Tablets found at Babylon, and dated in the fifth
year of Antigonus and the eighth year of Alexander IV. or
2Egus, to whom the Canon of Ptolemy assigns twelve years,
though historians only give him six. The Museum has,

. also, received nine cases, representing a portion of the
results of Mr. Hormuzd Eassam’s last year’s researches in
Babylonia. The tablets are generally small, hut, in whole
or in fragments, are estimated at not less than 5000 in
number. Their subjects, as far as yet ascertained, are
generally trade documents, contracts for the supply of corn
and the like. Most of these are dated in the reigns of
Samassumukin and Kandalana, the Ghinladanus of the
Greeks, who were contemporary with the latter half of the
reign of Assurbanipul, b.c. 646. — Most recently we may
notice an important paper by M. Hommel, slightly modified
by Prof. Sayce (Acad. May 20, 1882), on the definite mean-
ings of Sumir and Accad. The paper is too long for even
an abstract in this place ; but those who are interested in
this branch of Assyrian research will do well to give it their
special study. Mr. Hommel, in it, does ample justice to the
previous researches of MM. Lenormant, Pinches, Haupt,

1882.] BOYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. cxyii

and Delitzsch. — Before the Academie des Inscriptions 31.
Halevy has again repeated his views on the question of
Siiniir and Akkad, but without, as it would seem, advancing
any new proofs in favour of his contention. It may, how-
ever, be added that the king whose name, in M. de Sarsec’s
Inscriptions, M. Oppert reads as “ Grudea/’ is called by M.
Halevy “ Nabu.’ 5

Egyptology . — The work of the last year has certainly not
been inferior to that of former years, and the Societies which
devote themselves to this branch of antiquarian study have
not been idle. Thus, from the Transactions of the Biblical
Archaeological Society we learn that Dr. Birch gave at their
first meeting an account of the Discoveries at Deir-el-Baharl ;
that the Rev. H. Gh Tomkins read a “ Notice of the Cam-
paign of Rameses II. in his fifth year, against Kadesh on
the Orontes ” ; that Mr. P. Le Page Renouf contributed a
paper u On wrong values commonly assigned to Hierogly-
phic groups/ 5 and also one “ On Egyptian Mythology, Mist,
and Cloud 55 ; that Prof. E. L. Lushington wrote “ On the
Stele of Mentuhotep 55 ; and W. Flinders Petrie “ On
Pottery and Implements collected at Giseh and in its neigh-
bourhood the large majority of these specimens being of
a late period, not earlier than the Persian invasion, and in a
character essentially domestic. There were a few fragments,
the writer remarked, of a more remote antiquity, perhaps as
early as the Fourth Dynasty, the same being, in manu-
facture, decidedly superior to those a thousand or more
years later in date. — The chief events of the year, however,
have been the remarkable discoveries which have been
made in the country itself. Among these, the most im-
portant has been that at Deir-el-Bahari (a very full account
of which has been recently drawn up by M. Maspero, with
twenty photographs), the exact site of which has, at last,
been revealed by an Arab, the spot having doubtless been

CXTII1

ANNUAL .REPORT OR THE

[May,

known to the native explorers for many years, though, the
secret had been well kept, for obvious reasons. The main
facts of these discoveries were the finding of a shaft, four
feet square, twenty-five feet deep, by which a horizontal
passage about sixty feet long* was reached, which was found
strewed with coffins and other remains. These have been
secured, and are now deposited in the Museum at Boulaq.
It appeared, further, that the coffins and mummies of
various royal persons had been removed from their earlier
places of sepulture, as, for instance, the coffin and mummy
of Taakan III., described in the account of the robbery of
Raineses IX., which is found on the Abbot Papyrus in the
British Museum. One of the mummies of the Eighteenth
Dynasty may have been that of Aahmes I., the monarch
who drove the Shepherd Rulers out of Northern Egypt ; hut,
as this mummy had been subsequently placed in the coffin of
a private person, there is some doubt on this subject. The
wife of this king, Aahmes-NFefert-ari by name, was appa-
rently an ^Ethiopian, and her mummy has also been found
with those of the princes and princesses of the family of
Aahmes. The coffin and the mummy of Amenophis I., the
successor of Aahmes, has also been discovered ; and that of
Thothmes III., but so mutilated, that neither his features
nor his stature could be made out. The latest monarchs
whose remains have been found are those of the Twenty-first
Dynasty, for whom this mummy-pit seems to have been
originally constructed.

In the Athenaeum and Academy, as usual, are many im-
portant essays, reviews, or letters, bearing on Egyptian
matters. Of these, in the former Journal, may be noticed
an account of the newly-discovered pyramids, viz. that of
Unas, near the step-shaped Pyramid of Sakkarah, and the
so-called Mastubat el Fardoom, which M. Maspero has shown,
from the paper impressions of the Inscription he secured, to
be that of Noferkera (Nephercheres), the grandson of

1882 .]

EOTAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

CXIX

Pepi I. A letter from the late Mr. Sharpe “ On the In-
ventor of the Leap-year,” in which he expresses the opinion
that Ichonuphys, an Egyptian astronomer, was the real
inventor of the intercalary day of every fourth year (our
February 29th), as it is known that he was the teacher of
Eudoxus, the reformer of the Greek calendar. Hitherto,
the invention has been given to Sosigenes, who aided Julius
Caesar, in what, from him, has since been called the Julian
era A notice, only fuller, of the discoveries at Deir-el-
Bahari, with the further statement of M. Maspero’s
researches in the Pyramid of Meydum. — There is also a
careful review of Prof. Rawlins on’s “ History of Ancient
Egypt,” a companion volume to his previous labours on
“ The Five Great Monarchies of the Ancient World,” and,
as such, “ not the exposition of a cherished theory, but the
outcome of careful reading”: — of M. Pierrot’s Pantheon
Egyptien, a well-conceived system of Egyptian mythology,
and a useful book of reference for Egyptologists: — and a
very full review of M. Maspero’s now published work “ La
trouvaille de Deir-el-Bahari ” : — and of Mr. Laurence Oli-
phant’s amusing work “ The Land of Khemi.”

In the Academy, the following are deserving of notice : —
Thus, Miss Edwards, so well known for her knowledge of
ancient and modern Egypt, as for the zeal with which she
has pursued this class of studies, contributes several interest-
ing* reviews or letters. Of the former, are those of Mr. S. L.
Poole’s book on Egypt, a -well-written and succinct notice
of the country, with good maps and illustrations : — of Canon
Rawlinson’s History of Ancient Egypt, which she does not
consider a valuable addition to existing, or even a popular
knowledge on this subject :— a clear account of the great
discovery of the Deir-el-Bahari, Aug. 13 and two much
fuller accounts, Aug. 27 and Sept. 3, mainly furnished to
her by the courtesy of M. Maspero, and correcting, as
might have been expected, some exaggerated reports which

cxx

AMUAL REPORT OP THE

[>'y>

Rad appeared in the papers, shortly after the first discovery
became known. Miss Edwards’s general conclusion in this
case seems to be, that the hiding-place of the Deir-el-
Bahari had been certainly known to the Arabs for the last
twenty-two years. In the number for Oct. 1 the same
writer gives a description of the Prince of Wales’s Papyrus,
now in the British Museum, and suggests its connection
with another papyrus, found, it is believed, at or near Deir-
el-Bahari, and now in the Louvre. The Louvre Papyrus,
she says, “ is a document without a beginning ; the Prince
of Wales’s Papyrus is a document without an end; what
the Louvre Papyrus wants, the Prince of Wales’s Papyrus
supplies — also, a further paper (Nov. 5) on “ A New Royal
Papyrus ” On Jan, 7, 1882, Miss Edwards recurs to the
Deir-el-Bahari discoveries, and states that they were really
those of M. Maspero, though M. Emil Brugsch brought
these treasures to Boulaq : — in the same number, describing
M. Maspero’s second successful adventure, the opening of the
Pyramid of Meydoom, and, in reference to the last subject
(Feb. 18), giving, also, a valuable letter from the Hon. J.
Yilliers Stuart : — Miss Edwards has, also, found time to pro-
vide for the Academy a review of Sir Erasmus Wilson’s work :
—of Mr. Laurence Oliphaat’s “Land of Khemi,” with a notice
of an Early Christian Church at Philm. — Other papers, etc.,
of importance, are Dr, Birch’s notice of the new Pyramid at
Sakkara : — Mr. Le Page Renouf’s account of the Stele of
Menuhotep : — A good suggestion of Mr. Spencer G. Perce-
val of a loan exhibition of Egyptian antiquities, for the
purpose of identifying many such objects as are prob-
ably in private hands: —a letter from M. Naville, entirely
confirming Miss Edwards’ suggestion that the Prince of
Wales’s Papyrus and that in the Louvre are in fact two
halves of a single roll : — a Report of the French School of
Cairo, presented by M. Maspero, to the Minister of Public
Instruction, demonstrating, in a remarkable manner, the

1882.] ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. cxxr

activity o£ France in the department of Egyptology a
long and important letter from Prof. Sayce, “ On a new
find of Inscribed potsherds in Upper Egypt/’ some of the
Inscriptions on them being in Demotic, while the majority
are in cursive Greek. Mr. Sayce states that they are of all
sorts of ages, some being as late as Domitian, and others, as
early as the remote period when the Thebaid was occupied
by ^Ethiopian kings. We may add, that though ■ written
with Greek letters, many of the texts on these potsherds are
not in the Greek language. Lastly, it must be noted that,
in the Times of Aug. 4, a very full account has been given
of these recent Egyptian discoveries.

Among books issued during the -past year, are — “Recueil
de Travaux relatifs a la Philologie et a PArcheologie
Egyptiennes et Assyriennes, vol. iii. pts. 1, 2,” in which
are Notice sur un texte hieroglyphique de Stabel-Antar par
W, GolenischefF: — Notice sur un Ostrakon hieratique du
Musee de Florence (avec deux planches) by the same : —
Deux Inscriptions de Mend^s par Karl Piehl; — Dialectes
Egyptiennes par Auguste Baillet : — Les Fetes d’Osiris an
mois de Khoiak par Y. Loret : — Sur un papyrus in4dit du
British Museum par W. Pleyte : — Petites notes de critique
et de philologie par Karl Piehl : — Le Temple d’Apet (avec
une planche) par M. de Rochemonteix : — Observations sur
une date Astronomique du haut Empire Egyptien par F.
Robiou;— and Rapport sur une Mission en Italic (suite) par
M. Maspero. The twelfth, and for the present the last, of
the useful series called “ Records of the Past,” is entirely
devoted to Egyptology, and contains five articles by Dr.
Birch, two by M. P. de Horrack, and one by M. Lefebure,
M. Ludwig Stern, M. Pierret, M. Naville, M. G. Maspero,
Mr. P. Le Page Renouf, and Dr. E. L. Lushington, respec-
tively. Mr. W. EL Rylands, M.R.A.S., gives, at the end
of the volume, a very useful table of contents for the whole
twelve volumes. Parts ii. and iii. of the second year of

cxxn

A2WUAL REPORT OE THE [May,

the Revue Egyptologique contain papers by F. Lenormant,
Sur les Monnaies Egyptiennes, etc.: — and by M. Revillout,
numerous short papers, of which the following is a list — *
Second Extrait de la Chronique Demotique de Paris : —
Statue d’un Royal Ministre, etc. : — Les Affres de la
Mort : — Le Serment decisoire chez les Egyptians : — La
Requete d’un Tariehente d’lbis & l’Administrateur du
S^rapeum : — L’Antigraphie des Luminaires : — L’Entretiens
philosophiques d’une chatte Ethiopienne et d’un petit
chakal Koufi. : — Un quasi-marriage apres Concubinat : —
La Femme et la mere d’Amasis: — Un prophete d’ Auguste
et sa famille : — Authenticity des Actes : — Le Papyrus Grec
13 de Turin : — La Loi de Bocehoris et Pinteret a Trente
pour cente : — and Le Reclus du Serapeum : — together with a
brief paper by M. P. Pierret.

Of individual books that have come out recently may be
noticed, the republication of A, J. Letronne’s “Egypte
Ancienne,” in , 2 vols., under the editing of M. Fagnan:—
M. Pierret, Le Decret Trilingue de Oanope : — M. II. Piehl,
Petites etudes Hieroglyphiques, Stockholm : — and Brugsch
Pasha, Hieroglyphisch- Demotisehes Wbrterbneh, vol. vi.
2 Heft.

Zencl, Pah laid ■ and ■ Persian . — In the Athenaeum are
reviews of Mr. A. N. Wollaston’s English-Persian Diction-
ary, collected from original sources — a work which has been
long wanted. Mr. Wollaston, who is well known for
previous works connected with Persian, has on this occasion
been aided by Mirza Baker, formerly a Bushire Mimshi, and
a large number of new words were obtained from a collection
made by Mr. Binning, of the Madras Civil Service. From
the same paper we learn that Dr. Neubauer has obtained
in Paris a few Persian MSS. written in Hebrew characters.
MSS. of this class are not common, indeed we believe that
none of our great libraries have had any till M. Neubauer

1882 .]

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

cxxnr

procured these. The Paris Library has some, among others
an apocryphal history of Daniel. The Imperial Library at
St. Petersburg has two, one of which contains a fragment
of a Hebrew Talmudical Dictionary. There is, also, an
elaborate as well as appreciative review of Major Wilber-
force Clarke’s two translations from the Persian, viz. the
Bustan of Sa’di and of the Sikandar Hama e Bara ; and we
learn from the same paper that Miss Helen Zimmern is
refashioning in simple language the stories told hy Firdusi
in his Shah Hameh, which were partly Englished in 1832
by Mr. James Atkinson. Miss Zimmern 5 s book will be
called the “ Epic of Kings,” and have etchings in it hy Mr.
Alma Tadema, R.A. : — and, we hear that, on the recom-
mendation of the Fifth Oriental Congress, Messrs. Asher & Co.
have undertaken to publish the Monuments and Inscriptions
of Persepolis, Istakhr, Pasargadae and Shahpur, from the
Photographs of Dr. Stolze. Prof. Holdeke supplies a com-
mentary on the Inscriptions. The first volume is out.

In the Academy is a review by Mr. S. L. Poole of Mr.
Kedhouse’s Mesnevi ; -and of Mr. Whinfield’s Omar Khayam;
and, from the same periodical, we learn that Mr. W. H. D.
Haggard, M.K.A.S., late Secretary to the English Legation at
Teheran, and Mr. Guy Le Strange, M.R.A.S., are going to
publish jointly the Yazir of Lankuran. The object of the
joint editors is to provide a text-book of modern colloquial
Persian for the use of students and travellers. Appended is
a translation, a grammatical introduction, and a vocabulary
showing the pronunciation of the words : and further that
Dr. F. C. Andreas has published a facsimile of the Pahlavi
text of the Book of the Mciinyo-i-Khard , a MS. of the sixteenth
century, brought from Persia by the late Prof. Westergaard
in 1843. It is the only known MS. of the original Pahlavi
text of this work. The codex has been finally deposited in
the University Library at Copenhagen, and proves to be
more valuable than Professor Westergaard supposed. The

CXXIT

ANNUAL EEPOET ON THE

[May,

Revue Critique states that the Bibliotheque Orientate Elzi~
virienne has recently published the thirty-first volume of
this Collection, entitled Kitabi Kulmm Nameh , or the Book
of Persian Women, containing Rules for Manners, Customs,
etc., under the editing of Mr. Thonnellier. In the same
Journal M. Darmesteter reviews M* Geiger’s Handbuch d.
Awesta-Sprache — Grammatik, Chrestomathie und Glossar,
which he considers to be very well done ; and, also, M. 0.
Bartholomae’s Die Gathas und heiligen Gebete d. Alt-
Iranischen Yolkes, of which his notice is equally favourable.
There is, also, a brief review of Major Clarke’s Sikandar-I-
■Nameh, by Mr. S. L. Poole, in which the merits and
demerits of this work are well pointed out. — The same
reviewer has, also, noticed a very different work, the
Translation of Jami’s Yusuf and Zuleika by the dis-
tinguished head of the Sanskrit College at Dehli, Dr. R. T.
H. Griffith, whose previous practice in his translation of the
Ramnyana must have fitted him for that of Jami.

In the D.M.G. ai*e articles by M. Noldeke, entitled “ Die
heste d. Arischen Pfeils im Awesta und im Tabari ; by F.
Justi, Ueber die Mundart von Jezd; by F. Spiegel, Debar
das Yaterland und das Zeit Alter des Awesta ; a brief com-
munication from M. C. Bartholomae, Ueber die Kopie einer
Zend-Handschrift in der Bibliothek der D.M.G. ; by M.
Houtum Schindler, Die Parson in Persien, ihre sprache und
einige ihrer gebrauche ; a notice by M. F. Teufel of Dr.
Ethe’s Text and Translation of N&sir Chosrau’s Rusanainama;
and by the same, of M. Fagnan’s La livre de la Felieite, by
Nacir-ed-din ben Khosrou. In the Revue Critique for July,
1881 , is a review of Dr. Rieu’s Catalogue of Persian Books
in the British Museum, by M. Fagnan.

We are glad to learn that the Prix Vohiey has been
awarded to M. Darmesteter.

Kurd . — The indefatigable M, James Darmesteter has

1882 .]

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

CXXV

given in the Rev. Critique for April 2, a very interesting
review of M. Auguste Jaba’s Dictionnaire Kurde-Francais,
published by order of the Imperial Academy of Sciences at
St. Petersburg ; — of E. Justi, Kurdische Ghrammatik, and by
the same writer, Ueber die Mundart von Yezd. M. Darmes-
teter prefaces his paper by an useful summary of what has
been done up to the present time on the subject of this lan-
guage, from Father Grarzoni in 1787, to the Rev. A. Rhea
in 1872.

Armenian . — In the Trans. D. M. Gr. xxxv. 4 and xxxvi. 1,
Dr. H. Hubschmann gives two more papers under the title
of “ Armeniaca,” ii. and iii.

Turkish . — More than half a century ago, Yon Hammer
introduced to his countrymen the rich and varied poetry of
the Ottomans in his “ Gfeschichte d. Osmanischen Dicht-
Kunst.” Recently, M. de Sugny has done nearly the same
service to French readers. In England very little has been
hitherto done — but Mr. Redhouse has published a brief but
excellent little treatise On the History, System, and Varieties
of Turkish Poetry, originally read by him before the Royal
Society of Literature in 1879. • Mr. E. J. W. Gribbs, M.R.A.S.,
has now proceeded a step farther, and has issued a selection
of Ottoman poems from the foundation of the Empire to the
present time, translated into English verse in the original
times and measures. In a recent number of the Vakit , or
Turkish Times, is a G-hazal in six verses, by one of the
Cabinet, a late Prime Minister, the learned Munif Pasha.
From the Athenaeum we learn that a new Turkish and
French Dictionary is now being compiled at Constantinople
by Munif Pasha and Constantinidi Effendi. Having both
been engaged in the Foreign Office, both are familiar with
manv words that have been recently adopted as representa-
tives of Western ideas:— and, also, that a new Literary and

CXXYI

ANNUAL BEPOKT OF THE

[Mny,

Scientific Journal lias been authorized, entitled Khazina-i-
Eorak (Treasure of Documents), which will appear weekly.
Its supporters include Munif Pasha and other known
writers.

M. Barbier cle Meynard is publishing, under the auspices
of the Haute Ecole des Langues Orientates a Supplement
aux Dictiormaires Tures, which is remarkably rich in
Turkish proverbs and idiomatic phrases. Two parts are
out, bringing down the work to the third letter of the
alphabet. There is to be a History of the Turkish Lan-
guage and a Bibliography of all European works having
any relation -with its elucidation.

Numismatics, — For Numismatics the following papers, etc.,
may be cited. Thus in the Journal of this Society, are
papers hy M, Sauvaire, Sur quelques monnaies oriental.es
rares ou inedites de la Collection de M. Oh. de FEeluse : — by
Mr. E. Thomas, F.E.S., On the Epoch of the Guptas : — ' by
Mr. Rodgers, On a Coin of Shams ed Dunya wa ud Din
Mahmud Shah : — and by M. Sauvaire, On Arab Metrology,
Ed-Dahaby. In the Numismatic Chronicle, are papers by
Gen. A. Houtum-Schindler, On the Coinage of the decline
of the Mongols in Persia : — hy the Hon. J. Gibbs, On Gold
and Silver Coins of the Bahmani Dynasty : — by E. Thomas,
F.R.S., Bilingual Coins of Bukhara : — by M. II. Sauvaire,
Lettre a M. Stanley Lane Poole, Sur un fels Saffari.de inedit
de la Collection de M. Oh. de PEeluse : — by M. de La
Oouperie, On the Silver Coinage of Tibet. In the I). M. G.
xxxv. 2, 3, is a paper by Dr. J. G. Sarekel, entitled Morgen-
landsche Munz-Kunde. In the Academy are notices of the
sixth volume of Mr. Pooled Catalogue of Oriental Coins in
the British Museum; a severe review' by 51. La Oouperie of
Mr. DelmaPs Monograph on the History of Money in
China from the earliest times to the present. In the Indian
Antiquary are papers by Dr. Oldenberg, on the dates of

1882.] ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. cxxvix

ancient Indian Inscriptions and Coins ; and remarks by the
Editor on Coins of Kharibael, described by Major Prideaux,
and by Mx% Thomas, On Coins of the Arabs of Sinde.

The most important work of the year is, no doubt, the
continuation of the “ Numismata Orientalia,” the second
volume of which is entirely occupied with Mr. Madden’s
Essay on the Coins of the Jews, a second and much enlarged
edition of his well-known work “ The History of Jewish
Coinage, etc.” This work has been fully reviewed in the
Times and Academy, and also, in “Le Monde,” Mai 5, 1882.
Yol. iii. pt. i. Is also out, and contains Coins of Arakan, of
Pegu, and of Burma, by Lieut. -General Sir Arthur P.
Phayre, C.B., G.C.M.G., K.C.S.I. In the Calcutta Review
is an amusing article by Mr. Rodgers, On portable Indian
Antiquities, chiefly Coins ; and, in the Revista de Ciencias
Historicas, for June and July, 1881, there is an excellent
article, with engravings and translations, by E. Codera y
Zaidin, On the Arabic Coins of Tortosa in the twelfth
Century, forming a most authentic history of this petty
Moorish kingdom.

Prom the Proceedings of the Bengal Asiatic Society we
learn that a good many small collections have been exhibited
at the different meetings of the Society, with notices of them
by different members and others. Thus Rajendralala Mitra
has exhibited some coins of the Sah Kings, sent to him by
Mr. Rivett Carnac: — the Hon. Mr. Gibbs has given an
account of a gold Ramtunki : — Mr. Tawney has exhibited
a coin of Sophy tes. In the Journal are papers by Mr.
Rudolph Hoernle, On a new find of Muhammedan Coins : —
by Mr. Rodgers, On the Coins of the Sikhs: — and by Major
F. W. Prideaux, On the Coins of Charibael, the King of the
Homeritos and Sabaeans.

In the North China Journal, Dr. S. W. Bushell, M.D.,
writes at some length on coins of the present Dynasty of
China, with 90 plain cuts, and two coloured plates.

cxxYiii ANNTTAL EEPOET OE THE [May,

M. Zobel cle Zangroniz lias, we hear, obtained tbe
Hauterocbe prize.

■Epigraphy . — We noticed last year, at some length, Mr.
Sehlick’s discovery of a Hebrew inscription in a watercourse
leading to tbe Pool of Siloam, at J erusalem, and the detailed
account drawn up by Mr. Sayce, and published by tbe Pales-
tine Exploration Fund, of all that was at that time known
about it. Since then different scholars, in different countries,
have taken up its study, such as Mr. Isaac Taylor, MM.
Derenbourg and Halevy, Mr. T. K. Cheyne, Mr. Neubauer,
Drs. W. Wright, Gruthe, and Kautsch, the present opinion
being, generally, that it is not quite so old as Mr. Sayce
originally thought, but, probably, as early as b.c. 700. —
Another Inscription, in cuneiform, writing, which has re-
cently much interested students, is one found on the cliff
above the Nahr el Kelb, near Beirut, the first notices of
which we owe to Canon Tristram. Here, again, a number
of letters and papers have been written by various scholars,
as by Mr. Boscawen and Mr. Sayce, the latter of whom
read two papers on it before the Society of Biblical Archae-
ology. Sir H. C. Uawlinson briefly noticed it before this
Society on Nov. 19, 1881. Long exposure to the weather
and other accidents had, however, so injured it, that, at first,
only the general drift of it could be made out, even from the
squeezes procured by Dr. Tristram. Quite recently, how-
ever (see Acad. May 13, 1882), Mr. Sayce has received from
Dr. Loytved, the Danish Consul at Beirut, some fresh
photographs and squeezes (M. Lenormant has, also, pre-
sented a similar set to the Academic des Inscriptions). The
result being, that it is, as was at first seen, a monument of
Nebuchadnezzar, not, however, historical, but rather an
account of the construction of certain public works in Baby-
lonia, with a notice of the sacrifices made by the King to
some of the gods of Babylon. Some of the details are

1882.] ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. cxxix

curious, as the occurrence of the name of Khibunu or
Hilbon, the place whence the wines were procured for the
service of the Babylonian temples.

But the most important work of the last year has been
the publication, after fourteen years of preparation, of the
“ Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum,” issued under the
auspices of the Academie des Inscriptions. This work was
appropriately presented by the French Government to the
Orientalists assembled last autumn at Berlin. It would be
out of place here to go into any general description of this
important volume. Suffice to say, that under the general
editorship of M. Renan, no scholar can doubt the accuracy of
the work done. This first portion, now published, contains
fifty Phoenician Inscriptions, with a Latin translation and
commentary by MM. Renan, Derenbourg, and others : they
include the two most important ones found by M. de Vogue
at Gebel; and the Sidonic inscription on the Sarcophagus of
King Asmunazar. The bulk of them come from Cyprus, and
are now in the British Museum or at New York. Full
details of this work will be found in the Athenaeum of
Jan. 21, 1882. We wish “God speed” to the rest of this
valuable work of the French scholars. It may be added that
in the Revue Critique of Nov. 14, 1881, M. Halevy has
given a careful review of this work.

In the Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology
are two papers by Mr. Pinches (already noticed under the
head of “ Cuneiform ”) on Inscriptions from Cappadocia : —
a letter from Mr. Sayce to Mr. W. fl. Rylands on the same
subject, with a tentative reading on three seals bearing
Phoenician Inscriptions, by Dr. W. Wright: — and by Mr,
Frothingham on the Hebrew word “ Adonai,” recently
detected in the Mausoleum of Galla Placidia at Ravenna.

In the Indian Antiquary, Mr. Fleet goes on with his San-
skrit and Old Canarese Inscriptions, Nos. xcix.-cxxiii. : — Dr.
Biihler offers a new Kshatrapa Inscription H. H. Dhruva,

•vTtr — ritf'TCW SERIES.]

cxxx

ANNUAL REPORT OF THE

[May,

an Inscription of the Chaulukya King, Jayasimna Deva ■
J. F. Fleet, one of Rudradeva from Anambond, and thir-
teen sent to him by Mr. Sewell : — the translation of a paper
by II. Oldenberg, On the Dates of Ancient Indian Inscrip-
tions and Goins, originally published in Mr. you Sallet’s
Zeitsch. f. Numismatik, Berl. 1881 : — a continuation of the
readings from the Bharhut Stupa, by Dr. A. F. Rudolph
Hoernle : — a note on the word “ Siddham 99 used in Inscrip-
tions, by Dr. Biihler : — Forged Copper Plate Grant of
Dharasena II. of Valabhi, by the same : — Readings from the
Arian Pali — the Sue Yihar Inscription — by Dr. A. F.
Rudolph Hoernle : — On a Chinese Inscription from Buddha-
Gaya, by Prof. Beal : — On an Inscription at Gaya, dated in
the year 1813 of Buddha’s Nirvana, by Pandit Bhagwanlal
Indraji: — Sanskrit Grants and Inscriptions of Gujarat Kings,
by H. H. Dhruva, Nos. 2, 3, and 4: — A Baktro-Pali Inscrip-
tion of Suibahara, by Pandit Bhagvanlal Indraji: — and three
Inscriptions from Raichor, by E. Rehatsek, Esq.

In the Annales de PExtr&me Orient for Feb. 1882, is
an interesting account of what M. Kern has been able to
do towards the decipherment of the Cambogian Inscriptions,
to which we have already alluded. Dr. Kern’s paper is
accompanied by four excellent lithographic plates.

In the Revue Critique are notices of a remarkable discovery,
in situ, at Palmyra, by the Russian Prince Lazarev, of a
long Palmyrenian Inscription, and of another in Palmy renian
and Greek: — of a collection of Phoenician Inscriptions, in
number seventy-seven, originally, as it would seem, in the
collection of the Bey of Tunis and preserved in the Palace
at Manouba, hut without record of the places where found.
They have, already, been partially described by M. do
Maltzan, and will hereafter be included in the Corpus
Inseriptionum Semiticarum: — by M. Renan of a dis-
covery by M, Ganneau, near Oezer, of an Inscription
supposed by him to mark the limit of a “Sabbath-day’s

1882 .] LOYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. am

Journey/ 7 and, also, of a stone inscribed with Phoenician
letters, scarcely decipherable by M. Aymonier, on an
Inscription in the Cian or Chan Language from Dambang-
dek, Cambogia, with a translation.

In the D. M. Gf. are papers by Dr. Sachau, on Inscriptions
from Palmyra and Edessa : — by F. Prsetorius, on the Bilin-
gual one from Harran, and on the Trilingual one from
Zebed ; — by J. IT. Mordtmann, junr., on two Himyaritic
Inscriptions: — by H. Oldenberg, On the date of the new-
pretended Inscriptions of Asoka.

In the Athenaeum are notices of the first part of Dr. A.
Berliner 7 s edition of the Hebrew Epitaphs, still existing in
Italy, containing about 200 tomb inscriptions in Venice
from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the title of his
book being, “ Loohoth Abanim, Hebraische Grab schrif ten in
Italien. 77 The collection here described belonged, originally,
to Dr. Moise Soave. In the work of the Palaeographical
Society is an important inscription (now in the British
Museum), Greek at the top, Palmyrene below, recording
the dedication by Ay-Thangelus of Abila, in the Decapolis,
of a canopy and couch to Zeus Keraunios, for the safety
of the Emperor Pladrian, Seleucid era 447, a.d. 134. There
is much Interest in the palaeographical details. In Dr.
Bahmer’s paper issued at Magdeburg, under the title of
“ Das Indische Literaturblatt/ 7 is a notice of the discovery,
in Palestine, at Amoras (An was?), of an Ionic column,
bearing two inscriptions, the one in Greek, the other in
Samaritan: — -with a further detail of the same (Dec. 10)
in a letter from Mr. Besant and a further note from
Dr. Neubauer, on the same subject (Dec. 17, p. 184) : —
In the new part of the Palaeographical Society’s publication
are facsimiles of a Latin- Greek-Phoenieian Inscription of
b.g. 160-150: — the Oriental Series, in twelve plates, con-
taining, inter alia , a Sanskrit MS. of a.d. 1198-9 : the
Gotha MS. of the Mabsat, written by a Turkish woman in

cxxxn

AOTUAL REPORT OF THE

[May,

the years a.d. 1109-10 : a Kalilah-wa-Dimnah of a.d. 1259 :
a series of Arabic Coins, a.d. 1221-1S19 : tlie Siloara In-
scription : the Pentateuch in Hebrew, Arabic, and Samaritan
of a.d. 1227 : the Siphra of a.d. 1073 : and a Coptic MS.
of a.d. 979. It may be added here that Dr. Oaruana has
completed his report on the Phoenician and Homan Remains
in the Island of Malta — the first portion being wholly
devoted to Phoenician antiquities, and giving an account of
the rough stone monuments, pottery, glass vessels, monuments
of sculpture, inscriptions, coins, and Phoenician remains in
the Maltese idiom. The French Asiatic Society has received
from M. Aymonier copies of fifty-two inscriptions collected
by him in Cambodia. The majority of these are in Sanskrit,
mixed, however, often with vernacular dialects. M. Ay-
monier, is, we believe, now in Cambodia, on an Archaeological
Mission.

Africa . — During the past year two articles have appeared
in the Journal of the Asiatic Society with reference to work
done in the ease of Africa. Thus, the Rev. Mr. Schdii has
given us an exhaustive account of the Hausa Language, of
which, during his long residence as a missionary in Africa,
he had a large experience; and Mr. R. N. Oust, our Hon.
Secretary, a brief remmi of the chief work done by African
scholars, grouped under the leading heads, it is understood,
of a more complete work on the Languages of Africa, on
which he has been for some time engaged. In the Calcutta
Review, Feb. 1882 , Mr. Oust has published an article on
these languages.

The following remarks, which are in no sense exhaustive,
represent fairly the activity of the Missionaries and others
who take an interest in acquiring and making known the
various languages and dialects of Africa* Thus, in the
Hamitic Group , Prof. Leo Reinisch, of Vienna, has just
issued “ Die Bilin-Sprache in Nord-Afrika ” (Wien, 1882),

1882 .] ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. /: ■; dxxxxii

as he had, also, a short time previously, published “ Die
Kunama-Sprache in Nord-Ost-Afrika” Prof. Ahlqvist, of
TTpsala, in Sweden, a Grammar of the Bishari Language on
the Middle Nile : — and the veteran scholar, F. W. Newman,
a Dictionary of the Numidian Language, that is, of the lan-
guage spoken, in the time of Augustus, by the Numidians,
Mauritanians, and Gmtulians. Mr. Newman derives his
material from the modern tongues spoken in the North of
Africa, after carefully eliminating all words borrowed from
the Arabs or from the adjoining Negro districts. His work,
and the manner of his treating of it, are of the highest
interest to all scholars.

Negro Group . — Bishop Orowther is publishing, with the
aid of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, a
Vocabulary of the Isoama Dialects of the Ibo Language,
one of the most important vernaculars of the Niger basin. —
Mr. Schon has prepared a Grammar of the Mende Language,
on the Sierra Leone Coast, which is in course of publica-
tion by the same Society : — Dr. Christaller has published at
Basle a Grammar of the Ashanti Language of the West
Coast (with English renderings): — Other Dictionaries and
Grammars are, a Dictionary of the Suahili Language on
the East Coast, with English renderings, by Dr. Krapf, who
just lived to see the completion of a work to which he had
given so much of his time and labour : — The Missionaries of
the Livingstone Congo Mission have republished a Grammar
of the Congo Language, which belongs to the great Bantu
family. Two centuries since, when the Portuguese power
flourished in those regions, Brusciottus di Yetralla, a Jesuit,
published a Grammar in 1659 in Latin* It has been lately
translated into English by Mr. Grattan Guinness. Copies
of the original exist in the British Museum and at Rome
A Grammar of the Ruganda Language, on the Victoria
Nyamza, by the Rev. 0. T. Wilson, published by the Society

C XXXIV

ANNUAL REPORT OE THE

[May,

for Promoting Christian Knowledge : — A Grammar of the
Bondei Language, on the East Coast, Tby the Rev. EL W.
"Woodward ; — Another Grammar of the Congo Language is
preparing from original sources by Mr. Guinness : — and a
Dictionary of the same language, with French renderings,
will be published from a MS. in the Grenville Library : —
The Rev. Mr. Kolbe, with the aid of the Rev. Mr. Brincker,
has also compiled, at Cape Town, a Dictionary of the Herein
Language, spoken in Damara Land, on the West Coast ; —
while Messrs. Sanders and Miller (of the American Mission)
have already learned sufficient of the Ambunda language on
the West Coast to speak a little with the people : — Mr.
Sanders has collected 1000 words and is at work on the
structure of the language, previously to writing it down : —
Mr. G. McCall Theal, who has resided for twenty years in
Africa, has just brought with him to England a collection
of Kafir Folk Tales, which are to be sent at once to press :
they will be prefaced by an introduction on the Kafirs, their
customs and mythology : — A letter from the late Bishop
Comboni, written just before his death, states that his com-
panion, Pere Losi, had compiled a Dictionary of the language
spoken in the Nuba Mountains, containing 8000 words in
ordinary use (Acad, Dec. 10, 1881) ; — A Hymn-book has also
been published in the Nika Language of the East Coast by
the Church Missionary Society.

In addition to these separate works, linguistic notices
have appeared in the text of many volumes of general
Travel, which are of the highest importance. The second
volume of Dr. NaehtigalFs Sahara and Soudan supplies most
important (and previously unknown) information on the
languages of the Chad basin. Again, in the Portuguese
volumes of travel, by Oapello and Ivans, on the West Coast,
are vocabularies of previously unknown languages. The
monthly Reports of the great Missionary Societies abound
in brief notices, which promise, in a few years, an abundant

1882.] ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. cxxxv

harvest of new grammatical works, both for the East and
for the West Coast. Professor Reinisch notifies the imme-
diate publication of a series of works in the Bogos and
Dankali languages, which are spoken to the north and south
of Abyssinia.

British and Foreign Bible Society . Report of the Bibles or
parts of Bibles translated during 1881 . — Ararat Armenian . —
The printing of an edition of Amirchanianz’s revision of
the New Testament at Constantinople, is now nearly com-
pleted, The edition consists of 5,000 copies, and the proofs
are being read by Pastor Simon.

Amirchanianz has given a final revision to his version
of the Old Testament, and the work will be printed under
the care of Pastor Simon at Constantinople.

Amoy Colloquial . — The printing of the Books of the Old
Testament progresses steadily under the care of Dr. Maxwell,
the editor. During the year, I. and II. Samuel, I. and II.
Kings, Esther, Isaiah and the Book of Psalms have been
completed.

Sakha Colloquial (Roman character). — At the request of
the Rev. Inspector Schott, of Basle, the Committee have
authorized the printing of an edition of 1,000 copies of
Galatians, Ephesians, Philippians, and Oolossians. The
translation, which was forwarded by a Conference of Chinese
Missionaries, was made from the Greek by the Rev. Kong
Ayun, and revised by the Rev. G, A. Gussmann and the
Rev. R. Lechler.

Sakha Colloquial (Native character). — The Committee have
also, at the request of the Hong Kong Bible Society, sanc-
tioned the publication of the Acts of the Apostles, uniform
with the Gospel of St. Matthew, translated from the Greek,
by the Rev. 0. Piton, of the Basle Mission, who proposes to
complete the translation of the remaining books of the New
Testament.

CXXXVI

ANNUAL EEFOET OP THE

[May,

Japanese . — The Reference Edition of the standard New
Testament, prepared by the Rev. John Piper, was carried
through the press by Mr. Lilley, and published on the
8th of June, 1881, at the expense of the British and Foreign
Bible Society and the National Bible Society of Scot-
land. The first edition was one of 6,000 copies, of which

4.000 were on Japanese paper, and issued in two volumes in
Japanese form; and 2,000 on English paper as an English
book. Comparatively few of the Japanese book have been
sold, but a second edition of 2,000 copies of the English
book has been called for and sold, and a third edition of

2.000 copies is now issuing from the press.

The Permanent Committee have published at the expense
of the American, Scottish, and British and Foreign Bible
Societies the translation of the Book of Joshua, made by the
Rev. G. K. Fyson, of the C. M. S., and the three societies
are now making arrangements by which it is hoped that the
translation of the Old Testament will be greatly expedited.

Biruhi . — The Committee have resolved to print an edition
of 1000 copies of the Gospel of St. Luke, translated by the
Rev. J. Sheldon, with the assistance of a learned Munshi,
and compared with the Urdu, Sinclhi, Persian, and Arabic
translations. The Biruhi are Mohammedans of the Suni sect,
scattered throughout Biluchistan. The greater number are
nomadic, and may be found with their flocks in Kuieli
Gunclavara and about the Bolan Pass. Some of them are
soldiers in the Biluch regiments, and some are in the police
force. The men and women are employed in the cotton
industry and other labour. They live in poor huts outside
the towns, poorly fed and clad. Very few of them can read,
but the children have good natural abilities. The Khan of
Kelat is a Biruhi.

Persian . — The Rev. Robert Bruce's revision of Henry
Martyn's New Testament has been thoroughly revised by
Mr. Bruce and Professor Palmer, of Cambridge, and an

1882 .]

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

cxxxvu

edition of 6000 copies, in good type, has been printed by
the Committee.

SantalL — The Revision Committee in Santalisthan revised
the Gospel of St. Matthew, and an edition of 1000 copies
has been published by the Calcutta Auxiliary Bible Society.
The Revision Committee, unable to determine which of the
rival terms for God and Holy Ghost should be exclusively
used, printed half the edition with the terms Cando and
Sonat , and half with Isor and Dhurvn Atma , and a note is
added to each part explanatory of the terms. The Rev. Mr.
Skrefsrud has informed the Committee that he has the whole
of the Hew Testament translated, and that he is willing to
submit his translation to a committee for final revision.

Tibetan . — The Rev. EL A. Jaeschke is carrying through
the press at Berlin for the Committee an edition of 5000
copies of each of the Four Gospels. St. Matthew has
already been published. The other portions, and the whole
Hew Testament, will follow.

Trans - Caucasian Turkish. — Amirehanianz continues his
translation of the Old Testament, and Dr. Sauerwein is read-
ing over the MS. of the Pentateuch with a view to test its
general accuracy. After Dr. Sauerwein, Amirchanianz will
go over the whole Old Testament with a learned Trans-
Caucasian, in order to test the correctness of the idiom.

Manddri . — An edition of 7350 copies of the Gospel of St.
Matthew, and 3000 copies of St. John, have been issued by
the Calcutta Auxiliary Bible Society, and the Gospel of St.
Luke is now ready for the press. This, with the Gospel of
St. Mark, published in 1876, completes the Four Gospels,
which the Rev. 0. A. Nottrot, of the Gosner Missionary
Society, has provided for the 25,000 Christians of his own
mission, and the 10,000 Christians of the S. R. G. Mission,
and the still larger number of non-Christian Roles of
Chutia Nagpur.

RajmahdU . — The edition of 1000 copies of St. Luke, sane-

cxxxvm

ANNUAL REPORT OF THE

[May,

tioned by tbe Committee, has been published, and is now
being circulated among the people, numbering 100,000, who
inhabit the hill country round Bhagulpore. The Rev. E.
Brcese, who has spent nearly a quarter of a century among the
people, and who is the only European that knows anything
of their language, has also completed a translation of the
Gospel of St. John, which is about to be printed.

Bengali (Roman character). — An edition of 1000 copies
of the Gospel of St. Mark, transliterated from the common
Bengali Testament, is being printed by the Calcutta Auxiliary
Bible Society, accompanied by a key. The hook is intended
for those chiefly who wish to read Bengali to their servants,
but who have not mastered the language.

Nyika . — The Rev. Thomas Wakefield's version of St.
Matthew, for the Wanika tribes of the East Coast of Africa,
has been published, and forwarded to the people for whom
it was intended.

Nama (. Khoi-koiv ). — The translation of the old Testament
was completed by the Rev. J. G. Kronlein, of Stellenbosch,
on Oct. 25, 1881, early portions of the same having been
begun on May 23, 1873. Mr. Kronlein, who is working at
the joint expense of the British and Foreign Bible Society
and the Rhenish Missionary Society, is now* revising into
one harmonious whole the entire books of the Old Testament.

Yoniba . — The printing of the hooks of the Old Testament
has proceeded throughout the year, with some delay in
waiting for copy from the Translating and Revising Com-
mittee at Lagos. The Rev. D. Hinderer still continues to
edit the edition for the Committee.

Swahili . — Bishop Steere of Zanzibar has completed his
revision of the entire New Testament, and the Books of
Kings, and the Committee have resolved to print an edition
of this work. The Gospel of St. Luke was the work of the
Rev. J. Itebmann of MomMsa, but the transliteration has
been altered by Bishop Steere, who has provided a series of

1882 .]

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

CXXXIX

reading lessons containing Old Testament History down to
the time of David, and the two Books of Kings have been
translated to complete the History. He and his helpers are
now engaged in translating the Old Testament. He has
printed Genesis at Zanzibar, Exodus and Isaiah on paper
provided by the Committee, and these, when revised, will be
forwarded to the Commiteee for publication. The Bishop
writes that he hopes at no very distant period to complete
the whole Bible.

Job/.— The Committee, at the request of the Wesleyan
Missionary Society, have resolved to print a tentative edition
of 500 copies of the Gospel of St. Matthew. The translation
was made by the Rev. R. Dixon, of Bathurst, Gambia, for
a people numbering about 50,000 souls. Mr. Dixon had
used his version in the services, and found it was understood
and liked, and he had gone over it twice with one of the
Joloffs.

TelugiL — The interim Bible published by the Madras
Auxiliary Bible Society, with the sanction of the Committee,
has been eagerly received, and another edition has been
undertaken. The Old Testament consists of the old version,
Genesis as revised by the Delegates in 1873, and Exodus,
Leviticus, Psalms, and Proverbs as translated by Mr. Hay.
The New Testament consists of the Revisers’ first revision
of the Four Gospels, and the remainder of the book as
originally translated by Messrs. Wardlaw and Hay.

Mahijakm .— The new edition of the Bible, except the
closing books of the New Testament, the revision of which
is almost complete, has been issued by the Madras Auxiliary
Bible Society. The Revision Committee met at Calicut, and
carried their work to the end of Hebrews, and Mr. Knobloch
carried through the press the Epistle to the Romans. The
Revision Committee hope to give a final touch to the New
Testament in 1882, and begin the Old Testament in 1883.
Dr. Gundert is proceeding with his translation of the Old

CXL A.NFOAL REPORT 0 E THE [May,

Testament in Germany, and Ixis work will form the basis of
revision.

Gujarati . — The Revision Committee, consisting of seven, or
eight missionaries, meet every week to revise the Old
Testament.

Marathi. — An edition of the Old Testament, with
paragraph headings prepared by Mr. Baba Padmonji and
approved by the Translation Committee, has been issued
by the Bombay xtuxiliary. An edition of St. Mark, with
paragraph headings, has also been issued,

Marathi (Roman character) and English. — An edition of
500 copies of the Gospel of St. John has been carried through
the press by Dr. Murray Mitchell.

Tamil — The Jaffna Revision Committee has met, and
now propose in company with the Madras Committee to
revise the entire New Testament. The aim is to secure
a translation acceptable at Jaffna in Ceylon and Madras.

Palceographical Society. — The Seventh Part of this valuable
work has just been issued, and contains the following “ Fac-
similes of Ancient MSS., Oriental Series 99 ; —

Sanskrit . — a.d. 1198-99. Pahcha-kara and Guhyavali-
vivriti.

a.d. 1322 and fourteenth century. Ashta-sabdika

and Ravana-vaha.

Arabic. — ’Al-Mabsafc) a.d. 1109-10.

— Tarjuman-al-’Ibar, a.d. 1401 ?

Coins, a.d. 1221-1819.

Phoenician , Latin y and Greek. — Trilingual Inscription,
circa b.c. 160-150.

Hebrew . — Siloam Inscription, circa a.d. 700.

Siphra Inscription, a.d. 1078.

— Arabic and Samaritan Pentateuch, a.d. 1227.

(Ul( l Aramaic.— Hapht&rdth, a.d, 1484.

Coptic. — Life of Onuphrius, a.d. 979.

Persian . — Kalilah-wa-Dimnah, a.d, 1259,

1882 .]

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY,

CXLI

The Oriental Congress at Berlin . — The Fifth Oriental Con-
gress met at Berlin in September last, under the Presidency!
of Prof. A. Dillmann, and must be pronounced to have been|
a complete success, whether we look at the number of dis-
tinguished scholars who were present, or at the variety and
importance of the subjects discussed. It would appear that
the total number of members was, at the time of meeting,
298 — of which number, no less than 189 were present, at
least, during some part of the week’s proceedings. Most of
the leading Oriental Institutions or Societies sent Delegates
specially nominated for the purpose ; thus, the India Office
was represented by Dr. Post, its Librarian, and Prof.
Monier Williams, Boden Professor of Sanskrit at Oxford;
the Government of India, by Mr. James Burgess ; the Royal
Asiatic Society, by its Hon. Sec., R. N. Oust, Colonel
Keatinge, Y.C., and Prof. A. H. Sayce; and the Universities
of Oxford, Cambridge, and Edinburgh, by Prof. F. Max
Muller, Mr. Bensley, and Prof. Eggeling, respectively. Be-
sides these, three native gentlemen from the East were present,
viz. Messrs. BunyiuNanjio and Kasawara, Buddhist Priests 1
from Japan, who have been residing for some time at Oxford,
and Pandit Shyamaji Krishnavarma, a member of Balliol
College, who owed to the liberality of the Home Government^
for India his being able to take part in the Proceedings.

The business of the Congress was comprised under five lead-
ing sections : — 1. Semitic ; 2. Indo-Germanic (Aryan, etc.) ;
3. African (Egyptian, etc.) ; 4. East-Asiatic and Ural-

Altaic; 5. Archaeological and Ethnological— under the re-
spective Presidencies of Dr. Schrader, Dr. Weber, Dr.
Brugsch (in the place of Prof. Lepsius), Dr. v. d. Gabelentz,
and Dr. Bastian; and the members of these sections met
regularly from Monday, Sept. 12, to Saturday, Sept. 17.
It would be impossible, here, to give at any length, even
the names of the many valuable papers submitted to and
discussed in these sections. Indeed, it is scarcely necessary

cxlii ANNUAL REPORT OF THE [Hay,

to do so, as, with, true German alacrity, Prof. Dillmann and
his colleagues have, already, published (Nov, 21, 1881) the
First Part of the Proceedings of the Congress, comprising
a brief sketch of the work done during the early days of the
' week in each section. The Second Part, which has
arrived, while these last sheets were passing through the
press, comprises the papers read before the Semitic and
African sections. Prof. Dillmann promises yet a Third.
It is, however, worth while to notice one or more special
events in this Congress, which may not, perhaps, occur
at any future meeting. Thus, inter alia , the Congress
received two addresses in Sanskrit by Rama Dasa Sena,
the well-known Zemindar of Berhampore, and by a Lady
Pandit, Rama-Bai of Silchar, Kaehar, Assam — both of
which have been printed, as already noted, with translations
into English, in the Journal of this Society. Then, too, the
Congress had the pleasure of hearing (certainly for the first
time in Europe) a native Pandit, Mr. Shyamaji Krishna var-
man, read a paper (not in his native tongue, but in English)
“ On Sanskrit as a living language in India,” his views
on this subject being a remarkable confirmation of the
opinions Prof. Monier Williams has so repeatedly expressed.
Besides, the Congress had, also, the opportunity of hearing
four important Essays by English Delegates— one by Prof, F.
Max Muller, ITeber die Leistungen der Oxf order Universitat
auf dem Gebiet der Orientalischen Literatur in jfmgsten Zeit,
namentliche iiber das TJnternahmen der “ Anecdota Oxoni-
ensia ” ; one by Mr. R. N. Oust, ITeber unsere gegenwartige
Kenntniss der Sprachen Afrika’s ; and two by Prof, Monier
Williams, “ On the place which the Rig Yeda occupies in
the Sandhya or Daily Morning and Evening Prayers of the
Hindis,” — and “ On the application of the Roman Alphabet
to the expression of Sanskrit and of other Eastern Lan-
guages.” It ought, also, to be added that two books of great
importance were presented to the Oriental Congress, — viz.

1882 .]

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

oxiu

the first part of the “ Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum ”
(so long hoped for), by M. Schefer, on the part of the
French Government, and the “Anecdota Oxoniensia,” by
Prof. F. Max Muller, on the part of the University of
Oxford. The English and Foreign Bible Society forwarded
for inspection Translations of the Bible or of parts of the
Bible, in the languages of Asia, by the hands of Mr. It. N.
Gust, a member of the Committee of that Society; but as
there was no Museum attached to this Congress, they were
not exhibited.

At the conclusion of the reading of the Report, its adoption
was duly proposed and seconded, on which, the President,

Sir T. Edward Colebrqoke, Bart., M.P., after alluding
to the satisfactory financial position of the Society, as shown
by the balance sheet, spoke as follows: “A very pleasing
duty remains for me to perform on this occasion, as I am
able to congratulate you on the new sense of life and pro-
sperity which have been awakened in our old Society. The
older members of the Society can remember what our
position was some years ago, when a very different financial
report was laid before us, and when the necessity was
impressed upon us of largely increasing the number of our
members in order that the special work of the Society might
not be cramped by want of sufficient means. Those days, {■
however, of discouragement and gloom have happily gonejf
by, and we are now able to extend our operations, and work
out the objects of the Society in the spirit of its founders.^
I must add, however, that even at its lowest ebb, I never,
at any time, despaired of our ultimate success ; it seemed
to me that we could not look around us and fail to observe
the great advances which the study of Oriental science and
literature was making all over the world. The motto of
this Society (quot rami tot arbores) seemed revived in the
branches which the parent Society has thrown forth, while

cxliy ANNUAL REPORT OF THE [Hay,

at the same time the work was taken tip with new activity,
not merely on the continent of Europe, but in the United
* States. I have always cherished a belief that, could we only
\\ secure the support of those who have passed their lives in
the East, we might again assume a lead in the great work
• before us, and these expectations seem now revived; and
with the funds at our disposal we trust that our Journal
will appear regularly at quarterly intervals, a matter to
which your Council attach great importance, as it affords a
promise to contributors that their papers will appear in due
course. I am happy to add that the materials at our
command have, in consequence, largely increased, and there
is no want of contributors to swell our publications. The
responsibility of the Council in the selection of papers for
our Journal have no doubt been thus increased. We do not
vouch for the soundness nor accuracy of the views of
contributors, nor do we feel it incumbent on us to print, as
a matter of course, every paper that has been read at our
meetings. It is our duty to recognize, as far as possible,
the sound scholarship and industry which can alone make
the contributions valuable. The work of our Society is that
of pioneers, and those who come with tools to work, and with
industry to apply them, will always receive a welcome.
Each of these contributions may only represent a brick in
the edifice, hut the whole structure may be shapely and its
foundations be strongly placed. It is with much pain that
I have to notice the loss by death of so many of our
members distinguished by their learning, as Count de Nder,
etc. Yet it has been said of old, the leaves fall, but the
forest flourishes, it is renewed in. the spring. Younger
and not less able men are coming forward to emulate
the zeal, and to follow up the spirit of our predecessors.
I need hardly say that it is a particular satisfaction to
me to make these few remarks, as I have now, for many
years, watched the progress of this Society, and have bad

1882 .]

ROYAL ASIATIC SOICETY.

CXIV

the honour of presiding oyer it and its meetings on more
than one occasion, and it is a great source of gratification to
me that, now I am about to retire, I leave the Society In
such a state. It is a source of further pleasure to me that,
on my retirement, the Chair will be filled by a gentleman of
such great experience and literary taste, one, too, who has
taken a deep interest in the welfare and prosperity of the
Society, and has, himself, also, presided over it before. Sir
Bartle Frere will, I hope, do much more for the Society
than I have done. For myself, I beg to return my warmest
thanks to the Council and all the members for the support
and courtesy shown me during the time I have occupied the
Chair, and to express my hope that the Society will never in
the future be found wanting in the most active support of
every class of Oriental literature, which it was the chief aim
of its founders to encourage to the utmost.”

Sir Edwaud Colebkooke then read the following list of
the Council and Officers for the ensuing year, as previously
recommended by the Council, and this list was accepted in
its entirety.

President — The Rt. Hon. Sir H. Bartle E. Frere, Bart.,

G. C.B., G.C.S.L, D.C.L., F.R.S.

Director . — Major-General Sir H. C. Rawlinson, K.C.B.,
F.R.S.

Vice-Presidents . — Sir E. C. Bayley, K.C.S.I. ; Sir T. E.
Colebrooke, Bart., M.P. ; Sir Richard Temple, Bart., G.C.S.L ;
Colonel Yule, C.B.

Oouncit — Sir Barrow Ellis, 3LC.S.I. ; James Fergusson,
Esq., F.R.S.; Arthur Grote, Esq.; Colonel Malcolm R.
Haig ; H. 0. Ray, Esq. ; Colonel Eeatinge, V.C. ; Colonel T.

H. Lewin; J. W. McCrindle, Esq. ; General Maclagan; Henry
Morris, Esq.; Sir Lewis Pelly, R.C.B. ; Sir W. Robinson,

',KC.S.I.; The Lord Arthur Russell, M.P. ; The Lord
Stanley of Alderley ; J. H. Thornton, Esq., C.S.I., D.C.L.
Treasure" — Edward Thomas, Esq., F.R.S.

voit . xiv:A-[new series.]

liil

■i M Si 111

cxlyi ANNUAL EEPOET OF THE [May,

Secretaries . — W. S. W. Vaux, Esq., M.A., F.R.S. ; IT. F.
W. Holt, Esq.

lion . Secretary. — R. N. Oust, Esq.

Sir Babtle Frere, on rising to return thanks for his
election as President of the Society, said, “ I cannot for
a minute admit a difference between the qualifications of
the retiring President and of myself for such a position;
on the contrary, the best and wisest thing, I think I can
say, is that my chief endeavour will be to follow in the
footsteps of my excellent predecessor ; as, so long as 1 do
so, I feel that I can rely on the confidence and support of
the Council, as well as of the individual members of the
Society.”

Sir Henry Rawlinson then said “ Gentlemen, I wish,
with your permission, to tender, as your Director, our best
thanks to Sir Edward Colebrooke for the manner in which
he has managed our affairs, not only for the last single
year, hut for many preceding ones. I said here, when
speaking on a former occasion, that he bears an honoured
name and one regarded with reverence by all Orientalists ;
and I now heartily congratulate the Society on securing
so fitting a successor to Sir Edward Colebrooke. We do
not talk politics here, but I am sure I may say that, though
I there may have been differences of opinion as to his political
! career, not only this Society, but the Nation at large are
unanimous in admiring the noble, self-denying and genial
| spirit, which throughout have characterized his public career.
Jl shall have great satisfaction in again acting with him on
Sour Council. Before sitting down I wish, also, to refer to
four indefatigable Secretary, whose exertions have raised us
from a despairing, not to say embarrassing, position. For
much of the present prosperous position of the Society we
are mainly indebted to his personal labours and unflagging
energy.”

1882 .]

BOYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

cxrni

Sir Babtle Fbeke, in reply, added, “ I am bound to say
that Sir Henry Bawlinson has spoken much too kindly of
me. I have been a most unworthy member of your Council
during the past year and I have been quite incapable of
discharging my duties in this capacity at all as I could
have wished. My future task is, however, I feel certain,
an easy one, as I confidently rely on the support I shall
receive from the Council, the Director and the Secretary.
Even with their aid, I must still regard myself as the
ornamental portion of a capital, the strength of which lies
in its base. During the past year the members of the
Council have really done all the work there was to do,
and to them the thanks of the Society, as well as my own,
are justly due.”

Donations to the Library . — The Council have to report

donations to the Library from —

The Asiatic Society of Bengal.

The Madras Literary Society.

The Bombay Branch of the Boyal Asiatic Society.

The Ceylon Branch of the Boyal Asiatic Society.

The North China Branch of the Boyal Asiatic Society.

The Japan Asiatic Society.

The Straits Settlements Branch of the Boyal Asiatic Society.

The Boyal Society of London.

The Boyal Society of Edinburgh.

The Boyal Irish Academy.

The Boyal Institution.

The Boyal Geographical Society of London.

The Boyal Horticultural Society.

The Boyal United Service Institution.

The Boyal Society of Literature.

The Boyal Geological Society of Ireland.

The Boyal Society of Victoria (Australia).

The Trustees of the British Museum.

The Council of the British Association. j

The East India Association.

The Society of Antiquaries of London.

The Zoological Society of London.

The Linnsean Society of London.

The Numismatic Society of London.

The Statistical Society of London.

The Geological Society of London.

oxltoi ANNUAL REPOET OF THE

The Royal Astronomical Society of London.

The London Institution.

The Anthropological Institute.

The Society of Arts.

The Society of Biblical Archaeology.

The Cambridge Philosophical Society.

The Historical Society of Lancashire and Cheshire.

The Liverpool Literary and Scientific Institution.

The Philosophical Society of Manchester.

The Proprietors of the Canadian Journal of Science.

The Societe Asiatique de Paris.

The Societe Ethnologique de Paris.

The Societe Geographique de Paris.

The Societe de la Geographic de Bordeaux.

The Academic des Sciences de Montpellier.

The Royal Academy of Belgium.

The Royal Academy of Turin.

The Royal Academy “ dei Lincei ” of Rome.

The Royal Academy of Yienna.

The German Oriental Society.

The Royal Academy of Berlin.

The Geographical Society of Berlin.

The Royal Academy of Munich.

The University of Bonn.

Bataviaasch Genootschap.

Konigkl. Xnstitut. d. Nederlandsche-Indie.

Hungarian Academy of Pesth.

The Imperial Academy of St. Petersburg.

The Academy of Natural Science, Philadelphia.

The American Oriental Society.

The American Geographical Society.

The Institute of New Zealand.

The Proprietors of the Athenamm.

of the Academy.

of the London and China Telegraph.

of Allen’s Indian Mail.

of the Homeward Mail.

of the Mission Field.

of the Journal of the National Indian Association.

of Light for India.

The Society also takes in the following papers :
The Indian Antiquary.

The Revue Critique.

The Oriental Publications of the Palmographical Society.

Amides de L’ Extreme Orient.

The Journal of the Society is sent to

The Royal Library at Windsor.

The Secretary of State for India.

The Royal Society of London. ;: ;A.

[May, 'I

■S ‘

1882 .]

The Royal Society of Edinburgh.

The India Office Library.

The Royal Institution.

The Society of Antiquaries of London.

The. Lin wean Society of London.

The Zoological Society of London.

The Royal Astronomical Society.

The Royal Geographical Society.

The Geological Society of London.

The Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge.*

The Royal Society of Literature.

The Library of the House of Commons.

The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel.

The Numismatic Society of London.

The Royal United Service Museum.

The Society of Arts.

The Statistical Society of London.

The Historical Society of Lancashire and Cheshire.

The Philosophical Society of Manchester.

The Literary and Philosophical Society of Liverpool.

The London Institution.

The Devon and Exeter Institute.

The Royal Dublin Society.

The Royal Irish Academy.

University College, London.

The Advocates’ Library, Edinburgh.

Trinity College, Dublin.

The British Museum.

The Bodleian Library.

The following may be mentioned as individual donations :

From the Secretary of State for India in Council. Great Trigonometrical
Survey of India, vol. vi., by Major-Gen. Walker, F.R.S.— Archaeological
Survey of India, by Major-General Cunningham, C.I.E., R.E., vols. x, and
xi. — Grammar of the Classical Arabic Language. Parts 2 and 3. By M.
S. Howell. Allahabad, 1880. — The Voyages of W. Baffin. Edited by C.

R. Markham. Hakl. Soc. vol. 73. 1881. — Alvarez’ Portuguese Emb. to
Abyssinia. Edited by Lord Stanley of Alderley. Hakl. Soc. vol. 74. —
Selections from the Records. No. 174. Calcutta, 1881.— General Report
of the Survey .of India, by Major- Gen. Walker, C.B., 1881. — Indian
Meteorological Memoirs, by Blanford, vol. i. part v.— Memoirs of Geological
Survey. Palaeontologia Indica, 4 pts. — Do. 8vo. vol. xv. pts. 2 and 3.
—Do. Records, vol. xix. pt. 3, 1881.— Report of the Administration of
Baroda, 1879-80.— Do. Do. of Central India Agency, 1879-80.— Do. of
the Political Administration of the Rajpootana States. — Administration of
North-West Provinces. Allahabad, 1881 .—Administration of Central Pro-
vinces. Nagpur, 1881.— Report on the Administration of the Bombay
Presidency, 1880-81.— Professional Papers of Indian Engineering. 2nd
series, vol. x. Roorkee, 1881.— Administration of the Madras Presidency,

. 1880-81.— Do. Bengal, 1880-81.— Do. Coorg, 1880-81.— Report on Public*
Instruction in Bengal, 1881.— Sanskrit MSS., N.W. Provinces, part 6,
1881.— Do. Do. in Oude for 1880.— Chronological Tables of Southern

ox,

ANNUAL BEPORT OF THE

[May,

India, vol. xviii. pts. 1, 2, 3, — Manual of the Geology of India, pt. 3, hy
Y. Ball. — Memoirs of the Geological Survey of India, vol. xviii. pts. 1, 2, 3#
— Records of Geological Survey, vol. xv. pt. 1. — Report on the Adminis-
tration of British Burma.- — Manual of Indian Timbers. Calcutta, 1881.—
Report of tho Administration of the Punjab, 1880-81.

From tho Government of Bengal. Report of the Administrations of tins Customs
Department. — Meteorological Observations recorded at six stations in India,
by II. F, Blanford, F.R.S. 1881. — Geological Survey of India, Palmon-
tologia Indica, vol. xiv. — Geological Survey of India, vol. vL 1860.

Government of Madras. Animal Report on the Civil Hospitals and

Dispensaries in the Madras Presidency, 1879.— Report, on Public Instruction,
1879-80. — Annual Report of Lying-in Hospital, 1881.— Annual Report of
Civil Hospitals and Dispensaries.

Government of Bombay, Archaeological Survey of India, No. 10,—

Bombay Magnetical Observations, 1881.

Hindu Tribes and Castes, by Rev, M. A. Sherri ng, vol. ill, Calcutta,

1881.— Manual of Indian Timbers by J. S. Gamble. Calcutta, 1881.

Trustees of the British Museum. Catalogue of Oriental Coins, vols. vi.

andvii. — Miscellaneous Inscriptions of Assyria, vol. 6. — Catalogue of Ancient
MSS. in British Museum. Part 1, Greek.

From Sir Richard Temple, Bart,, G.C.S.I., D.G.L. u Men and Events of my
Time in India.”

A. FT. Wollaston, Esq. An English-Persian Dictionary, compiled from

original sources.

H. C. Kay, Esq. A MS, entitled “lutab al Kaimm,” by I bn Sina

(Avicenna).

Rajendra Lala. “ Indo- Aryans. Collected Essays.” 2 vols. 1,881*

F. F. Arbuthnot, Esq. Early Ideas— a group of Hindoo Stories.

Major G wynne Hughes. The Hill Tribes of Arrakan. Bombay, 1881.

J. W. Redhouse, Esq. Turkish Poems, translated by Wasifi Effrndi.

Professor GuidL Bulletino della comraissione Archeologica di Roma, viii.

and ix.

» Edwin Ransom, Esq. The Phoenix. Three Parts. May, 1873.

Bishop Caldwell, History of the District of Tinncvilly. Madras, 1881.

J. W, MeCrindle, Esq. “Ancient India, as described by Ktesias, tho

Cnidian.” — Translation of Lucian’s Memoir regarding tho death of
Peregrinus. Calcutta, 1874.

Rajendra Lala. Notices of Sanskrit MSS,, vol. v. pt. 2, Ho. xv,, vol. vi,

pt. 1, Ho. xvi.

- — D. M. Gardner, M.A., B.C.L. The Hindu and Roman Law of Adoption*
London, 18S1.

— G. Da Cunha. Konkani Language and Literature. Bombay, 1881.

* — — Capt. E. Dumergue. Machmrus, the Prison-house of St* John the Baptist.

E. J. W. Gibb, Rsq. Ottoman Poems translated into English Verso.

Glasgow, 1882.

■ Lieut.-Gen. Sir Arthur Phayte, C.B., G.C.M.G., and K.C.S.I. International

Numismata Orientalia, vol. iii. pt. 2, Coins of Arakan, etc. London, 1882.

Hyde Clarke, Esq. The Early History of tho Mediterranean Populations.

Rev* C. Yoysey. Portrait of H. W, Voywy, M.D., long known as,

a Surveyor, etc., in India, between 1810 and 1824.

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